LA SALLE AND THE SULPITIANS.
The French in Western New York.—Louis Joliet.—The Sulpitians on Lake Erie; at Detroit; at Saut Ste. Marie.—The Mystery of La Salle: he discovers the Ohio; he descends1 the Illinois; did he reach the Mississippi?
La Chine was the starting-point; and the combined parties, in all twenty-four men with seven canoes, embarked3 on the Lake of St. Louis. With them were two other canoes, bearing the party of Senecas who had wintered at La Salle's settlement, and who were now to act as guides. Father Galinée recounts the journey. He was no woodsman: the river, the forests, the rapids, were all new to him, and he dilates4 on them with the minuteness of a novice5. Above all, he admired the Indian birch canoes. "If God," he says, "grants me the grace of returning to France, I shall try to carry one with me." Then he describes the bivouac: "Your lodging6 is as extraordinary as your vessels7; for, after paddling or carrying the canoes all day, you find mother earth ready to receive your wearied body. If the weather is fair, you make a fire and lie down [Pg 20] to sleep without further trouble; but if it rains, you must peel bark from the trees, and make a shed by laying it on a frame of sticks. As for your food, it is enough to make you burn all the cookery books that ever were written; for in the woods of Canada one finds means to live well without bread, wine, salt, pepper, or spice. The ordinary food is Indian corn, or Turkey wheat as they call it in France, which is crushed between two stones and boiled, seasoning8 it with meat or fish, when you can get them. This sort of life seemed so strange to us that we all felt the effects of it; and before we were a hundred leagues from Montreal, not one of us was free from some malady9 or other. At last, after all our misery10, on the second of August, we discovered Lake Ontario, like a great sea with no land beyond it."
THE SENECA VILLAGES.
Thirty-five days after leaving La Chine, they reached Irondequoit Bay, on the south side of the lake. Here they were met by a number of Seneca Indians, who professed11 friendship and invited them to their villages, fifteen or twenty miles distant. As this was on their way to the upper waters of the Ohio, and as they hoped to find guides at the villages to conduct them, they accepted the invitation. Dollier, with most of the men, remained to guard the canoes; while La Salle, with Galinée and eight other Frenchmen, accompanied by a troop of Indians, set out on the morning of the twelfth, and reached the principal village before evening. It stood on a [Pg 21] hill, in the midst of a clearing nearly two leagues in compass.[13] A rude stockade12 surrounded it; and as the visitors drew near they saw a band of old men seated on the grass, waiting to receive them. One of these veterans, so feeble with age that he could hardly stand, made them an harangue13, in which he declared that the Senecas were their brothers, and invited them to enter the village. They did so, surrounded by a crowd of savages14, and presently found themselves in the midst of a disorderly cluster of large but filthy15 abodes16 of bark, about a hundred and fifty in number, the most capacious of which was assigned to their use. Here they made their quarters, and were soon overwhelmed by Seneca hospitality. Children brought them pumpkins17 and berries from the woods; and boy messengers came to summon them to endless feasts, where they were regaled with the flesh of dogs and with boiled maize18 seasoned with oil pressed from nuts and the seed of sunflowers.
La Salle had flattered himself that he knew enough Iroquois to hold communication with the Senecas; but he failed completely in the attempt. The priests had a Dutch interpreter, who spoke20 Iroquois fluently, but knew so little French, and was withal so obstinate21, that he proved useless; so that it was necessary to employ a man in the service of the Jesuit Fremin, whose mission was at this village. What the party needed was a guide to conduct them to the Ohio; and [Pg 22] soon after their arrival a party of warriors22 appeared, with a young prisoner belonging to one of the tribes of that region. Galinée wanted to beg or buy him from his captors; but the Senecas had other intentions. "I saw," writes the priest, "the most miserable23 spectacle I ever beheld24 in my life." It was the prisoner tied to a stake and tortured for six hours with diabolical25 ingenuity26, while the crowd danced and yelled with delight, and the chiefs and elders sat in a row smoking their pipes and watching the contortions27 of the victim with an air of serene28 enjoyment29. The body was at last cut up and eaten, and in the evening the whole population occupied themselves in scaring away the angry ghost by beating with sticks against the bark sides of the lodges30.
