Reception of Argenson.—His Difficulties.—His Recall.—Dubois d’Avaugour.—The Brandt Quarrel.—Distress1 of Laval.—Portents.—The Earthquake.
When Argenson arrived to assume the government, a curious greeting had awaited him. The Jesuits asked him to dine; vespers followed the repast; and then they conducted him into a hall, where the boys of their school—disguised, one as the Genius of New France, one as the Genius of the Forest, and others as Indians of various friendly tribes—made him speeches by turn, in prose and verse. First, Pierre du Quet, who played the Genius of New France, presented his Indian retinue2 to the governor, in a complimentary3 harangue4. Then four other boys, personating French colonists5, made him four flattering addresses, in French verse. Charles Denis, dressed as a Huron, followed, bewailing the ruin of his people, and appealing to Argenson for aid. Jean Fran?ois Bourdon, in the character of an Algonquin, next advanced on the platform, boasted his courage, and declared that he was ashamed to cry like the Huron. The Genius of the Forest now appeared, with a retinue of wild Indians from the interior, who, being unable to speak French, addressed the governor in their native tongues, which the Genius proceeded to interpret. Two other boys, in the character of prisoners just escaped from the Iroquois, then came forward, imploring6 aid in piteous accents; and, in conclusion, the whole troop of Indians, from far and near, laid their bows and arrows at the feet of Argenson, and hailed him as their chief. *
Besides these mock Indians, a crowd of genuine savages7 had gathered at Quebec to greet the new “Ononthio.” On the next day—at his own cost, as he writes to a friend—he gave them a feast, consisting of “seven large kettles full of Indian corn, peas, prunes8, sturgeons, eels9, and fat, which they devoured10, having first sung me a song, after their fashion.” **
These festivities over, he entered on the serious business of his government, and soon learned that his path was a thorny11 one. He could find, he says, but a hundred men to resist the twenty-four hundred warriors12 of the Iroquois; *** and he begs the proprietary13 company which he represented to send him a hundred more, who could serve as soldiers or laborers14, according to the occasion.
toutes les nations du pais de Canada a son entrée au
gouvernement de la Nouvelle France; a Quebecq au College de
la Compagnie de Jésus, le 28 de Juillet de l’année 1658. The
speeches, in French and Indian, are here given verbatim,
with the names of all the boys who took part in the
ceremony.
** Papiers d’Argenson. Kebec, 5 Sept., 1658.
*** Mémoire sur le subject (sic) de la Guerre des Iroquois,
1659.
The company turned a deal ear to his appeals. They had lost money in Canada, and were grievously out of humor with it. In their view, the first duty of a governor was to collect their debts, which, for more reasons than one, was no easy task. While they did nothing to aid the colony in its distress, they beset16 Argenson with demands for the thousand pounds of beaver-skins, which the inhabitants had agreed to send them every year, in return for the privilege of the fur trade, a privilege which the Iroquois war made for the present worthless. The perplexed17 governor vents18 his feelings in sarcasm19. “They (the company) take no pains to learn the truth; and, when they hear of settlers carried off and burned by the Iroquois, they will think it a punishment for not settling old debts, and paying over the beaver-skins.” * “I wish,” he adds, “they would send somebody to look after their affairs here. I would gladly give him the same lodging20 and entertainment as my own.”
Another matter gave him great annoyance21. This was the virtual independence of Montreal; and here, if nowhere else, he and the bishop22 were of the same mind. On one occasion he made a visit to the place in question, where he expected to be received as governor-general; but the local governor, Maisonneuve, declined, or at least postponed23, to take his orders and give him the keys of the fort. Argenson accordingly speaks of Montreal as “a place which makes so much noise, but which is
* Papiers d’Argenson, 21 Oct., 1659.
of such small account.” * He adds that, besides wanting to be independent, the Montrealists want to monopolize24 the fur trade, which would cause civil war; and that the king ought to interpose to correct their obstinacy25.
In another letter he complains of Aillebout, who had preceded him in the government, though himself a Montrealist. Argenson says that, on going out to fight the Iroquois, he left Aillebout at Quebec, to act as his lieutenant26; that, instead of doing so, he had assumed to govern in his own right; that he had taken possession of his absent superior’s furniture, drawn27 his pay, and in other respects behaved as if he never expected to see him again. “When I returned,” continues the governor, “I made him director in the council, without pay, as there was none to give him. It was this, I think, that made him remove to Montreal, for which I do not care, provided the glory of our Master suffer no prejudice thereby28.” **
These extracts may, perhaps, give an unjust impression of Argenson, who, from the general tenor30 of his letters, appears to have been a temperate31 and reasonable person. His patience and his nervous system seem, however, to have been taxed to the utmost. His pay could not support him. “The costs of living here are horrible,” he writes. “I have only two thousand crowns a year for all my expenses, and I have already been forced to
* Papiers d’Argenson, 4 Ao?t, 1659.
