VILLEMARIE DE MONTREAL.
Dauversiére and the Voice from Heaven ? Abbé Olier ? Their Schemes ? The Society of Notre-Dame1 de Montreal ? Maisonneuve ? Devout2 Ladies ? Mademoiselle Mance ? Marguerite Bourgeoys ? The Montrealists at Quebec ? Jealousy4 ? Quarrels ? Romance and Devotion ? Embarkation5 ? Foundation of Montreal
We come now to an enterprise as singular in its character as it proved important in its results.
At La Flèche, in Anjou, dwelt one Jér?me le Royer de la Dauversière, receiver of taxes. His portrait shows us a round, bourgeois7 face, somewhat heavy perhaps, decorated with a slight moustache, and redeemed8 by bright and earnest eyes. On his head he wears a black skull-cap; and over his ample shoulders spreads a stiff white collar, of wide expanse and studious plainness. Though he belonged to the noblesse, his look is that of a grave burgher, of good renown9 and sage10 deportment. Dauversière was, however, an enthusiastic devotee, of mystical tendencies, who whipped himself with a scourge12 of small chains till his shoulders were one wound, wore a belt with more 189 than twelve hundred sharp points, and invented for himself other torments13, which filled his confessor with admiration14. [1] One day, while at his devotions, he heard an inward voice commanding him to become the founder15 of a new Order of hospital nuns16; and he was further ordered to establish, on the island called Montreal, in Canada, a hospital, or H?tel-Dieu, to be conducted by these nuns. But Montreal was a wilderness18, and the hospital would have no patients. Therefore, in order to supply them, the island must first be colonized19. Dauversière was greatly perplexed20. On the one hand, the voice of Heaven must be obeyed; on the other, he had a wife, six children, and a very moderate fortune. [2]
[1] Fancamp in Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance. Introduction.
[2] Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance, Introduction; Dollier de Casson, Hist. de Montreal, MS.; Les Véritables Motifs21 des Messieurs et Dames22 de Montreal, 25; Juchereau, 33.
Again: there was at Paris a young priest, about twenty-eight years of age,—Jean Jacques Olier, afterwards widely known as founder of the Seminary of St. Sulpice. Judged by his engraved24 portrait, his countenance25, though marked both with energy and intellect, was anything but prepossessing. Every lineament proclaims the priest. Yet the Abbé Olier has high titles to esteem26. He signalized his piety27, it is true, by the most disgusting exploits of self-mortification28; but, at the same time, he was strenuous29 in his efforts to reform the people and the clergy30. So zealous32 was he for good morals, that he drew upon himself the imputation33 of a leaning to the heresy34 of the Jansenists,—a 190 suspicion strengthened by his opposition35 to certain priests, who, to secure the faithful in their allegiance, justified36 them in lives of licentiousness37. [3] Yet Olier's catholicity was past attaintment, and in his horror of Jansenists he yielded to the Jesuits alone.
[3] Faillon, Vie de M. Olier, II. 188.
He was praying in the ancient church of St. Germain des Prés, when, like Dauversière, he thought he heard a voice from Heaven, saying that he was destined38 to be a light to the Gentiles. It is recorded as a mystic coincidence attending this miracle, that the choir39 was at that very time chanting the words, Lumen ad revelationem Gentium; [4] and it seems to have occurred neither to Olier nor to his biographer, that, falling on the ear of the rapt worshipper, they might have unconsciously suggested the supposed revelation. But there was a further miracle. An inward voice told Olier that he was to form a society of priests, and establish them on the island called Montreal, in Canada, for the propagation of the True Faith; and writers old and recent assert, that, while both he and Dauversière were totally ignorant of Canadian geography, they suddenly found themselves in possession, they knew not how, of the most exact details concerning Montreal, its size, shape, situation, soil, climate, and productions.
[4] Mémoires Autographes de M. Olier, cited by Faillon, in Histoire de la Colonie Fran?aise, I. 384.
The annual volumes of the Jesuit Relations, issuing from the renowned40 press of Cramoisy, were 191 at this time spread broadcast throughout France; and, in the circles of haute devotion, Canada and its missions were everywhere the themes of enthusiastic discussion; while Champlain, in his published works, had long before pointed41 out Montreal as the proper site for a settlement. But we are entering a region of miracle, and it is superfluous42 to look far for explanations. The illusion, in these cases, is a part of the history.
Dauversière pondered the revelation he had received; and the more he pondered, the more was he convinced that it came from God. He therefore set out for Paris, to find some means of accomplishing the task assigned him. Here, as he prayed before an image of the Virgin43 in the church of Notre-Dame, he fell into an ecstasy44, and beheld45 a vision. "I should be false to the integrity of history," writes his biographer, "if I did not relate it here." And he adds, that the reality of this celestial46 favor is past doubting, inasmuch as Dauversière himself told it to his daughters. Christ, the Virgin, and St. Joseph appeared before him. He saw them distinctly. Then he heard Christ ask three times of his Virgin Mother, Where can I find a faithful servant? On which, the Virgin, taking him (Dauversière) by the hand, replied, See, Lord, here is that faithful servant!—and Christ, with a benignant smile, received him into his service, promising47 to bestow48 on him wisdom and strength to do his work. [5] From Paris he went to 192 the neighboring chateau49 of Meudon, which overlooks the valley of the Seine, not far from St. Cloud. Entering the gallery of the old castle, he saw a priest approaching him. It was Olier. Now we are told that neither of these men had ever seen or heard of the other; and yet, says the pious50 historian, "impelled51 by a kind of inspiration, they knew each other at once, even to the depths of their hearts; saluted52 each other by name, as we read of St. Paul, the Hermit53, and St. Anthony, and of St. Dominic and St. Francis; and ran to embrace each other, like two friends who had met after a long separation." [6]
[5] Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance, Introduction, xxviii. The Abbé Ferland, in his Histoire du Canada, passes over the miracles in silence.