La Salle and his companions began to fear for their own safety. Some of their hosts wished to kill them in revenge for the chief murdered near Montreal; and as these and others were at times in a frenzy31 of drunkenness, the position of the French became critical. They suspected that means had been used to prejudice the Senecas against them. Not only could they get no guides, but they were told that if they went to the Ohio the tribes of those parts would infallibly kill them. Their Dutch interpreter became disheartened and unmanageable, and, after staying a month at the village, the hope of getting farther on their way seemed less than ever. Their plan, it was clear, must be changed; and an Indian from Otinawatawa, a kind of Iroquois colony at the head [Pg 23] of Lake Ontario, offered to guide them to his village and show them a better way to the Ohio. They left the Senecas, coasted the south shore of the lake, passed the mouth of the Niagara, where they heard the distant roar of the cataract32, and on the twenty-fourth of September reached Otinawatawa, which was a few miles north of the present town of Hamilton. The inhabitants proved friendly, and La Salle received the welcome present of a Shawanoe prisoner, who told them that the Ohio could be reached in six weeks, and that he would guide them to it. Delighted at this good fortune, they were about to set out; when they heard, to their astonishment33, of the arrival of two other Frenchmen at a neighboring village.
LOUIS JOLIET.
One of the strangers was destined34 to hold a conspicuous35 place in the history of western discovery. This was Louis Joliet, a young man of about the age of La Salle. Like him, he had studied for the priesthood; but the world and the wilderness36 had conquered his early inclinations37, and changed him to an active and adventurous38 fur-trader. Talon39 had sent him to discover and explore the copper-mines of Lake Superior. He had failed in the attempt, and was now returning. His Indian guide, afraid of passing the Niagara portage lest he should meet enemies, had led him from Lake Erie, by way of Grand River, towards the head of Lake Ontario; and thus it was that he met La Salle and the Sulpitians.
[Pg 24]
This meeting caused a change of plan. Joliet showed the priests a map which he had made of such parts of the Upper Lakes as he had visited, and gave them a copy of it; telling them, at the same time, of the Pottawattamies and other tribes of that region in grievous need of spiritual succor40. The result was a determination on their part to follow the route which he suggested, notwithstanding the remonstrances41 of La Salle, who in vain reminded them that the Jesuits had preoccupied42 the field, and would regard them as intruders. They resolved that the Pottawattamies should no longer sit in darkness; while, as for the Mississippi, it could be reached, as they conceived, with less risk by this northern route than by that of the south.
La Salle was of a different mind. His goal was the Ohio, and not the northern lakes. A few days before, while hunting, he had been attacked by a fever, sarcastically43 ascribed by Galinée to his having seen three large rattle-snakes crawling up a rock. He now told his two colleagues that he was in no condition to go forward, and should be forced to part with them. The staple44 of La Salle's character, as his life will attest45, was an invincible46 determination of purpose, which set at naught47 all risks and all sufferings. He had cast himself with all his resources into this enterprise; and, while his faculties48 remained, he was not a man to recoil49 from it. On the other hand, the masculine fibre of which he was made did not always withhold50 him from the practice of the arts of address, [Pg 25] and the use of what Dollier de Casson styles belles51 paroles. He respected the priesthood, with the exception, it seems, of the Jesuits; and he was under obligations to the Sulpitians of Montreal. Hence there can be no doubt that he used his illness as a pretext52 for escaping from their company without ungraciousness, and following his own path in his own way.
SEPARATION.