** Ibid. Double de la lettre escripte par le Vaisseau du
Gaigneur, parti la 6 Septembre (1658).
run into debt to the company to an equal amount.” * Part of his scanty32 income was derived33 from a fishery of eels, on which sundry34 persons had encroached, to his great detriment35. ** “I see no reason,” he adds, “for staying here any longer. When I came to this country, I hoped to enjoy a little repose36, but I am doubly deprived of it; on one hand by enemies without, and incessant37 petty disputes within; and, on the other, by the difficulty I find in subsisting38. The profits of the fur trade have been so reduced that all the inhabitants are in the greatest poverty. They are all insolvent39, and cannot pay the merchants their advances.”
His disgust at length reached a crisis. “I am resolved to stay here no longer, but to go home next year. My horror of dissension, and the manifest certainty of becoming involved in disputes with certain persons with whom I am unwilling40 to quarrel, oblige me to anticipate these troubles, and seek some way of living in peace. These excessive fatigues41 are far too much for my strength. I am writing to Monsieur the President, and to the gentlemen of the Company of New France, to choose some other man for this government.” *** And again, “if you take any interest in this country, see that the person chosen to command here has, besides the true piety42 necessary to a Christian43 in every condition of life, great firmness of character and strong bodily health. I assure you that without these
* Ibid. Lettre a M de Morangi, 5 Sept., 1658.
** Délibérations de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France.
*** Papiers d'Arqenson. Lettre à son Frère, 1659.
qualities he cannot succeed. Besides, it is absolutely necessary that he should be a man of property and of some rank, so that he will not be despised for humble44 birth, or suspected of coming here to make his fortune; for in that case he can do no good whatever.” *
His constant friction45 with the head of the church distressed46 the pious47 governor, and made his recall doubly a relief. According to a contemporary writer, Laval was the means of delivering him from the burden of government, having written to the President Lamoignon to urge his removal. ** Be this as it may, it is certain that the bishop was not sorry to be rid of him.
The Baron48 Dubois d’Avaugour arrived to take his place. He was an old soldier of forty years service, *** blunt, imperative49, and sometimes obstinate50 to perverseness51; but full of energy, and of a probity52 which even his enemies confessed. “He served a long time in Germany while you were there,” writes the minister Colbert to the Marquis de Tracy, “and you must have known his talents, as well as his bizarre and somewhat impracticable temper.” On landing, he would have no reception, being, as Father Lalemant observes, “an enemy of all ceremony.” He went, however, to see the Jesuits, and “took a morsel53 of food in our refectory.” **** Laval was prepared to receive
* Ibid. Lettre (à son Frère?), 4 Nov., 1660. The originals
of Argenson’s letters were destroyed in the burning of the
library of the Louvre by the Commune.
** Lachenaye, Mémoire sur le Canada.
*** Avaugour, Mémoire, 4 Ao?t, 1663.
**** Lalemant, Journal des Jésuites, Sept., 1661.
him with all solemnity at the church; but the governor would not go. He soon set out on a tour of observation as far as Montreal, whence he returned delighted with the country, and immediately wrote to Colbert in high praise of it, observing that the St. Lawrence was the most beautiful river he had ever seen. *
0229
Dubois d'Avaugour
It was clear from the first that, while he had a prepossession against the bishop, he wished to be on good terms with the Jesuits. He began by placing some of them on the council; but they and Laval were too closely united; and if Avaugour thought to separate them, he signally failed. A few months only had elapsed when we find it noted55 in Father Lalemant’s private journal that the governor had dissolved the council and appointed a new one, and that other “changes and troubles” had befallen The inevitable56 quarrel had broken out; it was a complex one, but the chief occasion of dispute was fortunate for the ecclesiastics57, since it placed them, to a certain degree, morally in the right.
The question at issue was not new. It had agitated58 the colony for years, and had been the spring of some of Argenson’s many troubles. Nor did it cease with Avaugour, for we shall trace its course hereafter, tumultuous as a tornado59. It was simply the temperance question; not as regards the colonists, though here, too, there was great room for reform, but as regards the Indians.
