VILLEGAGNON.
In the middle of the sixteenth century, Spain was the incubus1 of Europe. Gloomy and portentous2, she chilled the world with her baneful3 shadow. Her old feudal5 liberties were gone, absorbed in the despotism of Madrid. A tyranny of monks6 and inquisitors, with their swarms7 of spies and informers, their racks, their dungeons8, and their fagots, crushed all freedom of thought or speech; and, while the Dominican held his reign9 of terror and force, the deeper Jesuit guided the mind from infancy10 into those narrow depths of bigotry11 from which it was never to escape. Commercial despotism was joined to political and religious despotism. The hands of the government were on every branch of industry. Perverse12 regulations, uncertain and ruinous taxes, monopolies, encouragements, prohibitions13, restrictions14, cramped15 the national energy. Mistress of the Indies, Spain swarmed16 with beggars. Yet, verging17 to decay, she had an ominous18 and appalling19 strength. Her condition was that of an athletic20 man penetrated21 with disease, which had not yet unstrung the thews and sinews formed in his days of vigor22. Philip the Second could command the service of warriors23 and statesmen developed in the years that were past. The gathered energies of ruined feudalism were wielded24 by a single hand. The mysterious King, in his den25 in the Escorial, dreary26 and silent, and bent27 like a scribe over his papers, was the type and the champion of arbitrary power. More than the Pope himself, he was the head of Catholicity. In doctrine28 and in deed, the inexorable bigotry of Madrid was ever in advance of Rome.
Not so with France. She was full of life,—a discordant29 and struggling vitality30. Her monks and priests, unlike those of Spain, were rarely either fanatics31 or bigots; yet not the less did they ply32 the rack and the fagot, and howl for heretic blood. Their all was at stake: their vast power, their bloated wealth, were wrapped up in the ancient faith. Men were burned, and women buried alive. All was in vain. To the utmost bounds of France, the leaven33 of the Reform was working. The Huguenots, fugitives34 from torture and death, found an asylum35 at Geneva, their city of refuge, gathering36 around Calvin, their great high-priest. Thence intrepid37 colporteurs, their lives in their hands, bore the Bible and the psalm-book to city, hamlet, and castle, to feed the rising flame. The scattered38 churches, pressed by a common danger, began to organize. An ecclesiastical republic spread its ramifications39 through France, and grew underground to a vigorous life,—pacific at the outset, for the great body of its members were the quiet bourgeoisie, by habit, as by faith, averse40 to violence. Yet a potent41 fraction of the warlike noblesse were also of the new faith; and above them all, preeminent42 in character as in station, stood Gaspar de Coligny, Admiral of France.
The old palace of the Louvre, reared by the "Roi Chevalier" on the site of those dreary feudal towers which of old had guarded the banks of the Seine, held within its sculptured masonry43 the worthless brood of Valois. Corruption44 and intrigue45 ran riot at the court. Factious46 nobles, bishops47, and cardinals49, with no God but pleasure and ambition, contended around the throne or the sick-bed of the futile50 King. Catherine de Medicis, with her stately form, her mean spirit, her bad heart, and her fathomless51 depths of duplicity, strove by every subtle art to hold the balance of power among them. The bold, pitiless, insatiable Guise52, and his brother the Cardinal48 of Lorraine, the incarnation of falsehood, rested their ambition on the Catholic party. Their army was a legion of priests, and the black swarms of countless53 monasteries54, who by the distribution of alms held in pay the rabble55 of cities and starving peasants on the lands of impoverished56 nobles. Montmorency, Conde, and Navarre leaned towards the Reform,—doubtful and inconstant chiefs, whose faith weighed light against their interests. Yet, amid vacillation57, selfishness, weakness, treachery, one great man was like a tower of trust, and this was Gaspar de Coligny.
Firm in his convictions, steeled by perils58 and endurance, calm, sagacious, resolute59, grave even to severity, a valiant60 and redoubted soldier, Coligny looked abroad on the gathering storm and read its danger in advance. He saw a strange depravity of manners; bribery61 and violence overriding62 justice; discontented nobles, and peasants ground down with taxes. In the midst of this rottenness, the Calvinistic churches, patient and stern, were fast gathering to themselves the better life of the nation. Among and around them tossed the surges of clerical hate. Luxurious63 priests and libertine64 monks saw their disorders65 rebuked66 by the grave virtues67 of the Protestant zealots. Their broad lands, their rich endowments, their vessels69 of silver and of gold, their dominion71 over souls,—in itself a revenue,—were all imperiled by the growing heresy72. Nor was the Reform less exacting73, less intolerant, or, when its hour came, less aggressive than the ancient faith. The storm was thickening, and it must burst soon.