On the last day of September, the priests made an altar, supported by the paddles of the canoes laid on forked sticks. Dollier said mass; La Salle and his followers53 received the sacrament, as did also those of his late colleagues; and thus they parted, the Sulpitians and their party descending54 the Grand River towards Lake Erie, while La Salle, as they supposed, began his return to Montreal. What course he actually took we shall soon inquire; and meanwhile, for a few moments, we will follow the priests. When they reached Lake Erie, they saw it tossing like an angry ocean. They had no mind to tempt19 the dangerous and unknown navigation, and encamped for the winter in the forest near the peninsula called the Long Point. Here they gathered a good store of chestnuts55, hickory-nuts, plums, and grapes, and built themselves a log cabin, with a recess56 at the end for an altar. They passed the winter unmolested, shooting game in abundance, and saying mass three times a week. Early in spring, they planted a large cross, attached to it the arms of France, and took formal possession of the country in [Pg 26] the name of Louis XIV. This done, they resumed their voyage, and, after many troubles, landed one evening in a state of exhaustion57 on or near Point Pelée, towards the western extremity58 of Lake Erie. A storm rose as they lay asleep, and swept off a great part of their baggage, which, in their fatigue59, they had left at the edge of the water. Their altar-service was lost with the rest,—a misfortune which they ascribed to the jealousy60 and malice61 of the Devil. Debarred henceforth from saying mass, they resolved to return to Montreal and leave the Pottawattamies uninstructed. They presently entered the strait by which Lake Huron joins Lake Erie, and landing near where Detroit now stands, found a large stone, somewhat suggestive of the human figure, which the Indians had bedaubed with paint, and which they worshipped as a manito. In view of their late misfortune, this device of the arch-enemy excited their utmost resentment62. "After the loss of our altar-service," writes Galinée, "and the hunger we had suffered, there was not a man of us who was not filled with hatred63 against this false deity64. I devoted65 one of my axes to breaking him in pieces; and then, having fastened our canoes side by side, we carried the largest piece to the middle of the river, and threw it, with all the rest, into the water, that he might never be heard of again. God rewarded us immediately for this good action, for we killed a deer and a bear that same day."
AT STE. MARIE DU SAUT.
This is the first recorded passage of white men [Pg 27] through the Strait of Detroit; though Joliet had, no doubt, passed this way on his return from the Upper Lakes.[14] The two missionaries66 took this course, with the intention of proceeding67 to the Saut Ste. Marie, and there joining the Ottawas, and other tribes of that region, in their yearly descent to Montreal. They issued upon Lake Huron; followed its eastern shores till they reached the Georgian Bay, near the head of which the Jesuits had established their great mission of the Hurons, destroyed, twenty years before, by the Iroquois;[15] and, ignoring or slighting the labors68 of the rival missionaries, held their way northward69 along the rocky archipelago that edged those lonely coasts. They passed the Manitoulins, and, ascending70 the strait by which Lake Superior discharges its waters, arrived on the twenty-fifth of May at Ste. Marie du Saut. Here they found the two Jesuits, Dablon and Marquette, in a square fort of cedar71 pickets72, built by their men within the past year, and enclosing a chapel73 and a house. Near by, they had cleared a large tract74 of land, and sown it with wheat, Indian corn, peas, and other crops. The new-comers were graciously received, and invited to vespers in the chapel; but they very soon found La Salle's prediction made good, and saw that the Jesuit fathers wanted no help from St. Sulpice. Galinée, [Pg 28] on his part, takes occasion to remark, that, though the Jesuits had baptized a few Indians at the Saut, not one of them was a good enough Christian75 to receive the Eucharist; and he intimates that the case, by their own showing, was still worse at their mission of St. Esprit. The two Sulpitians did not care to prolong their stay; and, three days after their arrival, they left the Saut,—not, as they expected, with the Indians, but with a French guide, furnished by the Jesuits. Ascending French River to Lake Nipissing, they crossed to the waters of the Ottawa, and descended76 to Montreal, which they reached on the eighteenth of June. They had made no discoveries and no converts; but Galinée, after his arrival, made the earliest map of the Upper Lakes known to exist.[16]
LA SALLE'S DISCOVERIES.