[6] Ibid., La Colonie Fran?aise, I. 390.
"Monsieur," exclaimed Olier, "I know your design, and I go to commend it to God at the holy altar."
And he went at once to say mass in the chapel55. Dauversière received the communion at his hands; and then they walked for three hours in the park, discussing their plans. They were of one mind, in respect both to objects and means; and when they parted, Olier gave Dauversière a hundred louis, saying, "This is to begin the work of God."
They proposed to found at Montreal three religious communities,—three being the mystic number,—one of secular56 priests to direct the colonists57 and convert the Indians, one of nuns to nurse the sick, and one of nuns to teach the Faith to the children, white and red. To borrow their own phrases, they would plant the banner of Christ in an abode58 of desolation and a haunt of demons59; and to this 193 end a band of priests and women were to invade the wilderness, and take post between the fangs60 of the Iroquois. But first they must make a colony, and to do so must raise money. Olier had pious and wealthy penitents61; Dauversière had a friend, the Baron62 de Fancamp, devout as himself and far richer. Anxious for his soul, and satisfied that the enterprise was an inspiration of God, he was eager to bear part in it. Olier soon found three others; and the six together formed the germ of the Society of Notre-Dame de Montreal. Among them they raised the sum of seventy-five thousand livres, equivalent to about as many dollars at the present day. [7]
[7] Dollier de Casson, Histoire de Montreal, MS.; also Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 2. Juchereau doubles the sum. Faillon agrees with Dollier.
On all that relates to the early annals of Montreal a flood of new light has been thrown by the Abbé Faillon. As a priest of St. Sulpice, he had ready access to the archives of the Seminaries of Montreal and Paris, and to numerous other ecclesiastical depositories, which would have been closed hopelessly against a layman63 and a heretic. It is impossible to commend too highly the zeal31, diligence, exactness, and extent of his conscientious64 researches. His credulity is enormous, and he is completely in sympathy with the supernaturalists of whom he writes: in other words, he identifies himself with his theme, and is indeed a fragment of the seventeenth century, still extant in the nineteenth. He is minute to prolixity65, and abounds66 in extracts and citations67 from the ancient manuscripts which his labors68 have unearthed69. In short, the Abbé is a prodigy70 of patience and industry; and if he taxes the patience of his readers, he also rewards it abundantly. Such of his original authorities as have proved accessible are before me, including a considerable number of manuscripts. Among these, that of Dollier de Casson, Histoire de Montreal, as cited above, is the most important. The copy in my possession was made from the original in the Mazarin Library.
Now to look for a moment at their plan. Their eulogists say, and with perfect truth, that, from a worldly point of view, it was mere71 folly72. The partners mutually bound themselves to seek no 194 return for the money expended73. Their profit was to be reaped in the skies: and, indeed, there was none to be reaped on earth. The feeble settlement at Quebec was at this time in danger of utter ruin; for the Iroquois, enraged74 at the attacks made on them by Champlain, had begun a fearful course of retaliation75, and the very existence of the colony trembled in the balance. But if Quebec was exposed to their ferocious76 inroads, Montreal was incomparably more so. A settlement here would be a perilous77 outpost,—a hand thrust into the jaws79 of the tiger. It would provoke attack, and lie almost in the path of the war-parties. The associates could gain nothing by the fur-trade; for they would not be allowed to share in it. On the other hand, danger apart, the place was an excellent one for a mission; for here met two great rivers: the St. Lawrence, with its countless80 tributaries81, flowed in from the west, while the Ottawa descended82 from the north; and Montreal, embraced by their uniting waters, was the key to a vast inland navigation. Thither83 the Indians would naturally resort; and thence the missionaries84 could make their way into the heart of a boundless85 heathendom. None of the ordinary motives86 of colonization87 had part in this design. It owed its conception and its birth to religious zeal alone.
The island of Montreal belonged to Lauson, former president of the great company of the Hundred Associates; and, as we have seen, his son had a monopoly of fishing in the St. Lawrence. Dauversière and Fancamp, after much diplomacy88, 195 succeeded in persuading the elder Lauson to transfer his title to them; and, as there was a defect in it, they also obtained a grant of the island from the Hundred Associates, its original owners, who, however, reserved to themselves its western extremity89 as a site for a fort and storehouses. [8] At the same time, the younger Lauson granted them a right of fishery within two leagues of the shores of the island, for which they were to make a yearly acknowledgment of ten pounds of fish. A confirmation90 of these grants was obtained from the King. Dauversière and his companions were now seigneurs of Montreal. They were empowered to appoint a governor, and to establish courts, from which there was to be an appeal to the Supreme91 Court of Quebec, supposing such to exist. They were excluded from the fur-trade, and forbidden to build castles or forts other than such as were necessary for defence against the Indians.