When the Emperor Charles the Fifth beleaguered74 Algiers, his camps were deluged75 by a blinding tempest, and at its height the infidels made a furious sally. A hundred Knights76 of Malta, on foot, wearing over their armor surcoats of crimson78 blazoned79 with the white cross, bore the brunt of the assault. Conspicuous80 among them was Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon. A Moorish81 cavalier, rushing upon him, pierced his arm with a lance, and wheeled to repeat the blow; but the knight77 leaped on the infidel, stabbed him with his dagger82, flung him from his horse, and mounted in his place. Again, a Moslem83 host landed in Malta and beset84 the Cite Notable. The garrison85 was weak, disheartened, and without a leader. Villegagnon with six followers86, all friends of his own, passed under cover of night through the infidel leaguer, climbed the walls by ropes lowered from above, took command, repaired the shattered towers, aiding with his own hands in the work, and animated87 the garrison to a resistance so stubborn that the besiegers lost heart and betook themselves to their galleys88. No less was he an able and accomplished89 mariner90, prominent among that chivalry91 of the sea who held the perilous92 verge93 of Christendom against the Mussuhuan. He claimed other laurels94 than those of the sword. He was a scholar, a linguist95, a controversialist, potent with the tongue and with the pen, commanding in presence, eloquent96 and persuasive97 in discourse98. Yet this Crichton of France had proved himself an associate nowise desirable. His sleepless99 intellect was matched with a spirit as restless, vain, unstable100, and ambitious, as it was enterprising and bold. Addicted101 to dissent102, and enamoured of polemics103, he entered those forbidden fields of inquiry104 and controversy105 to which the Reform invited him. Undaunted by his monastic vows106, he battled for heresy with tongue and pen, and in the ear of Protestants professed107 himself a Protestant. As a Commander of his Order, he quarreled with the Grand Master, a domineering Spaniard; and, as Vice-Admiral of Brittany, he was deep in a feud4 with the Governor of Brest. Disgusted at home, his fancy crossed the seas. He aspired108 to build for France and himself an empire amid the tropical splendors109 of Brazil. Few could match him in the gift of persuasion110; and the intrepid seamen111 whose skill and valor112 had run the gantlet of the English fleet, and borne Mary Stuart of Scotland in safety to her espousals with the Dauphin, might well be intrusted with a charge of moment so far inferior. Henry the Second was still on the throne. The lance of Montgomery had not yet rid France of that infliction113. To win a share in the rich domain114 of the New World, of which Portuguese115 and Spanish arrogance116 claimed the monopoly, was the end held by Villegagnon before the eyes of the King. Of the Huguenots, he said not a word. For Coligny he had another language. He spoke117 of an asylum for persecuted118 religion, a Geneva in the wilderness119, far from priests and monks and Francis of Guise. The Admiral gave him a ready ear; if, indeed, he himself had not first conceived the plan. Yet to the King, an active burner of Huguenots, Coligny too urged it as an enterprise, not for the Faith, but for France. In secret, Geneva was made privy120 to it, and Calvin himself embraced it with zeal68. The enterprise, in fact, had a double character, political as well as religious. It was the reply of France, the most emphatic121 she had yet made, to the Papal bull which gave all the western hemisphere to Portugal and Spain; and, as if to point her answer, she sent, not Frenchmen only, but Protestant Frenchmen, to plant the fleur-de-lis on the shores of the New World.
Two vessels were made ready, in the name of the King. The body of the emigration was Huguenot, mingled122 with young nobles, restless, idle, and poor, with reckless artisans, and piratical sailors from the Norman and Breton seaports123. They put to sea from Havre on the twelfth of July, 1555, and early in November saw the shores of Brazil. Entering the harbor of Rio Janeiro, then called Ganabara, Villegagnon landed men and stores on an island, built huts, and threw up earthworks. In anticipation124 of future triumphs, the whole continent, by a strange perversion125 of language, was called Antarctic France, while the fort received the name of Coligny.
Villegagnon signalized his new-born Protestantism by an intolerable solicitude126 for the manners and morals of his followers. The whip and the pillory127 requited128 the least offence. The wild and discordant crew, starved and flogged for a season into submission129, conspired130 at length to rid themselves of him; but while they debated whether to poison him, blow him up, or murder him and his officers in their sleep, three Scotch131 soldiers, probably Calvinists, revealed the plot, and the vigorous hand of the commandant crushed it in the bud.