We return now to La Salle, only to find ourselves involved in mist and obscurity. What did he do after he left the two priests? Unfortunately, a definite answer is not possible; and the next two years of his life remain in some measure an enigma77. That he was busied in active exploration, and that he made important discoveries, is certain; but the extent and character of these discoveries remain wrapped in doubt. He is known to have kept journals and made maps; and these were in existence, and in possession of his niece, Madeleine Cavelier, then in advanced [Pg 29] age, as late as the year 1756; beyond which time the most diligent78 inquiry79 has failed to trace them. Abbé Faillon affirms that some of La Salle's men, refusing to follow him, returned to La Chine, and that the place then received its name, in derision of the young adventurer's dream of a westward80 passage to China.[17] As for himself, the only distinct record of his movements is that contained in a paper, entitled "Histoire de Monsieur de la Salle." It is an account of his explorations, and of the state of parties in Canada previous to the year 1678,—taken from the lips of La Salle himself, by a person whose name does not appear, but who declares that he had ten or twelve conversations with him at Paris, whither he had come with a petition to the Court. The writer himself had never been in America, and was ignorant of its geography; hence blunders on his part might reasonably be expected. His statements, however, are in some measure intelligible81; and the following is the substance of them.
After leaving the priests, La Salle went to Onondaga, where we are left to infer that he succeeded better in getting a guide than he had before done among the Senecas. Thence he made his way to a point six or seven leagues distant from Lake Erie, where he reached a branch of the Ohio, and, descending it, followed the river as far as the rapids at Louisville,—or, as has been maintained, beyond [Pg 30] its confluence82 with the Mississippi. His men now refused to go farther, and abandoned him, escaping to the English and the Dutch; whereupon he retraced83 his steps alone.[18] This must have been in the winter of 1669-70, or in the following spring; unless there is an error of date in the statement of Nicolas Perrot, the famous voyageur, who says that he met him in the summer of 1670, hunting on the Ottawa with a party of Iroquois.[19]
THE RIVER ILLINOIS.
But how was La Salle employed in the following year? The same memoir84 has its solution to the [Pg 31] problem. By this it appears that the indefatigable85 explorer embarked on Lake Erie, ascended86 the Detroit to Lake Huron, coasted the unknown shores of Michigan, passed the Straits of Michilimackinac, and, leaving Green Bay behind him, entered what is described as an incomparably larger bay, but which was evidently the southern portion of Lake Michigan. Thence he crossed to a river flowing westward,—evidently the Illinois,—and followed it until it was joined by another river flowing from the northwest to the southeast. By this, the Mississippi only can be meant; and he is reported to have said that he descended it to the thirty-sixth degree of latitude87; where he stopped, assured that it discharged itself not into the Gulf88 of California, but into the Gulf of Mexico, and resolved to follow it thither89 at a future day, when better provided with men and supplies.[20]
THE MISSISSIPPI.
The first of these statements,—that relating to the [Pg 32] Ohio,—confused, vague, and in great part incorrect, as it certainly is, is nevertheless well sustained as regards one essential point. La Salle himself, in a memorial addressed to Count Frontenac in 1677, affirms that he discovered the Ohio, and descended it as far as to a fall which obstructed90 it.[21] Again, his rival, Louis Joliet, whose testimony91 on this point cannot be suspected, made two maps of the region of the Mississippi and the Great Lakes. The Ohio is laid down on both of them, with an inscription92 to the effect that it had been explored by La Salle.[22] That [Pg 33] he discovered the Ohio may then be regarded as established. That he descended it to the Mississippi, he himself does not pretend; nor is there reason to believe that he did so.