[8] Donation et Transport de la Concession92 de l'Isle de Montreal par23 M. Jean de Lauzon aux Sieurs Chevrier de Fouancant (Fancamp) et le Royer de la Doversière, MS.
Concession d'une Partie de l'Isle de Montreal accordée par la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France aux Sieurs Chevrier et le Royer, MS.
Lettres de Ratification93, MS.
Acte qui prouve que les Sieurs Chevrier de Fancamps et Royer de la Dauversière n'ont stipulé qu'au nom de la Compagnie de Montreal, MS.
From copies of other documents before me, it appears that in 1659 the reserved portion of the island was also ceded94 to the Company of Montreal.
See also Edits, Ordonnances Royaux, etc., I. 20-26 (Quebec, 1854).
Their title assured, they matured their plan. First they would send out forty men to take possession of Montreal, intrench themselves, and raise crops. Then they would build a house for the 196 priests, and two convents for the nuns. Meanwhile, Olier was toiling96 at Vaugirard, on the outskirts97 of Paris, to inaugurate the seminary of priests, and Dauversière at La Flèche, to form the community of hospital nuns. How the school nuns were provided for we shall see hereafter. The colony, it will be observed, was for the convents, not the convents for the colony.
The Associates needed a soldier-governor to take charge of their forty men; and, directed as they supposed by Providence98, they found one wholly to their mind. This was Paul de Chomedey, Sieur de Maisonneuve, a devout and valiant99 gentleman, who in long service among the heretics of Holland had kept his faith intact, and had held himself resolutely100 aloof101 from the license102 that surrounded him. He loved his profession of arms, and wished to consecrate103 his sword to the Church. Past all comparison, he is the manliest104 figure that appears in this group of zealots. The piety of the design, the miracles that inspired it, the adventure and the peril78, all combined to charm him; and he eagerly embraced the enterprise. His father opposed his purpose; but he met him with a text of St. Mark, "There is no man that hath left house or brethren or sisters or father for my sake, but he shall receive an hundred-fold." On this the elder Maisonneuve, deceived by his own worldliness, imagined that the plan covered some hidden speculation105, from which enormous profits were expected, and therefore withdrew his opposition. [9]
[9] Faillon, La Colonie Fran?aise, I. 409.
197 Their scheme was ripening106 fast, when both Olier and Dauversière were assailed107 by one of those revulsions of spirit, to which saints of the ecstatic school are naturally liable. Dauversière, in particular, was a prey108 to the extremity of dejection, uncertainty109, and misgiving110. What had he, a family man, to do with ventures beyond sea? Was it not his first duty to support his wife and children? Could he not fulfil all his obligations as a Christian111 by reclaiming112 the wicked and relieving the poor at La Flèche? Plainly, he had doubts that his vocation113 was genuine. If we could raise the curtain of his domestic life, perhaps we should find him beset114 by wife and daughters, tearful and wrathful, inveighing115 against his folly, and imploring116 him to provide a support for them before squandering117 his money to plant a convent of nuns in a wilderness. How long his fit of dejection lasted does not appear; but at length [10] he set himself again to his appointed work. Olier, too, emerging from the clouds and darkness, found faith once more, and again placed himself at the head of the great enterprise. [11]
[10] Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance, Introduction, xxxv.
[11] Faillon (Vie de M. Olier) devotes twenty-one pages to the history of his fit of nervous depression.
There was imperative118 need of more money; and Dauversière, under judicious119 guidance, was active in obtaining it. This miserable120 victim of illusions had a squat121, uncourtly figure, and was no proficient122 in the graces either of manners or of speech: hence his success in commending his objects to persons 198 of rank and wealth is set down as one of the many miracles which attended the birth of Montreal. But zeal and earnestness are in themselves a power; and the ground had been well marked out and ploughed for him in advance. That attractive, though intricate, subject of study, the female mind, has always engaged the attention of priests, more especially in countries where, as in France, women exert a strong social and political influence. The art of kindling123 the flames of zeal, and the more difficult art of directing and controlling them, have been themes of reflection the most diligent124 and profound. Accordingly we find that a large proportion of the money raised for this enterprise was contributed by devout ladies. Many of them became members of the Association of Montreal, which was eventually increased to about forty-five persons, chosen for their devotion and their wealth.
Olier and his associates had resolved, though not from any collapse125 of zeal, to postpone126 the establishment of the seminary and the college until after a settlement should be formed. The hospital, however, might, they thought, be begun at once; for blood and blows would be the assured portion of the first settlers. At least, a discreet127 woman ought to embark6 with the first colonists as their nurse and housekeeper128. Scarcely was the need recognized when it was supplied.