But how was the colony to subsist132? Their island was too small for culture, while the mainland was infested133 with hostile tribes, and threatened by the Portuguese, who regarded the French occupancy as a violation134 of their domain.
Meanwhile, in France, Huguenot influence, aided by ardent135 letters sent home by Villegagnon in the returning ships, was urging on the work. Nor were the Catholic chiefs averse to an enterprise which, by colonizing136 heresy, might tend to relieve France of its presence. Another embarkation137 was prepared, in the name of Henry the Second, under Bois-Lecomte, a nephew of Villegagnon. Most of the emigrants138 were Huguenots. Geneva sent a large deputation, and among them several ministers, full of zeal for their land of promise and their new church in the wilderness. There were five young women, also, with a matron to watch over them. Soldiers, emigrants, and sailors, two hundred and ninety in all, were embarked139 in three vessels; and, to the sound of cannon140, drums, fifes, and trumpets141, they unfurled their sails at Honfleur. They were no sooner on the high seas than the piratical character of the Norman sailors, in no way exceptional at that day, began to declare itself. They hailed every vessel70 weaker than themselves, pretended to be short of provisions, and demanded leave to buy them; then, boarding the stranger, plundered142 her from stem to stern. After a passage of four months, on the ninth of March, 1557, they entered the port of Ganabara, and saw the fleur-de-lis floating above the walls of Fort Coligny. Amid salutes143 of cannon, the boats, crowded with sea-worn emigrants, moved towards the landing. It was an edifying144 scene when Villegagnon, in the picturesque145 attire146 which marked the warlike nobles of the period, came down to the shore to greet the sombre ministers of Calvin. With hands uplifted and eyes raised to heaven, he bade them welcome to the new asylum of the faithful; then launched into a long harangue147 full of zeal and unction. His discourse finished, he led the way to the dining-hall. If the redundancy of spiritual aliment had surpassed their expectations, the ministers were little prepared for the meagre provision which awaited their temporal cravings; for, with appetites whetted148 by the sea, they found themselves seated at a board whereof, as one of them complains the choicest dish was a dried fish, and the only beverage149 rain-water. They found their consolation150 in the inward graces of the commandant, whom they likened to the Apostle Paul.
For a time all was ardor151 and hope. Men of birth and station, and the ministers themselves, labored152 with pick and shovel153 to finish the fort. Every day exhortations154, sermons, prayers, followed in close succession, and Villegagnon was always present, kneeling on a velvet155 cushion brought after him by a page. Soon, however, he fell into sharp controversy with the ministers upon points of faith. Among the emigrants was a student of the Sorbonne, one Cointac, between whom and the ministers arose a fierce and unintermitted war of words. Is it lawful156 to mix water with the wine of the Eucharist? May the sacramental bread be made of meal of Indian corn? These and similar points of dispute filled the fort with wranglings, begetting157 cliques158, factions159, and feuds160 without number. Villegagnon took part with the student, and between them they devised a new doctrine, abhorrent161 alike to Geneva and to Rome. The advent162 of this nondescript heresy was the signal of redoubled strife163. The dogmatic stiffness of the Geneva ministers chafed164 Villegagnon to fury. He felt himself, too, in a false position. On one side he depended on the Protestant, Coligny; on the other, he feared the Court. There were Catholics in the colony who might report him as an open heretic. On this point his doubts were set at rest; for a ship from France brought him a letter from the Cardinal of Lorraine, couched, it is said, in terms which restored him forthwith to the bosom165 of the Church. Villegagnon now affirmed that he had been deceived in Calvin, and pronounced him a "frightful166 heretic." He became despotic beyond measure, and would bear no opposition167. The ministers, reduced nearly to starvation, found themselves under a tyranny worse than that from which they had fled.
At length he drove them from the fort, and forced them to bivouac on the mainland, at the risk of being butchered by Indians, until a vessel loading with Brazil-wood in the harbor should be ready to carry them back to France. Having rid himself of the ministers, he caused three of the more zealous168 Calvinists to be seized, dragged to the edge of a rock, and thrown into the sea. A fourth, equally obnoxious169, but who, being a tailor, could ill be spared, was permitted to live on condition of recantation. Then, mustering170 the colonists171, he warned them to shun172 the heresies173 of Luther and Calvin; threatened that all who openly professed those detestable doctrines174 should share the fate of their three comrades; and, his harangue over, feasted the whole assembly, in token, says the narrator, of joy and triumph.
