LA SALLE AT NIAGARA.
Father Louis Hennepin: his Past Life; his Character.—Embarkation.—Niagara Falls.—Indian Jealousy1.—La Motte and the Senecas.—A Disaster.—La Salle and his Followers2.
Hennepin was all eagerness to join in the adventure; and, to his great satisfaction, La Salle gave him a letter from his Provincial3, Father Le Fèvre, containing the coveted4 permission. Whereupon, to prepare himself, he went into retreat at the Récollet convent of Quebec, where he remained for a time in such prayer and meditation5 as his nature, the reverse of spiritual, would permit. Frontenac, always partial to his Order, then invited him to dine at the chateau6; and having visited the bishop7 and asked his blessing8, he went down to the Lower Town and embarked9. His vessel10 was a small birch canoe, paddled by two men. With sandalled feet, a coarse gray capote, and peaked hood11, the cord of St. Francis about his waist, and a rosary and crucifix hanging at his side, the father set forth12 on his memorable13 journey. He [Pg 132] carried with him the furniture of a portable altar, which in time of need he could strap14 on his back like a knapsack.
He slowly made his way up the St. Lawrence, stopping here and there, where a clearing and a few log houses marked the feeble beginning of a parish and a seigniory. The settlers, though good Catholics, were too few and too poor to support a priest, and hailed the arrival of the friar with delight. He said mass, exhorted15 a little, as was his custom, and on one occasion baptized a child. At length he reached Montreal, where the enemies of the enterprise enticed16 away his two canoe-men. He succeeded in finding two others, with whom he continued his voyage, passed the rapids of the upper St. Lawrence, and reached Fort Frontenac at eleven o'clock at night of the second of November, where his brethren of the mission, Ribourde and Buisset, received him with open arms.[104] La Motte, with most of the men, appeared on the eighth; but La Salle and Tonty did not arrive till more than a month later. Meanwhile, in pursuance of his orders, fifteen men set out in canoes for Lake Michigan and the Illinois, to trade with the Indians and collect provisions, while La Motte embarked in a small vessel for Niagara, accompanied by Hennepin.[105]
Hennepin Mass
Copyright, 1897, by Little, Brown & Co Goupil & Co., Paris
Father Hennepin Celebrating Mass.
[Pg 133]
HENNEPIN
This bold, hardy18, and adventurous19 friar, the historian of the expedition, and a conspicuous20 actor in it, has unwittingly painted his own portrait with tolerable distinctness. "I always," he says, "felt a strong inclination21 to fly from the world and live according to the rules of a pure and severe virtue22; and it was with this view that I entered the Order of St. Francis."[106] He then speaks of his zeal23 for the saving of souls, but admits that a passion for travel and a burning desire to visit strange lands had no small part in his inclination for the missions.[107] Being in a convent in Artois, his Superior sent him to Calais, at the season of the herring-fishery, to beg alms, after the practice of the Franciscans. Here and at Dunkirk he made friends of the sailors, and was never tired of their stories. So insatiable, indeed, was his appetite for them, that "often," he says, "I hid myself behind tavern24 doors while the sailors were telling of their voyages. The tobacco smoke made me very sick at the stomach; but, notwithstanding, I listened attentively26 to all they said about their adventures at sea and their travels in distant countries. I could have passed whole days and nights in this way without eating."[108]
He presently set out on a roving mission through [Pg 134] Holland; and he recounts various mishaps27 which befell him, "in consequence of my zeal in laboring28 for the saving of souls," "I was at the bloody29 fight of Seneff," he pursues, "where so many perished by fire and sword, and where I had abundance of work in comforting and consoling the poor wounded soldiers. After undergoing great fatigues30, and running extreme danger in the sieges of towns, in the trenches31, and in battles, where I exposed myself freely for the salvation32 of others while the soldiers were breathing nothing but blood and carnage, I found myself at last in a way of satisfying my old inclination for travel."[109]
He got leave from his superiors to go to Canada, the most adventurous of all the missions, and accordingly sailed in 1675, in the ship which carried La Salle, who had just obtained the grant of Fort Frontenac. In the course of the voyage, he took it upon him to reprove a party of girls who were amusing themselves and a circle of officers and other passengers by dancing on deck. La Salle, who was among the spectators, was annoyed at Hennepin's interference, and told him that he was behaving like a pedagogue33. The friar retorted, by alluding— unconsciously, as he says—to the circumstance that La Salle was once a pedagogue himself, having, according to Hennepin, been for ten or twelve years teacher of a class in a Jesuit school. La Salle, he adds, turned pale with rage, and never forgave him [Pg 135] to his dying day, but always maligned34 and persecuted35 him.[110]