* Lettre d’Avaugour au Ministre, 1661.
expressly to get drunk, and when drunk they were like wild beasts. Crime and violence of all sorts ensued; the priests saw their teachings despised and their flocks ruined. On the other hand, the sale of brandy was a chief source of profit, direct or indirect, to all those interested in the fur trade, including the principal persons of the colony. In Argenson’s time, Laval launched an excommunication against those engaged in the abhorred63 traffic; for nothing less than total prohibition64 would content the clerical party, and besides the spiritual penalty, they demanded the punishment of death against the contumacious65 offender66. Death, in fact, was decreed. Such was the posture67 of affairs when Avaugour arrived; and, willing as he was to conciliate the Jesuits, he permitted the decree to take effect, although, it seems, with great repugnance68. A few weeks after his arrival, two men were shot and one whipped, for selling brandy to Indians. * An extreme though partially69 suppressed excitement shook the entire settlement, for most of the colonists were, in one degree or another, implicated70 in the offence thus punished. An explosion soon followed; and the occasion of it was the humanity or good-nature of the Jesuit Lalemant.
A woman had been condemned71 to imprisonment72 for the same cause, and Lalemant, moved by compassion73, came to the governor to intercede74 for her. Avaugour could no longer contain himself, and answered the reverend petitioner75 with characteristic
* Journal des Jésuites, Oct., 1661.
bluntness. “You and your brethren were the first to cry out against the trade, and now you want to save the traders from punishment. I will no longer be the sport of your contradictions. Since it is not a crime for this woman, it shall not be a crime for anybody.” * And in this posture he stood fast, with an inflexible76 stubbornness.
Henceforth there was full license77 to liquor dealers78. A violent reaction ensued against the past restriction79, and brandy flowed freely among French and Indians alike. The ungodly drank to spite the priests and revenge themselves for the “constraint of consciences,” of which they loudly complained. The utmost confusion followed, and the principles on which the pious colony was built seemed upheaved from the foundation. Laval was distracted with grief and anger. He outpoured himself from the pulpit in threats of divine wrath80, and launched fresh excommunications against the offenders81; but such was the popular fury, that he was forced to yield and revoke82 them. **
Disorder61 grew from bad to worse. “Men gave no heed83 to bishop, preacher, or confessor,” writes Father Charlevoix. “The French have despised the remonstrances84 of our prelate, because they are supported by the civil power,’ says the superior of the Ursulines. “He is almost dead with grief, and pines away before our eyes.”
Laval could bear it no longer, but sailed for
* La Tour, Vie de Laval, Liv. V.
** Journal des Jésuites, Feb., 1662. The sentence of
excommunication is printed in the Appendix to the Esquisse
de la Vie de Laval. It bears date February 24. It was on
this very day that he was forced to revoke it.
France, to lay his complaints before the court, and urge the removal of Avaugour. He had, besides, two other important objects, as will appear hereafter. His absence brought no improvement. Summer and autumn passed, and the commotion85 did not abate86. Winter was drawing to a close, when, at length, outraged87 Heaven interposed an awful warning to the guilty colony.
Scarcely had the bishop left his flock when the skies grew portentous88 with signs of the chastisement89 to come. “We beheld90,” gravely writes Father Lalemant, “blazing serpents which flew through the air, borne on wings of fire. We beheld above Quebec a great globe of flame, which lighted up the night, and threw out sparks on all sides. This same meteor appeared above Montreal, where it seemed to issue from the bosom91 of the moon, with a noise as loud as cannon92 or thunder, and after sailing three leagues through the air it disappeared behind the mountain whereof this island bears the name.” *
Still greater marvels94 followed. First, a Christian Algonquin squaw, described as “innocent, simple, and sincere,” being seated erect95 in bed, wide awake, by the side of her husband, in the night between the fourth and fifth of February, distinctly heard a voice saying, “Strange things will happen to-day; the earth will quake!” In great alarm she whispered the prodigy96 to her husband, who told her that she lied. This silenced her for a time; but when, the next morning, she went into the forest
* Lalemant. Relation, 1663, 2.
with her hatchet97 to cut a faggot of wood, the same dread98 voice resounded99 through the solitude100, and sent her back in terror to her hut. *
These things were as nothing compared with the marvel93 that befell a nun101 of the hospital, Mother Catherine de Saint-Augustin, who died five years later, in the odor of sanctity. On the night of the fourth of February, 1663, she beheld in the spirit four furious demons102 at the four corners of Quebec, shaking it with a violence which plainly showed their purpose of reducing it to ruins; “and this they would have done,” says the story, “if a personage of admirable beauty and ravishing majesty103 [Christ], whom she saw in the midst of them, and who, from time to time, gave rein104 to their fury, had not restrained them when they were on the point of accomplishing their wicked design.” She also heard the conversation of these demons, to the effect that people were now well frightened, and many would be converted; but this would not last long, and they, the demons, would have them in time, “Let us keep on shaking,” they cried, encouraging each other, “and do our best to upset every thing.” **
Now, to pass from visions to facts: “At half-past five o’clock on the morning of the fifth,” writes Father Lalemant, “a great roaring sound was heard at the same time through the whole extent
* Lalemant, Relation, 1663, 6.