Meanwhile, in their crazy vessel, the banished175 ministers drifted slowly on their way. Storms fell upon them, their provisions failed, their water-casks were empty, and, tossing in the wilderness of waves, or rocking on the long swells176 of subsiding177 gales178, they sank almost to despair. In their famine they chewed the Brazil-wood with which the vessel was laden179, devoured180 every scrap181 of leather, singed182 and ate the horn of lanterns, hunted rats through the hold, and sold them to each other at enormous prices. At length, stretched on the deck, sick, listless, attenuated183, and scarcely able to move a limb, they descried184 across the waste of sea the faint, cloud-like line that marked the coast of Brittany. Their perils were not past; for, if we may believe one of them, Jean de Lery, they bore a sealed letter from Villegagnon to the magistrates185 of the first French port at which they might arrive. It denounced them as heretics, worthy186 to be burned. Happily, the magistrates leaned to the Reform, and the malice187 of the commandant failed of its victims.
Villegagnon himself soon sailed for France, leaving the wretched colony to its fate. He presently entered the lists against Calvin, and engaged him in a hot controversial war, in which, according to some of his contemporaries, the knight often worsted the theologian at his own weapons. Before the year 1558 was closed, Ganabara fell a prey188 to the Portuguese. They set upon it in force, battered189 down the fort, and slew190 the feeble garrison, or drove them to a miserable191 refuge among the Indians. Spain and Portugal made good their claim to the vast domain, the mighty192 vegetation, and undeveloped riches of "Antarctic France."
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1
incubus
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| n.负担；恶梦 | |
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portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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verging
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| 接近，逼近（verge的现在分词形式） | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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ply
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| v.(搬运工等)等候顾客，弯曲 | |
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leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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preeminent
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的 | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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fathomless
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| a.深不可测的 | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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overriding
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| a.最主要的 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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libertine
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| n.淫荡者；adj.放荡的，自由思想的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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66
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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68
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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69
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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70
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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71
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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72
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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73
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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74
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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75
deluged
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| v.使淹没( deluge的过去式和过去分词 )；淹没；被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没；穷于应付 | |
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76
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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77
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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78
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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79
blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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80
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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81
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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82
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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83
Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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84
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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85
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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86
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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87
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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88
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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89
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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90
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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91
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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92
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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93
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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94
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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95
linguist
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| n.语言学家；精通数种外国语言者 | |
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96
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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97
persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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98
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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99
sleepless
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| adj.不睡眠的，睡不著的，不休息的 | |
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100
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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101
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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102
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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103
polemics
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| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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104
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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105
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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106
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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107
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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108
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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110
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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111
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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112
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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113
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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114
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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115
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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116
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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117
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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118
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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119
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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120
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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121
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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122
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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123
seaports
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| n.海港( seaport的名词复数 ) | |
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124
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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125
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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126
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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127
pillory
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| n.嘲弄；v.使受公众嘲笑；将…示众 | |
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128
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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129
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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130
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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131
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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132
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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133
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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134
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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135
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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136
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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137
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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138
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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139
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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140
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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141
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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142
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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144
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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145
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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146
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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147
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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148
whetted
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| v.（在石头上）磨（刀、斧等）( whet的过去式和过去分词 )；引起，刺激（食欲、欲望、兴趣等） | |
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149
beverage
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| n.(水，酒等之外的)饮料 | |
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150
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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151
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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152
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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153
shovel
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| n.铁锨，铲子，一铲之量；v.铲，铲出 | |
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154
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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155
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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156
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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157
begetting
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| v.为…之生父( beget的现在分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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158
cliques
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| n.小集团，小圈子，派系( clique的名词复数 ) | |
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159
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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160
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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161
abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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162
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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163
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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164
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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165
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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166
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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167
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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168
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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169
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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170
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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171
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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172
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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173
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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174
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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175
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
swells
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| 增强( swell的第三人称单数 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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177
subsiding
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的现在分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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178
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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179
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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180
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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181
scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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182
singed
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| v.浅表烧焦( singe的过去式和过去分词 )；（毛发）燎，烧焦尖端[边儿] | |
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183
attenuated
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|
| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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184
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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185
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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186
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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187
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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188
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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189
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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190
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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191
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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192
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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