With regard to his alleged93 voyage down the Illinois, the case is different. Here, he is reported to have made a statement which admits but one interpretation,—that of the discovery by him of the Mississippi prior to its discovery by Joliet and Marquette. This statement is attributed to a man not prone94 to vaunt his own exploits, who never proclaimed them in print, and whose testimony, even in his own case, must therefore have weight. But it comes to us through the medium of a person strongly biassed95 in favor of La Salle, and against Marquette and the Jesuits.
LA SALLE'S DISCOVERIES.
Seven years had passed since the alleged discovery, and La Salle had not before laid claim to it; although it was matter of notoriety that during five years it had been claimed by Joliet, and that his claim was generally admitted. The correspondence of the governor and the intendant is silent as to La Salle's having penetrated96 to the Mississippi, though the attempt was made under the auspices97 of the latter, as his own letters declare; while both had the discovery of the great river earnestly at heart. The governor, Frontenac, La Salle's ardent98 supporter and [Pg 34] ally, believed in 1672, as his letters show, that the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of California; and, two years later, he announces to the minister Colbert its discovery by Joliet.[23] After La Salle's death, his brother, his nephew, and his niece addressed a memorial to the king, petitioning for certain grants in consideration of the discoveries of their relative, which they specify99 at some length; but they do not pretend that he reached the Mississippi before his expeditions of 1679 to 1682.[24] This silence is the more significant, as it is this very niece who had possession of the papers in which La Salle recounts the journeys of which the issues are in question.[25] [Pg 35] Had they led him to the Mississippi, it is reasonably certain that she would have made it known in her memorial. La Salle discovered the Ohio, and in all probability the Illinois also; but that he discovered the Mississippi has not been proved, nor, in the light of the evidence we have, is it likely.
FOOTNOTES:
[13] This village seems to have been that attacked by Denonville in 1687. It stood on Boughton Hill, near the present town of Victor.
[14] The Jesuits and fur-traders, on their way to the Upper Lakes, had followed the route of the Ottawa, or, more recently, that of Toronto and the Georgian Bay. Iroquois hostility100 had long closed the Niagara portage and Lake Erie against them.
[15] The Jesuits in North America.
[16] See Appendix. The above narrative101 is from Récit de ce qui s'est passé de plus remarquable dans le Voyage de MM. Dollier et Galinée. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)
[17] Dollier de Casson alludes102 to this as "cette transmigration célèbre qui se fit de la Chine dans ces quartiers."
[18] The following is the passage relating to this journey in the remarkable103 paper above mentioned. After recounting La Salle's visit with the Sulpitians to the Seneca village, and stating that the intrigues104 of the Jesuit missionary105 prevented them from obtaining a guide, it speaks of the separation of the travellers and the journey of Galinée and his party to the Saut Ste. Marie, where "les Jésuites les congédièrent." It then proceeds as follows: "Cependant M{r.} de la Salle continua son chemin par2 une rivière qui va de l'est à l'ouest; et passe à Onontaqué [Onondaga], puis à six ou sept lieues au-dessous du Lac Erié; et estant parvenu106 jusqu'au 280me ou 83me degré de longitude107, et jusqu'au 41me degré de latitude, trouva un sault qui tombe vers l'ouest dans un pays bas, marescageux, tout108 couvert de vielles souches, dont il y en a quelques-unes qui sont encore sur pied. Il fut donc contraint de prendre terre, et suivant une hauteur109 qui le pouvoit mener loin, il trouva quelques sauvages qui luy dirent que fort loin de là le mesme fleuve qui se perdoit dans cette terre basse et vaste se réunnissoit en un lit. Il continua donc son chemin, mais comme la fatigue estoit grande, 23 ou 24 hommes qu'il avoit menez jusques là le quittèrent tous en une nuit, regagnèrent le fleuve, et se sauvèrent, les uns à la Nouvelle Hollande et les autres à la Nouvelle Angleterre. Il se vit donc seul à 400 lieues de chez luy, où il ne laisse pas de revenir, remontant la rivière et vivant de chasse, d'herbes, et de ce que luy donnèrent les sauvages qu'il rencontra en son chemin."