Mademoiselle Jeanne Mance was born of an honorable family of Nogent-le-Roi, and in 1640 was thirty-four years of age. These Canadian heroines began their religious experiences early. 199 Of Marie de l'Incarnation we read, that at the age of seven Christ appeared to her in a vision; [12] and the biographer of Mademoiselle Mance assures us, with admiring gravity, that, at the same tender age, she bound herself to God by a vow129 of perpetual chastity. [13] This singular infant in due time became a woman, of a delicate constitution, and manners graceful130, yet dignified131. Though an earnest devotee, she felt no vocation for the cloister132; yet, while still "in the world," she led the life of a nun17. The Jesuit Relations, and the example of Madame de la Peltrie, of whom she had heard, inoculated133 her with the Canadian enthusiasm, then so prevalent; and, under the pretence134 of visiting relatives, she made a journey to Paris, to take counsel of certain priests. Of one thing she was assured: the Divine will called her to Canada, but to what end she neither knew nor asked to know; for she abandoned herself as an atom to be borne to unknown destinies on the breath of God. At Paris, Father St. Jure, a Jesuit, assured her that her vocation to Canada was, past doubt, a call from Heaven; while Father Rapin, a Récollet, spread abroad the fame of her virtues136, and introduced her to many ladies of rank, wealth, and zeal. Then, well supplied with money for any pious work to which she might be summoned, she journeyed to Rochelle, whence ships were to sail for New France. Thus far she had been kept in ignorance of the plan with regard to Montreal; 200 but now Father La Place, a Jesuit, revealed it to her. On the day after her arrival at Rochelle, as she entered the Church of the Jesuits, she met Dauversière coming out. "Then," says her biographer, "these two persons, who had never seen nor heard of each other, were enlightened supernaturally, whereby their most hidden thoughts were mutually made known, as had happened already with M. Olier and this same M. de la Dauversière." [14] A long conversation ensued between them; and the delights of this interview were never effaced137 from the mind of Mademoiselle Mance. "She used to speak of it like a seraph," writes one of her nuns, "and far better than many a learned doctor could have done." [15]
[12] Casgrain, Vie de Marie de l'Incarnation, 78.
[13] Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance, I. 3.
[14] Faillon, Vie de Mlle Mance, I. 18. Here again the Abbé Ferland, with his usual good sense, tacitly rejects the supernaturalism.
[15] La S?ur Morin, Annales des Hospitalières de Villemarie, MS., cited by Faillon.
She had found her destiny. The ocean, the wilderness, the solitude138, the Iroquois,—nothing daunted139 her. She would go to Montreal with Maisonneuve and his forty men. Yet, when the vessel140 was about to sail, a new and sharp misgiving seized her. How could she, a woman, not yet bereft141 of youth or charms, live alone in the forest, among a troop of soldiers? Her scruples142 were relieved by two of the men, who, at the last moment, refused to embark without their wives,—and by a young woman, who, impelled by enthusiasm, escaped from her friends, and took passage, in spite of them, in one of the vessels143.
201 All was ready; the ships set sail; but Olier, Dauversière, and Fancamp remained at home, as did also the other Associates, with the exception of Maisonneuve and Mademoiselle Mance. In the following February, an impressive scene took place in the Church of Notre Dame, at Paris. The Associates, at this time numbering about forty-five, [16] with Olier at their head, assembled before the altar of the Virgin, and, by a solemn ceremonial, consecrated144 Montreal to the Holy Family. Henceforth it was to be called Villemarie de Montreal, [17]—a sacred town, reared to the honor and under the patronage145 of Christ, St. Joseph, and the Virgin, to be typified by three persons on earth, founders146 respectively of the three destined communities,—Olier, Dauversière, and a maiden147 of Troyes, Marguerite Bourgeoys: the seminary to be consecrated to Christ, the H?tel-Dieu to St. Joseph, and the college to the Virgin.
[16] Dollier de Casson, A.D. 1641-42, MS. Vimont says thirty five.
[17] Vimont, Relation, 1642, 37. Compare Le Clerc, établissement de la Foy, II. 49.
But we are anticipating a little; for it was several years as yet before Marguerite Bourgeoys took an active part in the work of Montreal. She was the daughter of a respectable tradesman, and was now twenty-two years of age. Her portrait has come down to us; and her face is a mirror of frankness, loyalty148, and womanly tenderness. Her qualities were those of good sense, conscientiousness149, and a warm heart. She had known no miracles, ecstasies150, or trances; and though afterwards, 202 when her religious susceptibilities had reached a fuller development, a few such are recorded of her, yet even the Abbé Faillon, with the best intentions, can credit her with but a meagre allowance of these celestial favors. Though in the midst of visionaries, she distrusted the supernatural, and avowed151 her belief, that, in His government of the world, God does not often set aside its ordinary laws. Her religion was of the affections, and was manifested in an absorbing devotion to duty. She had felt no vocation to the cloister, but had taken the vow of chastity, and was attached, as an externe, to the Sisters of the Congregation of Troyes, who were fevered with eagerness to go to Canada. Marguerite, however, was content to wait until there was a prospect152 that she could do good by going; and it was not till the year 1653, that, renouncing153 an inheritance, and giving all she had to the poor, she embarked154 for the savage155 scene of her labors. To this day, in crowded school-rooms of Montreal and Quebec, fit monuments of her unobtrusive virtue135, her successors instruct the children of the poor, and embalm156 the pleasant memory of Marguerite Bourgeoys. In the martial157 figure of Maisonneuve, and the fair form of this gentle nun, we find the true heroes of Montreal. [18]
[18] For Marguerite Bourgeoys, see her life by Faillon.
Maisonneuve, with his forty men and four women, reached Quebec too late to ascend158 to Montreal that season. They encountered distrust, jealousy, and opposition. The agents of the Company of the Hundred Associates looked on them askance; and 203 the Governor of Quebec, Montmagny, saw a rival governor in Maisonneuve. Every means was used to persuade the adventurers to abandon their project, and settle at Quebec. Montmagny called a council of the principal persons of his colony, who gave it as their opinion that the new-comers had better exchange Montreal for the Island of Orleans, where they would be in a position to give and receive succor159; while, by persisting in their first design, they would expose themselves to destruction, and be of use to nobody. [19] Maisonneuve, who was present, expressed his surprise that they should assume to direct his affairs. "I have not come here," he said, "to deliberate, but to act. It is my duty and my honor to found a colony at Montreal; and I would go, if every tree were an Iroquois!" [20]
[19] Juchereau, 32; Faillon, Colonie Fran?aise, I. 423.