On arriving in Canada, he was sent up to Fort Frontenac, as a missionary36. That wild and remote post was greatly to his liking37. He planted a gigantic cross, superintended the building of a chapel38 for himself and his colleague Buisset, and instructed the Iroquois colonists39 of the place. He visited, too, the neighboring Indian settlements, —paddling his canoe in summer, when the lake was open, and journeying in winter on snow-shoes, with a blanket slung40 at his back. His most noteworthy journey was one which he made in the winter,—apparently41 of 1677,—with a soldier of the fort. They crossed the eastern extremity42 of Lake Ontario on snow-shoes, and pushed southward through the forests, towards Onondaga,—stopping at evening to dig away the snow, which was several feet deep, and collect wood for their fire, which they were forced to replenish43 repeatedly during the night, to keep themselves from freezing. At length, they reached the great Onondaga town, where the Indians were much amazed at their hardihood. Thence they proceeded eastward44 to the Oneidas, and afterwards to the Mohawks, who regaled them with small frogs, pounded up with a porridge of Indian corn. Here Hennepin found the Jesuit Bruyas, who permitted him to copy a dictionary [Pg 136] of the Mohawk language[111] which he had compiled; and here he presently met three Dutchmen, who urged him to visit the neighboring settlement of Orange, or Albany,—an invitation which he seems to have declined.[112]
They were pleased with him, he says, because he spoke46 Dutch. Bidding them farewell, he tied on his snow-shoes again, and returned with his companion to Fort Frontenac. Thus he inured47 himself to the hardships of the woods, and prepared for the execution of the grand plan of discovery which he calls his own,—"an enterprise," to borrow his own words, "capable of terrifying anybody but me."[113] When the later editions of his book appeared, doubts had been expressed of his veracity48. "I here protest to you, before God," he writes, addressing the reader, "that my narrative49 is faithful and sincere, and that you may believe everything related in it."[114] And yet, as we shall see, this reverend father was the most impudent50 of liars51; and the narrative of which he speaks is a rare monument of brazen52 mendacity. Hennepin, however, had seen and dared much; for [Pg 137] among his many failings fear had no part, and where his vanity or his spite was not involved, he often told the truth. His books have their value, with all their enormous fabrications.[115]
La Motte and Hennepin, with sixteen men, went on board the little vessel of ten tons, which lay at Fort Frontenac. The friar's two brethren, Buisset and Ribourde, threw their arms about his neck as they bade him farewell; while his Indian proselytes, learning whither he was bound, stood with their hands pressed upon their mouths, in amazement53 at the perils54 which awaited their ghostly instructor55. La Salle, with the rest of the party, was to follow as soon as he could finish his preparations. It was a boisterous56 and gusty57 day, the eighteenth of November. The sails were spread; the shore receded,—the stone walls of the fort, the huge cross that the friar had reared, the wigwams, the settlers' cabins, the group of staring Indians on the strand58. The lake was rough; and the men, crowded in so small a craft, grew nervous and uneasy. They hugged the northern shore, to escape the fury of the wind, which blew savagely59 from the northeast; while the long gray sweep of naked forests on their right betokened60 that winter was fast closing in. On the twenty-sixth, they reached the neighborhood of the Indian town of [Pg 138] Taiaiagon,[116] not far from Toronto, and ran their vessel, for safety, into the mouth of a river,—probably the Humber,—where the ice closed about her, and they were forced to cut her out with axes. On the fifth of December, they attempted to cross to the mouth of the Niagara; but darkness overtook them, and they spent a comfortless night, tossing on the troubled lake, five or six miles from shore. In the morning, they entered the mouth of the Niagara, and landed on the point at its eastern side, where now stand the historic ramparts of Fort Niagara. Here they found a small village of Senecas, attracted hither by the fisheries, who gazed with curious eyes at the vessel, and listened in wonder as the voyagers sang Te Deum in gratitude61 for their safe arrival.
