At Quebec the signs of growth were faint and few. By the water-side, under the cliff, the so-called "habitation," built in haste eight years before, was already tottering2, and Champlain was forced to rebuild it. On the verge3 of the rock above, where now are seen the buttresses4 of the demolished5 castle of St. Louis, he began, in 1620, a fort, behind which were fields and a few buildings. A mile or more distant, by the bank of the St. Charles, where the General Hospital now stands, the Recollets, in the same year, built for themselves a small stone house, with ditches and outworks for defence; and here they began a farm, the stock consisting of several hogs6, a pair of asses7, a pair of geese, seven pairs of fowls8, and four pairs of ducks. The only other agriculturist in the colony was Louis Hebert, who had come to Canada in 1617 with a wife and three children, and who made a house for himself on the rock, at a little distance from Champlain's fort.
Besides Quebec, there were the three trading-stations of Montreal, Three Rivers, and Tadoussac, occupied during a part of the year. Of these, Tadoussac was still the most important. Landing here from France in 1617, the Recollet Paul Huet said mass for the first time in a chapel9 built of branches, while two sailors standing10 beside him waved green boughs11 to drive off the mosquitoes. Thither12 afterward13 came Brother Gervais Mohier, newly arrived in Canada; and meeting a crowd of Indians in festal attire14, he was frightened at first, suspecting that they might be demons15. Being invited by them to a feast, and told that he must not decline, he took his place among a party of two hundred, squatted16 about four large kettles full of fish, bear's meat, pease, and plums, mixed with figs17, raisins18, and biscuit procured19 at great cost from the traders, the whole boiled together and well stirred with a canoe-paddle. As the guest did no honor to the portion set before him, his entertainers tried to tempt20 his appetite with a large lump of bear's fat, a supreme21 luxury in their eyes. This only increased his embarrassment22, and he took a hasty leave, uttering the ejaculation, "ho, ho, ho!" which, as he had been correctly informed, was the proper mode of acknowledgment to the master of the feast.
A change had now begun in the life of Champlain. His forest rovings were over. To battle with savages23 and the elements was more congenial with his nature than to nurse a puny24 colony into growth and strength; yet to each task he gave himself with the same strong devotion.
His difficulties were great. Quebec was half trading-factory, half mission. Its permanent inmates25 did not exceed fifty or sixty persons,—fur-traders, friars, and two or three wretched families, who had no inducement, and little wish, to labor26. The fort is facetiously27 represented as having two old women for garrison28, and a brace29 of hens for sentinels. All was discord30 and disorder31. Champlain was the nominal32 commander; but the actual authority was with the merchants, who held, excepting the friars, nearly everybody in their pay. Each was jealous of the other, but all were united in a common jealousy33 of Champlain. The few families whom they brought over were forbidden to trade with the Indians, and compelled to sell the fruits of their labor to the agents of the company at a low, fixed34 price, receiving goods in return at an inordinate35 valuation. Some of the merchants were of Ronen, some of St. Malo; some were Catholics, some were Huguenots. Hence unceasing bickerings. All exercise of the Reformed religion, on land or water, was prohibited within the limits of New France; but the Huguenots set the prohibition36 at naught37, roaring their heretical psalmody with such vigor38 from their ships in the river that the unhallowed strains polluted the ears of the Indians on shore. The merchants of Rochelle, who had refused to join the company, carried on a bold illicit39 traffic along the borders of the St. Lawrence, endangering the colony by selling fire-arms to the Indians, eluding40 pursuit, or, if hard pressed, showing fight; and this was a source of perpetual irritation41 to the incensed42 monopolists.
The colony could not increase. The company of merchants, though pledged to promote its growth, did what they could to prevent it. They were fur-traders, and the interests of the fur-trade are always opposed to those of settlement and population. They feared, too, and with reason, that their monopoly might be suddenly revoked44, like that of De Monts, and they thought only of making profit from it while it lasted. They had no permanent stake in the country; nor had the men in their employ, who formed nearly all the scanty45 population of Canada. Few, if any, of these had brought wives to the colony, and none of them thought of cultivating the soil. They formed a floating population, kept from starving by yearly supplies from France.