[20] La Tour, Mémoire de Laval, Liv. VIII; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, 3.
At Quebec there was little ability and no inclination160 to shelter the new colonists for the winter; and they would have fared ill, but for the generosity161 of M. Puiseaux, who lived not far distant, at a place called St. Michel. This devout and most hospitable162 person made room for them all in his rough, but capacious dwelling163. Their neighbors were the hospital nuns, then living at the mission of Sillery, in a substantial, but comfortless house of stone; where, amidst destitution164, sickness, and irrepressible disgust at the filth165 of the savages166 whom they had in charge, they were laboring167 day and night with devoted168 assiduity. Among the minor169 204 ills which beset them were the eccentricities170 of one of their lay sisters, crazed with religious enthusiasm, who had the care of their poultry171 and domestic animals, of which she was accustomed to inquire, one by one, if they loved God; when, not receiving an immediate172 answer in the affirmative, she would instantly put them to death, telling them that their impiety173 deserved no better fate. [21]
[21] Juchereau, 45. A great mortification to these excellent nuns was the impossibility of keeping their white dresses clean among their Indian patients, so that they were forced to dye them with butternut juice. They were the Hospitalières who had come over in 1639.
At St. Michel, Maisonneuve employed his men in building boats to ascend to Montreal, and in various other labors for the behoof of the future colony. Thus the winter wore away; but, as celestial minds are not exempt174 from ire, Montmagny and Maisonneuve fell into a quarrel. The twenty-fifth of January was Maisonneuve's fête day; and, as he was greatly beloved by his followers175, they resolved to celebrate the occasion. Accordingly, an hour and a half before daylight, they made a general discharge of their muskets176 and cannon177. The sound reached Quebec, two or three miles distant, startling the Governor from his morning slumbers178; and his indignation was redoubled when he heard it again at night: for Maisonneuve, pleased at the attachment179 of his men, had feasted them and warmed their hearts with a distribution of wine. Montmagny, jealous of his authority, resented these demonstrations180 as an infraction181 of it, affirming that they had no right to fire their 205 pieces without his consent; and, arresting the principal offender182, one Jean Gory183, he put him in irons. On being released, a few days after, his companions welcomed him with great rejoicing, and Maisonneuve gave them all a feast. He himself came in during the festivity, drank the health of the company, shook hands with the late prisoner, placed him at the head of the table, and addressed him as follows:—
"Jean Gory, you have been put in irons for me: you had the pain, and I the affront184. For that, I add ten crowns to your wages." Then, turning to the others: "My boys," he said, "though Jean Gory has been misused185, you must not lose heart for that, but drink, all of you, to the health of the man in irons. When we are once at Montreal, we shall be our own masters, and can fire our cannon when we please." [22]
[22] Documents Divers186, MSS., now or lately in possession of G. B. Faribault, Esq.; Ferland, Notes sur les Registres de N. D. de Québec, 25; Faillon, La Colonie Fran?aise, I. 433.
Montmagny was wroth when this was reported to him; and, on the ground that what had passed was "contrary to the service of the King and the authority of the Governor," he summoned Gory and six others before him, and put them separately under oath. Their evidence failed to establish a case against their commander; but thenceforth there was great coldness between the powers of Quebec and Montreal.
Early in May, Maisonneuve and his followers embarked. They had gained an unexpected recruit 206 during the winter, in the person of Madame de la Peltrie. The piety, the novelty, and the romance of their enterprise, all had their charms for the fair enthusiast11; and an irresistible187 impulse—imputed by a slandering188 historian to the levity189 of her sex [23]—urged her to share their fortunes. Her zeal was more admired by the Montrealists whom she joined than by the Ursulines whom she abandoned. She carried off all the furniture she had lent them, and left them in the utmost destitution. [24] Nor did she remain quiet after reaching Montreal, but was presently seized with a longing190 to visit the Hurons, and preach the Faith in person to those benighted191 heathen. It needed all the eloquence192 of a Jesuit, lately returned from that most arduous193 mission, to convince her that the attempt would be as useless as rash. [25]
[23] La Tour, Mémoire de Laval, Liv. VIII.
[24] Charlevoix, Vie de Marie de l'Incarnation, 279; Casgrain, Vie de Marie de l'Incarnation, 333.
[25] St. Thomas, Life of Madame de la Peltrie, 98.
It was the eighth of May when Maisonneuve and his followers embarked at St. Michel; and as the boats, deep-laden with men, arms, and stores, moved slowly on their way, the forest, with leaves just opening in the warmth of spring, lay on their right hand and on their left, in a flattering semblance194 of tranquillity195 and peace. But behind woody islets, in tangled196 thickets197 and damp ravines, and in the shade and stillness of the columned woods, lurked198 everywhere a danger and a terror.