[19] Perrot, Mémoires, 119, 120.
[20] The memoir—after stating, as above, that he entered Lake Huron, doubled the peninsula of Michigan, and passed La Baye des Puants (Green Bay)—says: "Il reconnut une baye incomparablement plus large; au fond de laquelle vers l'ouest il trouva un très-beau havre et au fond de ce havre un fleuve qui va de l'est à l'ouest. Il suivit ce fleuve, et estant parvenu jusqu'environ le 280me degré de longitude et le 39me de latitude, il trouva un autre fleuve qui se joignant au premier111 coulait du nordouest au sudest, et il suivit ce fleuve jusqu'au 36me degré de latitude."
The "très-beau havre" may have been the entrance of the river Chicago, whence, by an easy portage, he might have reached the Des Plaines branch of the Illinois. We shall see that he took this course in his famous exploration of 1682.
The intendant Talon announces, in his despatches of this year that he had sent La Salle southward and westward to explore.
[21] The following are his words (he speaks of himself in the third person): "L'année 1667, et les suivantes, il fit divers112 voyages avec beaucoup de dépenses, dans lesquels il découvrit le premier beaucoup de pays au sud des grands lacs, et entre autres la grande rivière d'Ohio; il la suivit jusqu'à un endroit où elle tombe de fort haut dans de vastes marais, à la hauteur de 37 degrés, après avoir été grossie par une autre rivière fort large qui vient du nord; et toutes ces eaux se dêchargent selon toutes les apparences dans le Golfe du Mexique."
This "autre rivière," which, it seems, was above the fall, may have been the Miami or the Scioto. There is but one fall on the river, that of Louisville, which is not so high as to deserve to be described as "fort haut," being only a strong rapid. The latitude, as will be seen, is different in the two accounts, and incorrect in both.
[22] One of these maps is entitled Carte de la découverte du Sieur Joliet, 1674. Over the lines representing the Ohio are the words, "Route du sieur de la Salle pour aller dans le Mexique." The other map of Joliet bears, also written over the Ohio, the words, "Rivière par où descendit le sieur de la Salle au sortir du lac Erié pour aller dans le Mexique." I have also another manuscript map, made before the voyage of Joliet and Marquette, and apparently113 in the year 1673, on which the Ohio is represented as far as to a point a little below Louisville, and over it is written, "Rivière Ohio, ainsy appellée par les Iroquois à cause de sa beauté, par où le sieur de la Salle est descendu." The Mississippi is not represented on this map; but—and this is very significant, as indicating the extent of La Salle's exploration of the following year—a small part of the upper Illinois is laid down.
[23] Lettre de Frontenac au Ministre, 14 Nov., 1674. He here speaks of "la grande rivière qu'il [Joliet] a trouvée, qui va du nord au sud, et qui est aussi large que celle du Saint-Laurent vis-à-vis de Québec." Four years later, Frontenac speaks slightingly of Joliet, but neither denies his discovery of the Mississippi, nor claims it for La Salle, in whose interest he writes.
[24] Papiers de Famille; Mémoire présenté au Roi. The following is an extract: "Il parvient ... jusqu'à la rivière des Illinois. Il y construisit un fort situé à 350 lieues au-delà du fort de Frontenac, et suivant ensuite le cours de cette rivière, il trouva qu'elle se jettoit dans un grand fleuve appellé par ceux du pays Mississippi, c'est à dire110 grande eau, environ cent lieues au-dessous du fort qu'il venoit de construire." This fort was Fort Crèvec?ur, built in 1680, near the site of Peoria. The memoir goes on to relate the descent of La Salle to the Gulf, which concluded this expedition of 1679-82.