Champlain, in his singularly trying position, displayed a mingled46 zeal47 and fortitude48. He went every year to France, laboring49 for the interests of the colony. To throw open the trade to all competitors was a measure beyond the wisdom of the times; and he hoped only to bind50 and regulate the monopoly so as to make it subserve the generous purpose to which he had given himself. The imprisonment51 of Conde was a source of fresh embarrassment; but the young Duo de Montmorency assumed his place, purchasing from him the profitable lieuteuancy of New France for eleven thousand crowns, and continuing Champlain in command. Champlain had succeeded in binding52 the company of merchants with new and more stringent53 engagements; and, in the vain belief that these might not be wholly broken, he began to conceive fresh hopes for the colony. In this faith he embarked54 with his wife for Quebec in the spring of 1620; and, as the boat drew near the landing, the cannon55 welcomed her to the rock of her banishment56. The buildings were falling to ruin; rain entered on all sides; the courtyard, says Champlain, was as squalid and dilapidated as a grange pillaged57 by soldiers. Madame de Champlain was still very young. If the Ursuline tradition is to be trusted, the Indians, amazed at her beauty and touched by her gentleness, would have worshipped her as a divinity. Her husband had married her at the age of twelve when, to his horror, he presently discovered that she was infected with the heresies58 of her father, a disguised Huguenot. He addressed himself at once to her conversion59, and his pious60 efforts were something more than successful. During the four years which she passed in Canada, her zeal, it is true, was chiefly exercised in admonishing61 Indian squaws and catechising their children; but, on her return to France, nothing would content her but to become a nun62. Champlain refused; but, as she was childless, he at length consented to a virtual though not formal separation. After his death she gained her wish, became an Ursuline nun, founded a convent of that order at Meaux, and died with a reputation almost saintly.
At Quebec, matters grew from bad to worse. The few emigrants63, with no inducement to labor, fell into a lazy apathy64, lounging about the trading-houses, gaming, drinking when drink could be had, or roving into the woods on vagabond hunting excursions. The Indians could not be trusted. In the year 1617 they had murdered two men near the end of the Island of Orleans. Frightened at what they had done, and incited65 perhaps by other causes, the Montagnais and their kindred bands mustered66 at Three Rivers to the number of eight hundred, resolved to destroy the French. The secret was betrayed; and the childish multitude, naked and famishing, became suppliants67 to their intended victims for the means of life. The French, themselves at the point of starvation, could give little or nothing. An enemy far more formidable awaited them; and now were seen the fruits of Champlain's intermeddling in Indian wars. In the summer of 1622, the Iroquois descended68 upon the settlement. A strong party of their warriors69 hovered70 about Quebec, but, still fearful of the arquebuse, forbore to attack it, and assailed71 the Recollet convent on the St. Charles. The prudent72 friars had fortified73 themselves. While some prayed in the chapel, the rest, with their Indian converts, manned the walls. The Iroquois respected their palisades and demi-lunes, and withdrew, after burning two Huron prisoners.
Yielding at length to reiterated74 complaints, the Viceroy Montmorency suppressed the company of St. Malo and Rouen, and conferred the trade of New France, burdened with similar conditions destined75 to be similarly broken, on two Huguenots, William and emery de Caen. The change was a signal for fresh disorders76. The enraged77 monopolists refused to yield. The rival traders filled Quebec with their quarrels; and Champlain, seeing his authority set at naught, was forced to occupy his newly built fort with a band of armed followers78. The evil rose to such a pitch that he joined with the Recollets and the better-disposed among the colonists79 in sending one of the friars to lay their grievances81 before the King. The dispute was compromised by a temporary union of the two companies, together with a variety of arrets and regulations, suited, it was thought, to restore tranquillity82.
A new change was at hand. Montmorency, tired of his viceroyalty, which gave him ceaseless annoyance83, sold it to his nephew, Henri de Levis, Duc de Ventadour. It was no worldly motive84 which prompted this young nobleman to assume the burden of fostering the infancy85 of New France. He had retired86 from the court, and entered into holy orders. For trade and colonization87 he cared nothing; the conversion of infidels was his sole care. The Jesuits had the keeping of his conscience, and in his eyes they were the most fitting instruments for his purpose. The Recollets, it is true, had labored88 with an unflagging devotion. The six friars of their Order—for this was the number which the Calvinist Caen had bound himself to support—had established five distinct missions, extending from Acadia to the borders of Lake Huron; but the field was too vast for their powers. Ostensibly by a spontaneous movement of their own, but in reality, it is probable, under influences brought to bear on them from without, the Recollets applied89 for the assistance of the Jesuits, who, strong in resources as in energy, would not be compelled to rest on the reluctant support of Huguenots. Three of their brotherhood—Charles Lalemant, Enemond Masse, and Jean de Brebeuf—accordingly embarked; and, fourteen years after Biard and Masse had landed in Acadia, Canada beheld90 for the first time those whose names stand so prominent in her annals,—the mysterious followers of Loyola. Their reception was most inauspicious. Champlain was absent. Caen would not lodge92 them in the fort; the traders would not admit them to their houses. Nothing seemed left for them but to return as they came; when a boat, bearing several Recollets, approached the ship to proffer93 them the hospitalities of the convent on the St. Charles. They accepted the proffer, and became guests of the charitable friars, who nevertheless entertained a lurking94 jealousy of these formidable co-workers.