What shall we say of these adventurers of Montreal,—of 207 these who bestowed199 their wealth, and, far more, of these who sacrificed their peace and risked their lives, on an enterprise at once so romantic and so devout? Surrounded as they were with illusions, false lights, and false shadows,—breathing an atmosphere of miracle,—compassed about with angels and devils,—urged with stimulants200 most powerful, though unreal,—their minds drugged, as it were, to preternatural excitement,—it is very difficult to judge of them. High merit, without doubt, there was in some of their number; but one may beg to be spared the attempt to measure or define it. To estimate a virtue involved in conditions so anomalous201 demands, perhaps, a judgment202 more than human.
The Roman Church, sunk in disease and corruption203 when the Reformation began, was roused by that fierce trumpet-blast to purge204 and brace54 herself anew. Unable to advance, she drew back to the fresher and comparatively purer life of the past; and the fervors of medi?val Christianity were renewed in the sixteenth century. In many of its aspects, this enterprise of Montreal belonged to the time of the first Crusades. The spirit of Godfrey de Bouillon lived again in Chomedey de Maisonneuve; and in Marguerite Bourgeoys was realized that fair ideal of Christian womanhood, a flower of Earth expanding in the rays of Heaven, which soothed205 with gentle influence the wildness of a barbarous age.
On the seventeenth of May, 1642, Maisonneuve's little flotilla—a pinnace, a flat-bottomed craft moved 208 by sails, and two row-boats [26]—approached Montreal; and all on board raised in unison206 a hymn207 of praise. Montmagny was with them, to deliver the island, in behalf of the Company of the Hundred Associates, to Maisonneuve, representative of the Associates of Montreal. [27] And here, too, was Father Vimont, Superior of the missions; for the Jesuits had been prudently208 invited to accept the spiritual charge of the young colony. On the following day, they glided209 along the green and solitary210 shores now thronged211 with the life of a busy city, and landed on the spot which Champlain, thirty-one years before, had chosen as the fit site of a settlement. [28] It was a tongue or triangle of land, formed by the junction212 of a rivulet213 with the St. Lawrence, and known afterwards as Point Callière. The rivulet was bordered by a meadow, and beyond rose the forest with its vanguard of scattered214 trees. Early spring flowers were blooming in the young grass, and birds of varied215 plumage flitted among the boughs216. [29]
[26] Dollier de Casson, A.D. 1641-42, MS.
[27] Le Clerc, II. 50, 51.
[28] "Pioneers of France," 333. It was the Place Royale of Champlain.
[29] Dollier de Casson, A.D. 1641-42, MS.
Maisonneuve sprang ashore217, and fell on his knees. His followers imitated his example; and all joined their voices in enthusiastic songs of thanksgiving. Tents, baggage, arms, and stores were landed. An altar was raised on a pleasant spot near at hand; and Mademoiselle Mance, with Madame de la Peltrie, aided by her servant, Charlotte Barré, decorated it with a taste which was the 209 admiration of the beholders. [30] Now all the company gathered before the shrine218. Here stood Vimont, in the rich vestments of his office. Here were the two ladies, with their servant; Montmagny, no very willing spectator; and Maisonneuve, a warlike figure, erect219 and tall, his men clustering around him,—soldiers, sailors, artisans, and laborers,—all alike soldiers at need. They kneeled in reverent220 silence as the Host was raised aloft; and when the rite3 was over, the priest turned and addressed them:—
[30] Morin, Annales, MS., cited by Faillon, La Colonie Fran?aise, I. 440; also Dollier de Casson, A.D. 1641-42, MS.
"You are a grain of mustard-seed, that shall rise and grow till its branches overshadow the earth. You are few, but your work is the work of God. His smile is on you, and your children shall fill the Land." [31]
[31] Dollier de Casson, MS., as above. Vimont, in the Relation of 1642, p. 37, briefly221 mentions the ceremony.
The afternoon waned222; the sun sank behind the western forest, and twilight223 came on. Fireflies were twinkling over the darkened meadow. They caught them, tied them with threads into shining festoons, and hung them before the altar, where the Host remained exposed. Then they pitched their tents, lighted their bivouac fires, stationed their guards, and lay down to rest. Such was the birth-night of Montreal. [32]
[32] The Associates of Montreal published, in 1643, a thick pamphlet in quarto, entitled Les Véritables Motifs de Messieurs et Dames de la Société de Notre-Dame de Montréal, pour la Conversion224 des Sauvages de la Nouvelle France. It was written as an answer to aspersions cast upon them, apparently225 by persons attached to the great Company of New France known as the "Hundred Associates," and affords a curious exposition of the spirit of their enterprise. It is excessively rare; but copies of the essential portions are before me. The following is a characteristic extract:—
210 "Vous dites que l'entreprise de Montréal est d'une dépense infinie, plus convenable226 à un roi qu'à quelques particuliers, trop faibles pour la soutenir; & vous alléguez encore les périls de la navigation & les naufrages qui peuvent la ruiner. Vous avez mieux rencontré que vous ne pensiez, en disant que c'est une ?uvre de roi, puisque le Roi des rois s'en mêle, lui à qui obéissent la mer & les vents95. Nous ne craignons donc pas les naufrages; il n'en suscitera que lorsque nous en aurons besoin, & qu'il sera plus expédient pour sa gloire, que nous cherchons uniquement. Comment avez-vous pu mettre dans votre esprit qu'appuyés de nos propres forces, nous eussions présumé de penser à un si glorieux dessein? Si Dieu n'est point dans l'affaire de Montréal, si c'est une invention humaine, ne vous en mettez point en peine, elle ne durera guère. Ce que vous prédisez arrivera, & quelque chose de pire encore; mais si Dieu l'a ainsi voulu, qui êtes-vous pour lui contredire? C'était la reflexion que le docteur Gamaliel faisait aux Juifs, en faveur des Ap?tres; pour vous, qui ne pouvez ni croire, ni faire, laissez les autres en liberté de faire ce qu'ils croient que Dieu demande d'eux. Vous assurez qu'il ne se fait plus de miracles; mais qui vous l'a dit? où cela est-il écrit? Jésus-Christ assure, au contraire, que ceux qui auront autant de Foi qu'un grain de senevé, feront, en son nom, des miracles plus grands que ceux qu'il a faits lui-même. Depuis quand êtes-vous les directeurs des operations divines, pour les réduire à certains temps & dans la conduite ordinaire? Tant de saints mouvements, d'inspirations & de vues intérieures, qu'il lui pla?t de donner à quelques ames dont il se sert pour l'avancement de cette ?uvre, sont des marques de son bon plaisir. Jusqu'-ici, il a pourvu au nécessaire; nous ne voulons point d'abondance, & nous espérons que sa Providence continuera."
