Péronne Dumesnil.—The Old Council.—Alleged1 Murder.—The New Council.—Bourdon And Villeray.—Strong Measures.—Escape Of Duhesnil.—Views Of Colbert.
Though the proposals of Avaugour’s memorial were not adopted, it seems to have produced a strong impression at court. For this impression the minds of the king and his minister had already been prepared. Two years before, the inhabitants of Canada had sent one of their number, Pierre Boucher, to represent their many grievances3 and ask for aid. * Boucher had had an audience of the young king, who listened with interest to his statements; and when in the following year he returned to Quebec, he was accompanied by an officer named Dumont, who had under his command a hundred soldiers for the colony, and was commissioned to report its condition and resources. The movement
* To promote the objects of his mission, Boucher wrote a
little book, Histoire Véritable et Naturelle des M?urs et
Productions du Pays de la Nouvelle France. He dedicates it
to Colbert.
** A long journal of Dumont is printed anonymously4 in the
Relation of 1663.
Meanwhile the Company of New France, feudal6 lord of Canada, had also shown signs of returning life. Its whole history had been one of mishap7, followed by discouragement and apathy8; and it is difficult to say whether its ownership of Canada had been more hurtful to itself or to the colony. At the eleventh hour it sent out an agent invested with powers of controller-general, intendant, and supreme9 judge, to inquire into the state of its affairs. This agent, Péronne Dumesnil, arrived early in the autumn of 1660, and set himself with great vigor10 to his work. He was an advocate of the Parliament of Paris, an active, aggressive, and tenacious11 person, of a temper well fitted to rip up an old abuse or probe a delinquency to the bottom. His proceedings12 quickly raised a storm at Quebec.
It may be remembered that, many years before, the company had ceded14 its monopoly of the fur trade to the inhabitants of the colony, in consideration of that annual payment in beaver-skins which had been so tardily15 and so rarely made. The direction of the trade had at that time been placed in the hands of a council composed of the governor, the superior of the Jesuits, and several other members. Various changes had since taken place, and the trade was now controlled by another council, established without the consent of the company, * and composed of the principal persons in the colony. The members of this council, with certain
* Registres du Conseil du Roy; Réponse a la requeste
présentée au Roy.
prominent merchants in league with them, engrossed16 all the trade, so that the inhabitants at large profited nothing by the right which the company had ceded; * and as the councillors controlled not only the trade but all the financial affairs of Canada, while the remoteness of their scene of operations made it difficult to supervise them, they were able, with little risk, to pursue their own profit, to the detriment17 both of the company and the colony. They and their allies formed a petty trading oligarchy18, as pernicious to the prosperity of Canada as the Iroquois war itself.
The company, always anxious for its beaver-skins, made several attempts to control the proceedings of the councillors and call them to account, but with little success, till the vigorous Dumesnil undertook the task, when, to their wrath19 and consternation20, they and their friends found themselves attacked by wholesale21 accusations22 of fraud and embezzlement24. That these charges were exaggerated there can be little doubt; that they were unfounded is incredible, in view of the effect they produced.
The councillors refused to acknowledge Dumesnil’s powers as controller, intendant, and judge, and declared his proceedings null. He retorted by charging them with usurpation25. The excitement increased, and Dumesnil’s life was threatened.
He had two sons in the colony. One of them, Péronne de Mazé, was secretary to Avaugour, then on his way up the St. Lawrence to assume the
* Arrêt du Conseil d’Etat, 7 Mars, 1657. Also Papiers
d’Argenson, and Extrait des Registres du Conseil d’Etat, 15
Mars, 1656.
government. The other, Péronne des Touches, was with his father at Quebec. Towards the end of August this young man was attacked in the street in broad daylight, and received a kick which proved fatal. He was carried to his father’s house, where he died on the twenty-ninth. Dumesnil charges four persons, all of whom were among those into whose affairs he had been prying26, with having taken part in the outrage27; but it is very uncertain who was the immediate28 cause of Des Touches’s death. Dumesnil, himself the supreme judicial29 officer of the colony, made complaint to the judge in ordinary of the company; but he says that justice was refused, the complaint suppressed by authority, his allegations torn in pieces, and the whole affair hushed. *
At the time of the murder, Dumesnil was confined to his house by illness. An attempt was made to rouse the mob against him, by reports that he had come to the colony for the purpose of laying taxes; but he sent for some of the excited inhabitants, and succeeded in convincing them that he was their champion rather than their enemy. Some Indians in the neighborhood were also instigated30 to kill him, and he was forced to conciliate them by presents.