NIAGARA FALLS.
Hennepin, with several others, now ascended62 the river in a canoe to the foot of the mountain ridge45 of Lewiston, which, stretching on the right hand and on the left, forms the acclivity of a vast plateau, rent with the mighty63 chasm64, along which, from this point to the cataract65, seven miles above, rush, with the fury of an Alpine66 torrent67, the gathered waters of four inland oceans. To urge the canoe farther was impossible. He landed, with his companions, on the west bank, near the foot of that part of the ridge now called Queenstown Heights, climbed the steep ascent68, and pushed through the wintry forest on a [Pg 139] tour of exploration. On his left sank the cliffs, the furious river raging below; till at length, in primeval solitudes69 unprofaned as yet by the pettiness of man, the imperial cataract burst upon his sight.[117]
The explorers passed three miles beyond it, and encamped for the night on the banks of Chippewa Creek70, scraping away the snow, which was a foot deep, in order to kindle71 a fire. In the morning they retraced72 their steps, startling a number of deer and wild turkeys on their way, and rejoined their companions at the mouth of the river.
[Pg 140]
LA MOTTE AND THE SENECAS.
La Motte now began the building of a fortified73 house, some two leagues above the mouth of the Niagara.[118] Hot water was used to soften74 the frozen ground; but frost was not the only obstacle. The Senecas of the neighboring village betrayed a sullen75 jealousy at a design which, indeed, boded76 them no good. Niagara was the key to the four great lakes above; and whoever held possession of it could, in no small measure, control the fur-trade of the interior. Occupied by the French, it would in time of peace intercept77 the trade which the Iroquois carried on between the western Indians and the Dutch and English at Albany, and in time of war threaten them with serious danger. La Motte saw the necessity of conciliating these formidable neighbors, and, if possible, cajoling them to give their consent to the plan. La Salle, indeed, had instructed him to that effect. He resolved on a journey to the great village of the Senecas, and called on Hennepin, who was busied in building a bark chapel for himself, to accompany him. They accordingly set out with several men well armed and equipped, and bearing at their backs presents of very considerable value. The village was beyond the Genesee, southeast of the site of Rochester.[119] After a march of five days, they reached it on the last day of December. They were conducted [Pg 141] to the lodge78 of the great chief, where they were beset79 by a staring crowd of women and children. Two Jesuits, Raffeix and Julien Garnier, were in the village; and their presence boded no good for the embassy. La Motte, who seems to have had little love for priests of any kind, was greatly annoyed at seeing them; and when the chiefs assembled to hear what he had to say, he insisted that the two fathers should leave the council-house. At this, Hennepin, out of respect for his cloth, thought it befitting that he should retire also. The chiefs, forty-two in number, squatted80 on the ground, arrayed in ceremonial robes of beaver81, wolf, or black-squirrel skin. "The senators of Venice," writes Hennepin, "do not look more grave or speak more deliberately82 than the counsellors of the Iroquois." La Motte's interpreter harangued83 the attentive25 conclave84, placed gift after gift at their feet,—coats, scarlet85 cloth, hatchets86, knives, and beads,—and used all his eloquence87 to persuade them that the building of a fort on the banks of the Niagara, and a vessel on Lake Erie, were measures vital to their interest. They gladly took the gifts, but answered the interpreter's speech with evasive generalities; and having been entertained with the burning of an Indian prisoner, the discomfited88 embassy returned, half-famished, to Niagara.