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1 dame | |
n.女士 | |
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2 devout | |
adj.虔诚的,虔敬的,衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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3 rite | |
n.典礼,惯例,习俗 | |
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4 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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5 embarkation | |
n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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6 embark | |
vi.乘船,着手,从事,上飞机 | |
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7 bourgeois | |
adj./n.追求物质享受的(人);中产阶级分子 | |
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8 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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9 renown | |
n.声誉,名望 | |
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10 sage | |
n.圣人,哲人;adj.贤明的,明智的 | |
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11 enthusiast | |
n.热心人,热衷者 | |
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12 scourge | |
n.灾难,祸害;v.蹂躏 | |
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13 torments | |
(肉体或精神上的)折磨,痛苦( torment的名词复数 ); 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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14 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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15 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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16 nuns | |
n.(通常指基督教的)修女, (佛教的)尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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17 nun | |
n.修女,尼姑 | |
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18 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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19 colonized | |
开拓殖民地,移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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21 motifs | |
n. (文艺作品等的)主题( motif的名词复数 );中心思想;基本模式;基本图案 | |
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22 dames | |
n.(在英国)夫人(一种封号),夫人(爵士妻子的称号)( dame的名词复数 );女人 | |
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23 par | |
n.标准,票面价值,平均数量;adj.票面的,平常的,标准的 | |
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24 engraved | |
v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的过去式和过去分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
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25 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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26 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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27 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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28 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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29 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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30 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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31 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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32 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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33 imputation | |
n.归罪,责难 | |
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34 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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35 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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36 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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37 licentiousness | |
n.放肆,无法无天 | |
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38 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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39 choir | |
n.唱诗班,唱诗班的席位,合唱团,舞蹈团;v.合唱 | |
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40 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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41 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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42 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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43 virgin | |
n.处女,未婚女子;adj.未经使用的;未经开发的 | |
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44 ecstasy | |
n.狂喜,心醉神怡,入迷 | |
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45 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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46 celestial | |
adj.天体的;天上的 | |
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47 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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48 bestow | |
v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
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49 chateau | |
n.城堡,别墅 | |
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50 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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51 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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53 hermit | |
n.隐士,修道者;隐居 | |
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54 brace | |
n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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55 chapel | |
n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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56 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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57 colonists | |
n.殖民地开拓者,移民,殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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58 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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59 demons | |
n.恶人( demon的名词复数 );恶魔;精力过人的人;邪念 | |
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60 fangs | |
n.(尤指狗和狼的)长而尖的牙( fang的名词复数 );(蛇的)毒牙;罐座 | |
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61 penitents | |
n.后悔者( penitent的名词复数 );忏悔者 | |
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62 baron | |
n.男爵;(商业界等)巨头,大王 | |
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63 layman | |
n.俗人,门外汉,凡人 | |
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64 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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65 prolixity | |
n.冗长,罗嗦 | |
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66 abounds | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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67 citations | |
n.引用( citation的名词复数 );引证;引文;表扬 | |
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68 labors | |
v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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69 unearthed | |
出土的(考古) | |
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70 prodigy | |
n.惊人的事物,奇迹,神童,天才,预兆 | |
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71 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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72 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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73 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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74 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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75 retaliation | |
n.报复,反击 | |
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76 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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77 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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78 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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79 jaws | |
n.口部;嘴 | |
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80 countless | |
adj.无数的,多得不计其数的 | |
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81 tributaries | |
n. 支流 | |
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82 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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83 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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84 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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85 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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86 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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87 colonization | |
殖民地的开拓,殖民,殖民地化; 移殖 | |
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88 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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89 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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90 confirmation | |
n.证实,确认,批准 | |
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91 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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92 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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93 ratification | |
n.批准,认可 | |
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94 ceded | |
v.让给,割让,放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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95 vents | |
(气体、液体等进出的)孔、口( vent的名词复数 ); (鸟、鱼、爬行动物或小哺乳动物的)肛门; 大衣等的)衩口; 开衩 | |
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96 toiling | |
长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 ); 艰难缓慢地移动,跋涉 | |
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97 outskirts | |
n.郊外,郊区 | |
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98 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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99 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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100 resolutely | |
adj.坚决地,果断地 | |
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101 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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102 license | |
n.执照,许可证,特许;v.许可,特许 | |
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103 consecrate | |
v.使圣化,奉…为神圣;尊崇;奉献 | |
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104 manliest | |
manly(有男子气概的)的最高级形式 | |
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105 speculation | |
n.思索,沉思;猜测;投机 | |
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106 ripening | |
v.成熟,使熟( ripen的现在分词 );熟化;熟成 | |
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107 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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108 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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109 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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110 misgiving | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕 | |
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111 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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112 reclaiming | |
v.开拓( reclaim的现在分词 );要求收回;从废料中回收(有用的材料);挽救 | |
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113 vocation | |
n.职业,行业 | |
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114 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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115 inveighing | |