* Dumesnil, Mémoire. Under date August 31 the Journal des
Jésuite makes this brief and guarded mention of the affair:
“Le fils de Mons. du Mesnil... fut enterré le mesme jour,
difficult to say. The register of the parish church records
the burial as follows:—
L’an 1661. Le 30 Aoust a esté enterré au Cemetiere de
Quebec Michel peronne dit Sr. des Touches fils de Mr. du
He soon renewed his attacks, and in his quality of intendant called on the councillors and their allies to render their accounts, and settle the long arrears33 of debt due to the company. They set his demands at naught34. The war continued month after month. It is more than likely that when in the spring of 1662 Avaugour dissolved and reconstructed the council, his action had reference to these disputes; and it is clear that when in the following August Laval sailed for France, one of his objects was to restore the tranquillity35 which Dumesnil’s proceedings had disturbed. There was great need; for, what with these proceedings and the quarrel about brandy, Quebec was a little hell of discord36, the earthquake not having as yet frightened it into propriety37.
The bishop38’s success at court was triumphant39. Not only did he procure40 the removal of Avaugour, but he was invited to choose a new governor to replace him. * This was not all; for he succeeded in effecting a complete change in the government of the colony. The Company of New France was called upon to resign its claims; ** and, by a royal edict of April, 1663, all power, legislative41, judicial, and executive, was vested in a council composed of the governor whom Laval had chosen, of Laval himself, and of five councillors, an attorney-general, and a secretary, to be chosen by Laval and the governor jointly42. *** Bearing with them blank
* La Tour, Vie de Laval, Liv. V.
** See the deliberations and acts to this end in Edits et
Ordonnances concernant le Canada, 1. 30-32.
*** Edit de Création du Conseil Supérieur de Quebec.
commissions to be filled with the names of the new functionaries43, Laval and his governor sailed for Quebec, where they landed on the fifteenth of September. With them came one Gaudais-Dupont, a royal commissioner44 instructed to inquire into the state of the colony.
No sooner had they arrived than Laval and Mézy, the new governor, proceeded to construct the new council. Mézy knew nobody in the colony, and was, at this time, completely under Laval’s influence. The nominations45, therefore, were virtually made by the bishop alone, in whose hands, and not in those of the governor, the blank commissions had been placed. * Thus for the moment he had complete control of the government; that is to say, the church was mistress of the civil power.
Laval formed his council as follows: Jean Bourdon for attorney-general; Rouer de Villeray, Juchereau de la Berté, Ruette d’Auteuil, Le Gardeur de Tilly, and Matthieu Damours for councillors; and Peuvret de Mesnu for secretary. The royal commissioner, Gaudais, also took a prominent place at the board. ** This functionary46 was on the point of marrying his niece to a son of Robert Giffard,
* Commission actroyée au Sieur Gaudais. Mémoire pour servir
d’instruction au Sieur Gaudais. A sequel to these
instructions, marked secret, shows that, notwithstanding
and the Jesuits were somewhat distrusted. Gaudais is
directed to make, with great discretion48 and caution, careful
ascertain why the Jesuits had asked for Avaugour’s recall.
** As substitute for the intendant, an officer who had been
appointed but who had not arrived.
who had a strong interest in suppressing Dumesnil’s accusations. * Dumesnil had laid his statements before the commissioner, who quickly rejected them, and took part with the accused.