Meanwhile, La Salle and Tonty were on their way from Fort Frontenac, with men and supplies, to join La Motte and his advance party. They were [Pg 142] in a small vessel, with a pilot either unskilful or treacherous89. On Christmas eve, he was near wrecking90 them off the Bay of Quinté. On the next day they crossed to the mouth of the Genesee; and La Salle, after some delay, proceeded to the neighboring town of the Senecas, where he appears to have arrived just after the departure of La Motte and Hennepin. He, too, called them to a council, and tried to soothe91 the extreme jealousy with which they regarded his proceedings92. "I told them my plan," he says, "and gave the best pretexts93 I could, and I succeeded in my attempt."[120] More fortunate than La Motte, he persuaded them to consent to his carrying arms and ammunition94 by the Niagara portage, building a vessel above the cataract, and establishing a fortified warehouse95 at the mouth of the river.
This success was followed by a calamity97. La Salle had gone up the Niagara to find a suitable place for a ship-yard, when he learned that the pilot in charge of the vessel he had left had disobeyed his orders, and ended by wrecking it on the coast. Little was saved except the anchors and cables destined98 for the new vessel to be built above the cataract. This loss threw him into extreme perplexity, and, as Hennepin says, "would have made anybody but him give up the enterprise."[121] The whole party were now gathered [Pg 143] at the palisaded house which La Motte had built, a little below the mountain ridge of Lewiston. They were a motley crew of French, Flemings, and Italians, all mutually jealous. La Salle's enemies had tampered99 with some of the men; and none of them seemed to have had much heart for the enterprise. The fidelity100 even of La Motte was doubtful. "He served me very ill," says La Salle; "and Messieurs de Tonty and de la Forest knew that he did his best to debauch101 all my men."[122] His health soon failed under the hardships of these winter journeyings, and he returned to Fort Frontenac, half-blinded by an inflammation of the eyes.[123] La Salle, seldom happy in the choice of subordinates, had, perhaps, in all his company but one man whom he could fully102 trust; and this was Tonty. He and Hennepin were on indifferent terms. Men thrown together in a rugged103 enterprise like this quickly learn to know each other; and the vain and assuming friar was not likely to commend himself to La Salle's brave and loyal lieutenant104. Hennepin says that it was La Salle's policy to govern through the dissensions of his followers; and, from whatever cause, it is certain that those beneath him were rarely in perfect harmony.
FOOTNOTES:
[104] Hennepin, Description de la Louisiane (1683), 19; Ibid., Voyage Curieux (1704), 66. Ribourde had lately arrived.
[105] Lettre de La Motte de la Lussière, sans date; Relation de Henri de Tonty écrite de Québec, le 14 Novembre, 1684 (Margry, i. 573). This paper, apparently addressed to Abbé Renaudot, is entirely105 distinct from Tonty's memoir106 of 1693, addressed to the minister Ponchartrain.
[106] Hennepin, Nouvelle Découverte (1697), 8.
[107] Ibid., Avant Propos, 5.
[108] Ibid., Voyage Curieux (1704), 12.
[109] Hennepin, Voyage Curieux (1704), 18.
[110] Ibid. Avis au Lecteur. He elsewhere represents himself as on excellent terms with La Salle; with whom, he says, he used to read histories of travels at Fort Frontenac, after which they discussed together their plans of discovery.
[111] This was the Racines Agnières of Bruyas. It was published by Mr. Shea in 1862. Hennepin seems to have studied it carefully; for on several occasions he makes use of words evidently borrowed from it, putting them into the mouths of Indians speaking a dialect different from that of the Agniers, or Mohawks.
[112] Compare Brodhead in Hist. Mag., x. 268.
[113] "Une enterprise capable d'épouvanter tout107 autre que moi."—Hennepin, Voyage Curieux, Avant Propos (1704).