[25] The following is an extract, given by Margry, from a letter of the aged114 Madeleine Cavelier, dated 21 Février, 1756, and addressed to her nephew, M. Le Baillif, who had applied115 for the papers in behalf of the minister, Silhouette116: "J'ay cherché une occasion s?re pour vous anvoyé les papiers de M. de la Salle. Il y a des cartes que j'ay jointe à ces papiers, qui doivent prouver que, en 1675, M. de Lasalle avet déja fet deux voyages en ces decouverte, puisqu'il y avet une carte, que je vous envoye, par laquelle il est fait mention de l'androit auquel M. de Lasalle aborda près le fleuve de Mississipi; un autre androit qu'il nomme le fleuve Colbert; en un autre il prans possession de ce pais au nom du roy et fait planter une crois."
The words of the aged and illiterate117 writer are obscure, but her expression "aborda près" seems to indicate that La Salle had not reached the Mississippi prior to 1675, but only approached it. Finally, a memorial presented to Seignelay, along with the official narrative of 1679-81, by a friend of La Salle, whose object was to place the discoverer and his achievements in the most favorable light, contains the following: "Il [La Salle] a esté le premier à former le dessein de ces descouvertes, qu'il communiqua, il y a plus de quinze ans, à M. de Courcelles, gouverneur, et à M. Talon, intendant du Canada, qui l'approuvèrent. Il a fait ensuite plusieurs voyages de ce costé-là, et un entr'autres en 1669 avec MM. Dolier et Galinée, prestres du Séminaire de St. Sulpice. Il est vray que le sieur Jolliet, pour le prévenir, fit un voyage in 1673, à la rivière Colbert; mais ce fut uniquement pour y faire commerce." See Margry, ii. 285. This passage is a virtual admission that Joliet reached the Mississippi (Colbert) before La Salle.
Margry, in a series of papers in the Journal Général de l'Instruction Publique for 1862, first took the position that La Salle reached the Mississippi in 1670 and 1671, and has brought forward in defence of it all the documents which his unwearied research enabled him to discover. Father Tailhan, S.J., has replied at length, in the copious118 notes to his edition of Nicolas Perrot, but without having seen the principal document cited by Margry, and of which extracts have been given in the notes to this chapter.
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descends
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par
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embarked
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dilates
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novice
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lodging
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vessels
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malady
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misery
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stockade
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harangue
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savages
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filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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17
pumpkins
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| n.南瓜( pumpkin的名词复数 )；南瓜的果肉，南瓜囊 | |
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18
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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19
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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20
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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21
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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22
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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23
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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24
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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25
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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26
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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27
contortions
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| n.扭歪，弯曲；扭曲，弄歪，歪曲( contortion的名词复数 ) | |
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28
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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29
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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30
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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31
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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32
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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33
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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34
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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35
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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36
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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37
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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38
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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39
talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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40
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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41
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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42
preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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43
sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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44
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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45
attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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46
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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47
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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48
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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49
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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50
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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51
belles
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| n.美女( belle的名词复数 )；最美的美女 | |
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52
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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53
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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54
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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55
chestnuts
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| n.栗子( chestnut的名词复数 )；栗色；栗树；栗色马 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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57
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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58
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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59
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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60
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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61
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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62
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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63
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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64
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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65
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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66
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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67
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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68
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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69
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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70
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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71
cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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72
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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73
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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74
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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75
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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76
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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77
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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78
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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79
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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80
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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81
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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82
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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83
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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84
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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85
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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86
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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88
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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89
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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90
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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91
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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92
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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93
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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94
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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95
biassed
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| （统计试验中）结果偏倚的，有偏的 | |
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96
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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97
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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98
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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99
specify
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| vt.指定，详细说明 | |
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100
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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101
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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102
alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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103
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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104
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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105
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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106
parvenu
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| n.暴发户，新贵 | |
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107
longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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108
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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109
hauteur
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| n.傲慢 | |
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110
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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111
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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112
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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113
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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114
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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115
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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116
silhouette
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| n.黑色半身侧面影，影子，轮廓；v.描绘成侧面影，照出影子来，仅仅显出轮廓 | |
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117
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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118
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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