Of those appointed to the new council, their enemy Dumesnil says that they were "incapable52 persons,” and their associate Gaudais, in defending them against worse charges, declares that they were “unlettered, of little experience, and nearly all unable to deal with affairs of importance.” This was, perhaps, unavoidable; for, except among the ecclesiastics53, education was then scarcely known in Canada. But if Laval may be excused for putting incompetent54 men in office, nothing can excuse him for making men charged with gross public offences the prosecutors55 and judges in their own cause; and his course in doing so gives color to the assertion of Dumesnil, that he made up the council expressly to shield the accused and smother56 the accusation23. **
The two persons under the heaviest charges received the two most important appointments: Bourdon, attorney-general, and Villeray, keeper of
* Dumesnil here makes one of the few mistakes I have been
able to detect in his long memorials. He says that the name
of the niece of Gaudais was Marie Nau. It was, in fact,
Michelle-Therese Nau, who married Joseph, son of Robert
Giffard, on the 22d of October, 1663. Dumesnil had forgotten
the bride’s first name. The elder Giffard was surety for
Repentigny, whom Dumesnil charged with liabilities to the
company, amounting to 644,700 livres. Giffard was also
father-in-law of Juchereau de la Ferte, one of the accused.
** Dumesnil goes further than this, for he plainly
intimates that the removing from power of the company, to
whom the accused were responsible, and the placing in power
of a council formed of the accused themselves, was a device
their friends out of trouble.
the seals. La Ferté was also one of the accused. * Of Villeray, the governor Argenson had written in 1059: “Some of his qualities are good enough, but confidence cannot be placed in him, on account of his instability.” ** In the same year, he had been ordered to France, “to purge58 himself of sundry59 crimes wherewith he stands charged.” *** He was not yet free of suspicion, having returned to Canada under an order to make up and render his accounts, which he had not yet done. Dumesnil says that he first came to the colony in 1651, as valet of the governor Lauson, who had taken him from the jail at Rochelle, where he was imprisoned60 for a debt of seventy-one francs, “as appears by the record of the jail of date July eleventh in that year.” From this modest beginning he became in time the richest man in Canada. **** He was strong in orthodoxy, and an ardent61 supporter of the bishop and the Jesuits. He is alternately praised and blamed, according to the partisan63 leanings of the writer.
* Bourdon is charged with not having accounted for an
immense quantity of beaver-skins which had passed through
his hands during twelve years or more, and which are valued
at more than 300,000 livres. Other charges are made against
him in connection with large sums borrowed in Lauson’s time
on account of the colony. In a memorial addressed to the
king in council, Dumesnil says that, in 1662, Bourdon,
according to his own accounts, had in his hands 37,516
livres belonging to the company, which he still retained.
Villeray’s liabilities arose out of the unsettled accounts
of his father-in-law, Charles Sevestre, and are set down at
more than 600,000 livres. La Ferté’s are of a smaller
amount. Others of the council were indirectly64 involved in
the charges.
** Lettre d’Argenson, 20 Nov., 1659.
*** Edit du Roy, 13 Mai, 1659.
**** Lettre de Colbert a Frontenac, 17 Mai, 1674.
Bourdon, though of humble65 origin, was, perhaps, the most intelligent man in the council. He was chiefly known as an engineer, but he had also been a baker66, a painter, a syndic of the inhabitants, chief gunner at the fort, and collector of customs for the company. Whether guilty of embezzlement or not, he was a zealous67 devotee, and would probably have died for his creed68. Like Villeray, he was one of Laval’s stanchest supporters, while the rest of the council were also sound in doctrine69 and sure in allegiance.
In virtue70 of their new dignity, the accused now claimed exemption71 from accountability; but this was not all. The abandonment of Canada by the company, in leaving Dumesnil without support, and depriving him of official character, had made his charges far less dangerous. Nevertheless, it was thought best to suppress them altogether, and the first act of the new government was to this end.
On the twentieth of September, the second day after the establishment of the council, Bourdon, in his character of attorney-general, rose and demanded that the papers of Jean Péronne Dumesnil should be seized and sequestered72. The council consented, and, to Complete the scandal, Villeray was commissioned to make the seizure73 in the presence of Bourdon. To color the proceeding13, it was alleged that Dumesnil had obtained certain papers unlawfully from the greffe or record office. “As he was thought,” says Gaudais, “to be a violent man."