v.猛烈抨击,痛骂,谩骂( inveigh的现在分词 ) | |
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116 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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117 squandering | |
v.(指钱,财产等)浪费,乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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118 imperative | |
n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
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119 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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120 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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121 squat | |
v.蹲坐,蹲下;n.蹲下;adj.矮胖的,粗矮的 | |
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122 proficient | |
adj.熟练的,精通的;n.能手,专家 | |
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123 kindling | |
n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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124 diligent | |
adj.勤勉的,勤奋的 | |
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125 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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126 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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127 discreet | |
adj.(言行)谨慎的;慎重的;有判断力的 | |
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128 housekeeper | |
n.管理家务的主妇,女管家 | |
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129 vow | |
n.誓(言),誓约;v.起誓,立誓 | |
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130 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
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131 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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132 cloister | |
n.修道院;v.隐退,使与世隔绝 | |
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133 inoculated | |
v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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135 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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136 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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137 effaced | |
v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 );抹去;超越;使黯然失色 | |
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138 solitude | |
n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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139 daunted | |
使(某人)气馁,威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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141 bereft | |
adj.被剥夺的 | |
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142 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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143 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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144 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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145 patronage | |
n.赞助,支援,援助;光顾,捧场 | |
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146 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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147 maiden | |
n.少女,处女;adj.未婚的,纯洁的,无经验的 | |
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148 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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149 conscientiousness | |
责任心 | |
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150 ecstasies | |
狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 ); 出神; 入迷; 迷幻药 | |
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151 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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152 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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153 renouncing | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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154 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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155 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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156 embalm | |
v.保存(尸体)不腐 | |
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157 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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158 ascend | |
vi.渐渐上升,升高;vt.攀登,登上 | |
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159 succor | |
n.援助,帮助;v.给予帮助 | |
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160 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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161 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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162 hospitable | |
adj.好客的;宽容的;有利的,适宜的 | |
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163 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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164 destitution | |
n.穷困,缺乏,贫穷 | |
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165 filth | |
n.肮脏,污物,污秽;淫猥 | |
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166 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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167 laboring | |
n.劳动,操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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168 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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169 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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170 eccentricities | |
n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 );反常;怪癖 | |
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171 poultry | |
n.家禽,禽肉 | |
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172 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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173 impiety | |
n.不敬;不孝 | |
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174 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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175 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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176 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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177 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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178 slumbers | |
睡眠,安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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179 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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180 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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181 infraction | |
n.违反;违法 | |
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182 offender | |
n.冒犯者,违反者,犯罪者 | |
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183 gory | |
adj.流血的;残酷的 | |
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184 affront | |
n./v.侮辱,触怒 | |
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185 misused | |
v.使用…不当( misuse的过去式和过去分词 );把…派作不正当的用途;虐待;滥用 | |
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186 divers | |
adj.不同的;种种的 | |
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187 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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188 slandering | |
[法]口头诽谤行为 | |
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189 levity | |
n.轻率,轻浮,不稳定,多变 | |
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190 longing | |
n.(for)渴望 | |
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191 benighted | |
adj.蒙昧的 | |
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192 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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193 arduous | |
adj.艰苦的,费力的,陡峭的 | |
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194 semblance | |
n.外貌,外表 | |
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195 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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196 tangled | |
adj. 纠缠的,紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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197 thickets | |
n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 );丛状物 | |
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198 lurked | |
vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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199 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200 stimulants | |
n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 );含兴奋剂的饮料;刺激物;激励物 | |
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201 anomalous | |
adj.反常的;不规则的 | |
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202 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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203 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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204 purge | |
n.整肃,清除,泻药,净化;vt.净化,清除,摆脱;vi.清除,通便,腹泻,变得清洁 | |
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205 soothed | |
v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 );抚慰;使舒服;减轻痛苦 | |
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206 unison | |
n.步调一致,行动一致 | |
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207 hymn | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌 | |
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208 prudently | |
adv. 谨慎地,慎重地 | |
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209 glided | |
v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 );掠过;(鸟或飞机 ) 滑翔 | |
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210 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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211 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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212 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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213 rivulet | |
n.小溪,小河 | |
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214 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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215 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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216 boughs | |
大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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217 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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218 shrine | |
n.圣地,神龛,庙;v.将...置于神龛内,把...奉为神圣 | |
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219 erect | |
n./v.树立,建立,使竖立;adj.直立的,垂直的 | |
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220 reverent | |
adj.恭敬的,虔诚的 | |
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221 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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222 waned | |
v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 );(月)亏;变小;变暗淡 | |
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223 twilight | |
n.暮光,黄昏;暮年,晚期,衰落时期 | |
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224 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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225 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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226 convenable | |
可召集的,可召唤的 | |
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227 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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