[114] "Je vous proteste ici devant Dieu, que ma Relation est fidèle et sincère," etc.—Ibid., Avis au Lecteur.
[115] The nature of these fabrications will be shown hereafter. They occur, not in the early editions of Hennepin's narrative, which are comparatively truthful108, but in the edition of 1697 and those which followed. La Salle was dead at the time of their publication.
[116] This place is laid down on a manuscript map sent to France by the Intendant Duchesneau, and now preserved in the Archives de la Marine109, and also on several other contemporary maps.
[117] Hennepin's account of the falls and river of Niagara—especially his second account, on his return from the West—is very minute, and on the whole very accurate. He indulges in gross exaggeration as to the height of the cataract, which, in the edition of 1683, he states at five hundred feet, and raises to six hundred in that of 1697. He also says that there was room for four carriages to pass abreast110 under the American Fall without being wet. This is, of course, an exaggeration at the best; but it is extremely probable that a great change has taken place since his time. He speaks of a small lateral111 fall at the west side of the Horse Shoe Fall which does not now exist. Table Rock, now destroyed, is distinctly figured in his picture. He says that he descended112 the cliffs on the west side to the foot of the cataract, but that no human being can get down on the east side.
The name of Niagara, written Onguiaahra by Lalemant in 1641, and Ongiara by Sanson, on his map of 1657, is used by Hennepin in its present form. His description of the falls is the earliest known to exist. They are clearly indicated on the map of Champlain, 1632. For early references to them, see "The Jesuits in North America," 235, note. A brief but curious notice of them is given by Gendron, Quelques Particularitez du Pays des Hurons, 1659. The indefatigable113 Dr. O'Callaghan has discovered thirty-nine distinct forms of the name Niagara. Index to Colonial Documents of New York, 465. It is of Iroquois origin, and in the Mohawk dialect is pronounced Nyàgarah.
[118] Tonty, Relation, 1684 (Margry, i. 573).
[119] Near the town of Victor. It is laid down on the map of Galinée, and other unpublished maps. Compare Marshall, Historical Sketches114 of the Niagara Frontier, 14.
[120] Lettre de La Salle à un de ses associés (Margry, ii. 32).
[121] Description de la Louisiane (1683), 41. It is characteristic of Hennepin that, in the editions of his book published after La Salle's death, he substitutes, for "anybody but him," "anybody but those who had formed so generous a design,"—meaning to include himself, though he lost nothing by the disaster, and had not formed the design.
On these incidents, compare the two narratives115 of Tonty, of 1684 and 1693. The book bearing Tonty's name is a compilation116 full of errors. He disowned its authorship.
[122] Lettre de La Salle, 22 Ao?t, 1682 (Margry, ii. 212).
[123] Lettre de La Motte, sans date.
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1
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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strap
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| n.皮带，带子；v.用带扣住，束牢；用绷带包扎 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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drawn
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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adventurous
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conspicuous
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inclination
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virtue
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zeal
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tavern
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attentive
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attentively
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mishaps
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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bloody
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fatigues
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trenches
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salvation
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pedagogue
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maligned
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| vt.污蔑，诽谤（malign的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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persecuted
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missionary
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liking
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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replenish
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| vt.补充；(把…)装满；(再)填满 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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48
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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49
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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50
impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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51
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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52
brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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53
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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54
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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56
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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57
gusty
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| adj.起大风的 | |
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58
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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60
betokened
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| v.预示，表示( betoken的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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62
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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alpine
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| adj.高山的；n.高山植物 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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70
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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wrecking
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| 破坏 | |
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soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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94
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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95
warehouse
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| n.仓库；vt.存入仓库 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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98
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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99
tampered
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| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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100
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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101
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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102
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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103
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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104
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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105
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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106
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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107
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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108
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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109
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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110
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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111
lateral
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| adj.侧面的，旁边的 | |
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112
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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113
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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114
sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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115
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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116
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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