Bourdon and Villeray took with them ten soldiers, well armed, together with a locksmith and the secretary of the council. Thus prepared for every contingency74, they set out on their errand, and appeared suddenly at Dumesnil's house between seven and eight o’clock in the evening. “The aforesaid Sieur Dumesnil,” further says Gaudais, “did not refute the opinion entertained of his violence; for he made a great noise, shouted robbers! and tried to rouse the neighborhood, outrageously75 abusing the aforesaid Sieur de Villeray and the attorney-general, in great contempt of the authority of the council, which he even refused to recognize.”
They tried to silence him by threats, but without effect; upon which they seized him and held him fast in a chair; “me,” writes the wrathful Dumesnil, “who had lately been their judge.” The soldiers stood over him and stopped his mouth while the others broke open and ransacked76 his cabinet, drawers, and chest, from which they took all his papers, refusing to give him an inventory77, or to permit any witness to enter the house. Some of these papers were private; among the rest were, he says, the charges and specifications78, nearly finished, for the trial of Bourdon and Villeray, together with the proofs of their “peculations, extortions, and malversations.” The papers were enclosed under seal, and deposited in a neighboring house, whence they were afterwards removed to the council-chamber, and Dumesnil never saw them again. It may well be believed that this, the inaugural79 act of the new council, was not allowed to appear on its records. *
On the twenty-first, Villeray made a formal report of the seizure to his colleagues; upon which, “by reason of the insults, violences, and irreverences therein set forth80 against the aforesaid Sieur de Villeray, commissioner, as also against the authority of the council,” it was ordered that the offending Dumesnil should be put under arrest; but Gaudais, as he declares, prevented the order from being carried into effect.
Dumesnil, who says that during the scene at his house he had expected to be murdered like his son, now, though unsupported and alone, returned to the attack, demanded his papers, and was so loud in threats of complaint to the king that the council were seriously alarmed. They again decreed his arrest and imprisonment81; but resolved to keep the decree secret till the morning of the day when the last of the returning ships was to sail for France. In this ship Dumesnil had taken his passage, and they proposed to arrest him unexpectedly on the point of embarkation82, that he might have no time to prepare and despatch83 a memorial to the court. Thus a full year must elapse before his complaints could reach the minister, and seven or eight months more before a reply could be returned to Canada. During this long delay the affair would have time to cool. Dumesnil received a secret warning of
of Dimesnil. They do not contradict each other as, to the
essential facts.
this plan, and accordingly went on board another vessel85, which was to sail immediately. The council caused the six cannon86 of the battery in the Lower Town to be pointed51 at her, and threatened to sink her if she left the harbor; but she disregarded them, and proceeded on her way.
On reaching France, Dumesnil contrived to draw the attention of the minister Colbert to his accusations, and to the treatment they had brought upon him. On this Colbert demanded of Gaudais, who had also returned in one of the autumn ships, why he had not reported these matters to him. Gaudais made a lame62 attempt to explain his silence, gave his statement of the seizure of the papers, answered in vague terms some of Dumesnil’s charges against the Canadian financiers, and said that he had nothing to do with the rest. In the following spring Colbert wrote as follows to his relative Terron, intendant of marine87:—
“I do not know what report M. Gaudais has made to you, but family interests and the connections which he has at Quebec should cause him to be a little distrusted. On his arrival in that country, having constituted himself chief of the council, he despoiled88 an agent of the Company of Canada of all his papers, in a manner very violent and extraordinary, and this proceeding leaves no doubt whatever that these papers contained matters the knowledge of which it was wished absolutely to suppress. I think it will be very proper that you should be informed of the statements made by this agent, in order that, through him, an exact knowledge may be acquired of every thing that has taken place in the management of affairs.” *
Whether Terron pursued the inquiry does not appear. Meanwhile new quarrels had arisen at Quebec, and the questions of the past were obscured in the dust of fresh commotions89. Nothing is more noticeable in the whole history of Canada, after it came under the direct control of the Crown, than the helpless manner in which this absolute government was forced to overlook and ignore the disobedience and rascality90 of its functionaries in this distant transatlantic dependency.