The Jesuits soon unearthed95 and publicly burnt a libel against their Order belonging to some of the traders. Their strength was soon increased. The Fathers Noirot and De la Noue landed, with twenty laborers96, and the Jesuits were no longer houseless. Brebeuf set forth97 for the arduous98 mission of the Hurons; but on arriving at Trois Rivieres he learned that one of his Franciscan predecessors99, Nicolas Viel, had recently been drowned by Indians of that tribe, in the rapid behind Montreal, known to this day as the Saut au Recollet. Less ambitious for martyrdom than he afterwards approved himself, he postponed100 his voyage to a more auspicious91 season. In the following spring he renewed the attempt, in company with De la Noue and one of the friars. The Indians, however, refused to receive him into their canoes, alleging101 that his tall and portly frame would overset them; and it was only by dint102 of many presents that their pretended scruples103 could be conquered. Brebeuf embarked with his companions, and, after months of toil104, reached the barbarous scene of his labors105, his sufferings, and his death.
Meanwhile the Viceroy had been deeply scandalized by the contumacious106 heresy107 of Emery de Caen, who not only assembled his Huguenot sailors at prayers, but forced Catholics to join them. He was ordered thenceforth to prohibit his crews from all praying and psalm-singing on the river St. Lawrence. The crews revolted, and a compromise was made. It was agreed that for the present they might pray, but not sing. "A bad bargain," says the pious Champlain, "but we made the best of it we could." Caen, enraged at the Viceroy's reproofs108, lost no opportunity to vent43 his spleen against the Jesuits, whom he cordially hated.
Eighteen years had passed since the founding of Quebec, and still the colony could scarcely be said to exist but in the founder's brain. Those who should have been its support were engrossed109 by trade or propagandism. Champlain might look back on fruitless toils110, hopes deferred111, a life spent seemingly in vain. The population of Quebec had risen to a hundred and five persons, men, women, and children. Of these, one or two families only had learned to support themselves from the products of the soil. All withered112 under the monopoly of the Caens. Champlain had long desired to rebuild the fort, which was weak and ruinous; but the merchants would not grant the men and means which, by their charter, they were bound to furnish. At length, however, his urgency in part prevailed, and the work began to advance. Meanwhile the Caens and their associates had greatly prospered113, paying, it is said, an annual dividend114 of forty per cent. In a single year they brought from Canada twenty-two thousand beaver115 skins, though the usual number did not exceed twelve or fifteen thousand.
While infant Canada was thus struggling into a half-stifled being, the foundation of a commonwealth116 destined to a marvellous vigor of development had been laid on the Rock of Plymouth. In their character, as in their destiny, the rivals were widely different; yet, at the outset, New England was unfaithful to the principle of freedom. New England Protestantism appealed to Liberty, then closed the door against her; for all Protestantism is an appeal from priestly authority to the right of private judgment117, and the New England Puritan, after claiming this right for himself, denied it to all who differed with him. On a stock of freedom he grafted118 a scion119 of despotism; yet the vital juices of the root penetrated120 at last to the uttermost branches, and nourished them to an irrepressible strength and expansion. With New France it was otherwise. She was consistent to the last. Root, stem, and branch, she was the nursling of authority. Deadly absolutism blighted121 her early and her later growth. Friars and Jesuits, a Ventadour and a Richelieu, shaped her destinies. All that conflicted against advancing liberty—the centralized power of the crown and the tiara, the ultramontane in religion, the despotic in policy—found their fullest expression and most fatal exercise. Her records shine with glorious deeds, the self-devotion of heroes and of martyrs122; and the result of all is disorder, imbecility, ruin.
The great champion of absolutism, Richelieu, was now supreme in France. His thin frame, pale cheek, and cold, calm eye, concealed123 an inexorable will and a mind of vast capacity, armed with all the resources of boldness and of craft. Under his potent124 agency, the royal power, in the weak hands of Louis the Thirteenth, waxed and strengthened daily, triumphing over the factions125 of the court, the turbulence126 of the Huguenots, the ambitious independence of the nobles, and all the elements of anarchy127 which, since the death of Henry the Fourth, had risen into fresh life. With no friends and a thousand enemies, disliked and feared by the pitiful King whom he served, making his tool by turns of every party and of every principle, he advanced by countless128 crooked129 paths towards his object,—the greatness of France under a concentrated and undivided authority.