** Ragueneau, Vie de Catherine de St. Augustin, Liv. IV.
chap. i. The same story is told by Juchereau, Lalemant, and
Marie de l'Incarnation, to whom Charlevoix erroneously
ascribes the vision, as does also the Abbe La Tour.
of Canada. This sound, which produced an effect as if the houses were on fire, brought everybody out of doors; but instead of seeing smoke and flame, they were amazed to behold105 the walls shaking, and all the stones moving as if they would drop from their places. The houses seemed to bend first to one side and then to the other. Bells sounded of themselves; beams, joists, and planks106 cracked; the ground heaved, making the pickets107 of the palisades dance in a way that would have seemed incredible had we not seen it in divers108 places.
“Everybody was in the streets; animals ran wildly about; children cried; men and women, seized with fright, knew not where to take refuge, expecting every moment to be buried under the ruins of the houses, or swallowed up in some abyss opening under their feet. Some, on their knees in the snow, cried for mercy, and others passed the night in prayer; for the earthquake continued without ceasing, with a motion much like that of a ship at sea, insomuch that sundry persons felt the same qualms109 of stomach which they would feel on the water. In the forests the commotion was far greater. The trees struck one against the other as if there were a battle between them; and you would have said that not only their branches, but even their trunks started out of their places and leaped on each other with such noise and confusion that the Indians said that the whole forest was drunk.” Mary of the Incarnation gives a similar account, as does also Frances Juchereau de Saint-Ignace; and these contemporary records are sustained to some extent by the evidence of geology. * A remarkable110 effect was produced on the St. Lawrence, which was so charged with mud and clay that for many weeks the water was unfit to drink. Considerable hills and large tracts29 of forest slid from their places, some into the river, and some into adjacent valleys. A number of men in a boat near Tadoussac stared aghast at a large hill covered with trees, which sank into the water before their eyes; streams were turned from their courses; water-falls were levelled; springs were dried up in some places, while in others new springs appeared. Nevertheless, the accounts that have come down to us seem a little exaggerated, and sometimes ludicrously so; as when, for example, Mother Mary of the Incarnation tells us of a man who ran all night to escape from a fissure111 in the earth which opened behind him and chased him as he fled.
It is perhaps needless to say that “spectres and phantoms112 of fire, bearing torches in their hands,” took part in the convulsion. “The fiery113 figure of a man vomiting114 flames” also appeared in the air, with many other apparitions115 too numerous to mention. It is recorded that three young men were on their way through the forest to sell brandy to the Indians, when one of them, a little in advance of the rest, was met by a hideous116 spectre which nearly
* Professor Sterry Hunt, whose intimate knowledge of
Canadian geology is well known, tells me that the shores of
the St. Lawrence are to a great extent formed of beds of
earth-slides would be the necessary result of any convulsion
like that of 1663. He adds that the evidence that such
slides have taken place on a great scale is very distinct at
various points along the river, especially at Les
Eboulemcns. Professor Sterry Hunt, whose intimate knowledge of
Canadian geology is well known, tells me that the shores of
the St. Lawrence are to a great extent formed of beds of
gravel and clay resting on inclined strata of rock, so that
earth-slides would be the necessary result of any convulsion
like that of 1663. He adds that the evidence that such
slides have taken place on a great scale is very distinct at
various points along the river, especially at Les
Eboulemcns on the north shore.
killed him with fright. He had scarcely strength enough to rejoin his companions, who, seeing his terror, began to laugh at him. One of them, however, presently came to his senses, and said: “This is no laughing matter; we are going to sell liquor to the Indians against the prohibitions118 of the church, and perhaps God means to punish our disobedience.” On this they all turned back. That night they had scarcely lain down to sleep when the earthquake roused them, and they ran out of their hut just in time to escape being swallowed up along with it. *
With every allowance, it is clear that the convulsion must have been a severe one, and it is remarkable that in all Canada not a life was lost. The writers of the day see in this a proof that God meant to reclaim119 the guilty and not destroy them. At Quebec there was for the time an intense revival120 of religion. The end of the world was thought to be at hand, and everybody made ready for the last judgment121. Repentant122 throngs123 beset confessionals and altars; enemies were reconciled; fasts, prayers, and penances124 filled the whole season of Lent. Yet, as we shall see, the devil could still find wherewith to console himself.