In the midst of more urgent cares, he addressed himself to fostering the commercial and naval130 power. Montmorency then held the ancient charge of Admiral of France. Richelieu bought it, suppressed it, and, in its stead, constituted himself Grand Master and Superintendent131 of Navigation and Commerce. In this new capacity, the mismanaged affairs of New France were not long concealed from him; and he applied a prompt and powerful remedy. The privileges of the Caens were annulled132. A company was formed, to consist of a hundred associates, and to be called the Company of New France. Richelieu himself was the head, and the Marechal Deffiat and other men of rank, besides many merchants and burghers of condition, were members. The whole of New France, from Florida to the Arctic Circle, and from Newfoundland to the sources of the—St. Lawrence and its tributary133 waters, was conferred on them forever, with the attributes of sovereign power. A perpetual monopoly of the fur-trade was granted them, with a monopoly of all other commerce within the limits of their government for fifteen years. The trade of the colony was declared free, for the same period, from all duties and imposts. Nobles, officers, and ecclesiastics134, members of the Company, might engage in commercial pursuits without derogating from the privileges of their order; and, in evidence of his good-will, the King gave them two ships of war, armed and equipped.
On their part, the Company were bound to convey to New France during the next year, 1628, two or three hundred men of all trades, and before the year 1643 to increase the number to four thousand persons, of both sexes; to lodge and support them for three years; and, this time expired, to give them cleared lands for their maintenance. Every settler must be a Frenchman and a Catholic; and for every new settlement at least three ecclesiastics must be provided. Thus was New France to be forever free from the taint135 of heresy. The stain of her infancy was to be wiped away. Against the foreigner and the Huguenot the door was closed and barred. England threw open her colonies to all who wished to enter,—to the suffering and oppressed, the bold, active, and enterprising. France shut out those who wished to come, and admitted only those who did not,—the favored class who clung to the old faith and had no motive or disposition136 to leave their homes. English colonization obeyed a natural law, and sailed with wind and tide; French colonization spent its whole struggling existence in futile137 efforts to make head against them. The English colonist80 developed inherited freedom on a virgin138 soil; the French colonist was pursued across the Atlantic by a paternal139 despotism better in intention and more withering140 in effect than that which he left behind. If, instead of excluding Huguenots, France had given them an asylum141 in the west, and left them there to work out their own destinies, Canada would never have been a British province, and the United States would have shared their vast domain142 with a vigorous population of self-governing Frenchmen.
A trading company was now feudal143 proprietor144 of all domains145 in North America within the claim of France. Fealty146 and homage147 on its part, and on the part of the Crown the appointment of supreme judicial148 officers, and the confirmation149 of the titles of dukes, marquises, counts, and barons150, were the only reservations. The King heaped favors on the new corporation. Twelve of the bourgeois151 members were ennobled; while artisans and even manufacturers were tempted152, by extraordinary privileges, to emigrate to the New World. The associates, of whom Champlain was one, entered upon their functions with a capital of three hundred thousand livres.
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1
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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buttresses
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| n.扶壁，扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑，加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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asses
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| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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8
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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figs
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| figures 数字，图形，外形 | |
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raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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facetiously
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| adv.爱开玩笑地；滑稽地，爱开玩笑地 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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brace
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| n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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eluding
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的现在分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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48
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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50
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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51
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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52
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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53
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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54
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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55
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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56
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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57
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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59
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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60
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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61
admonishing
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| v.劝告( admonish的现在分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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62
nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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63
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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64
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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65
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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67
suppliants
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| n.恳求者，哀求者( suppliant的名词复数 ) | |
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68
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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69
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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70
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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71
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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72
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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73
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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74
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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76
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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77
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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78
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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79
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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80
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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81
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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82
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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83
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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84
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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85
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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86
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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87
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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88
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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89
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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90
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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91
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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92
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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93
proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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94
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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95
unearthed
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| 出土的（考古） | |
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96
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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97
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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98
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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99
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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100
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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101
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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102
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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103
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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104
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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105
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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106
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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107
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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108
reproofs
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| n.责备，责难，指责( reproof的名词复数 ) | |
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109
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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110
toils
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| 网 | |
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111
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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112
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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113
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
dividend
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| n.红利，股息；回报，效益 | |
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115
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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116
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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117
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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118
grafted
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| 移植( graft的过去式和过去分词 )； 嫁接； 使（思想、制度等）成为（…的一部份）； 植根 | |
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119
scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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120
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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121
blighted
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| adj.枯萎的，摧毁的 | |
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122
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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123
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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124
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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125
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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126
turbulence
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| n.喧嚣，狂暴，骚乱，湍流 | |
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127
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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128
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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129
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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130
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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131
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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132
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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133
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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134
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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135
taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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136
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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137
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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138
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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139
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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140
withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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141
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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142
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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143
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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144
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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145
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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146
fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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147
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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148
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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149
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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150
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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151
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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152
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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