It was midsummer before the shocks wholly ceased and the earth resumed her wonted calm. An extreme drought was followed by floods of rain, and then Nature began her sure work of
* Marie de l’Incarnation, Lettre du 20 Aout, 1663. It
appears from Morton, Josselyn, and other writers, that the
earthquake extended to New England and New Netherlands,
producing similar effects on the imagination of the people.
reparation. It was about this time that the thorn which had plagued the church was at length plucked out. Avaugour was summoned home.
He took his recall with magnanimity, and on his way wrote at Gaspé a memorial to Colbert, in which he commends New France to the attention of the king. “The St. Lawrence,” he says, “is the entrance to what may be made the greatest state in the world;” and, in his purely125 military way, he recounts the means of realizing this grand possibility. Three thousand soldiers should be sent to the colony, to be discharged and turned into settlers after three years of service. During these three years they may make Quebec an impregnable fortress126, subdue127 the Iroquois, build a strong fort on the river where the Dutch have a miserable128 wooden redoubt, called Fort Orange [Albany], and finally open a way by that river to the sea. Thus the heretics will be driven out, and the king will be master of America, at a total cost of about four hundred thousand francs yearly for ten years. He closes his memorial by a short allusion129 to the charges against him, and to his forty years of faithful service; and concludes, speaking of the authors of his recall, Laval and the Jesuits:
“By reason of the respect I owe their cloth, I will rest content, monseigneur, with assuring you that I have not only served the king with fidelity130, but also, by the grace of God, with very good success, considering the means at my disposal.” * He had, in truth, borne himself as a brave and experienced
* Avaugour, Mémoire, Gaspé 4 Ao?t 1663.
soldier; and he soon after died a soldier’s death, while defending the fortress of Zrin, in Croatia, against the Turks. *
* Lettre de Colbert au Marquis de Tracy, 1664. Mémoire du
Boy, pout servir d’instruction au Sieur Talon
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1
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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2
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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3
complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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4
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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5
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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7
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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8
prunes
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| n.西梅脯，西梅干( prune的名词复数 )v.修剪（树木等）( prune的第三人称单数 )；精简某事物，除去某事物多余的部分 | |
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9
eels
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| abbr. 电子发射器定位系统（=electronic emitter location system） | |
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10
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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11
thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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13
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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14
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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15
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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16
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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17
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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18
vents
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| （气体、液体等进出的）孔、口( vent的名词复数 )； （鸟、鱼、爬行动物或小哺乳动物的）肛门； 大衣等的)衩口； 开衩 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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20
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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23
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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monopolize
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| v.垄断，独占，专营 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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28
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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31
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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32
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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35
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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36
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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37
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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38
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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39
insolvent
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| adj.破产的，无偿还能力的 | |
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40
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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41
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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42
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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43
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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44
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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45
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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46
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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47
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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48
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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49
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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50
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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51
perverseness
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| n. 乖张, 倔强, 顽固 | |
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52
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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53
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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54
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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55
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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56
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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57
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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58
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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59
tornado
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| n.飓风，龙卷风 | |
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60
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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61
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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63
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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64
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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65
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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66
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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67
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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68
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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69
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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70
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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71
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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72
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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73
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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74
intercede
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| vi.仲裁，说情 | |
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75
petitioner
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| n.请愿人 | |
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76
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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77
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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78
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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79
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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80
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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81
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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82
revoke
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| v.废除，取消，撤回 | |
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83
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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84
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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85
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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86
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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87
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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88
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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89
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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90
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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91
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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92
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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93
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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94
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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95
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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97
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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98
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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99
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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100
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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101
nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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102
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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103
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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104
rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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105
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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106
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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107
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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108
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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109
qualms
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| n.不安；内疚 | |
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110
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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111
fissure
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| n.裂缝；裂伤 | |
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112
phantoms
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| n.鬼怪，幽灵( phantom的名词复数 ) | |
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113
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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114
vomiting
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| 吐 | |
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115
apparitions
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| n.特异景象( apparition的名词复数 )；幽灵；鬼；（特异景象等的）出现 | |
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116
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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117
strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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118
prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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119
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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120
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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121
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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122
repentant
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| adj.对…感到悔恨的 | |
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123
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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124
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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125
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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126
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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127
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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128
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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129
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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130
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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