As regards Dumesnil’s charges, the truth seems to be, that the financial managers of the colony, being ignorant and unpractised, had kept imperfect and confused accounts, which they themselves could not always unravel91; and that some, if not all of them, had made illicit92 profits under cover of this confusion. That their stealings approached the enormous sum at which Dinesnil places them is not to be believed. But, even on the grossly improbable assumption of their entire innocence93, there can be no apology for the means, subversive94 of all justice, by which Laval enabled his partisans95 and supporters to extricate96 themselves from embarrassment97.——
* Lettre de Colbert a Terron, Rochelle, 8 Fev., 1664. “Il a
spolié un agent de la Compagnie de Canada de tous ses
papiers d’une manière fort violente et extraordinaire, et ce
procédé ne laisse point à douter que dans ces papiers il n’y
e?t des choses dont on a voulu absolument supprimer la
connaissance.” Colbert seems to have received an exaggerated
impression of the part borne by Gaudais in the seizure of
the papers.
NOTE.—Dumesnil’s principal memorial, preserved in the archives of the Marine and Colonies, is entitled Mémoire concernant les Affaires du Canada, qui montre et fait voir que sous prétexte de la Gloire de Dieu, d’Instruction des Sauvages, de servir le Roy et de faire la nouvelle Colonie, il a été pris et diverti trois millions de livres ou environ. It forms in the copy before me thirty-eight pages of manuscript, and bears no address; but seems meant for Colbert, or the council of state. There is a second memorial, which is little else than an abridgment98 of the first. A third, bearing the address Au Roy et a nos Seigneurs du Conseil (d’Etat), and signed Peronne Dumesnil, is a petition for the payment of 10,132 livres due to him by the company for his services in Canada, “ou il a perdu son fils assassiné par les comptables du dit pays, qui n’ont voulu rendre compte au dit suppliant99, Intendant, et ont pillé sa maison, ses meubles et papiers le 20 du mois de Septembre dernier, dont il y a acte.”
Gaudais, in compliance100 with the demands of Colbert, gives his statement in a long memorial, Le Sieur Gaudais Dupont à Monseigneur de Colbert, 1664.
Dumesnil, in his principal memorial, gives a list of the alleged defaulters, with the special charges against each, and the amounts for which he reckons them liable. The accusations cover a period of ten or twelve years, and sometimes more. Some of them are curiously101 suggestive of more recent “rings.” Thus Jean Gloria makes a charge of thirty-one hundred livres (francs) for fireworks to celebrate the king’s marriage, when the actual cost is said to have been about forty livres. Others are alleged to have embezzled102 the funds of the company, under cover of pretended payments to imaginary creditors103; and Argenson himself is said to have eked104 out his miserable105 salary by drawing on the company for the pay of soldiers who did not exist.
The records of the Council preserve a guarded silence about this affair. I find, however, under date 20 Sept., 1663, “Pouvoir a M. de Villeray de faire recherche106 dans la maison d’un nommé du Mesnil des papiers appartenants au Conseil concernant Sa Majesté;” and under date 18 March, 1664, “Ordre pour l’ouverture du coffre contenant les papiers de Dumesnil,” and also an “Ordre pour mettre l’Inventaire des biens du Sr. Dumesnil entre les mains du Sr. Fillion.”
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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betoken
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| v.预示 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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7
mishap
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| n.不幸的事，不幸；灾祸 | |
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8
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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prying
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| adj.爱打听的v.打听，刺探（他人的私事）( pry的现在分词 )；撬开 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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naught
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tranquillity
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discord
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propriety
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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45
nominations
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| n.提名，任命( nomination的名词复数 ) | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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prosecutors
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| 检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 )； 告发人； 起诉人； 公诉人 | |
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smother
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| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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sequestered
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| adj.扣押的；隐退的；幽静的；偏僻的v.使隔绝，使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 )；扣押 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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outrageously
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| 凶残地； 肆无忌惮地； 令人不能容忍地； 不寻常地 | |
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ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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specifications
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| n.规格；载明；详述；（产品等的）说明书；说明书( specification的名词复数 )；详细的计划书；载明；详述 | |
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inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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rascality
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| 流氓性，流氓集团 | |
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unravel
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| v.弄清楚（秘密）；拆开，解开，松开 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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abridgment
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| n.删节，节本 | |
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99
suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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embezzled
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| v.贪污，盗用（公款）( embezzle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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eked
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| v.（靠节省用量）使…的供应持久( eke的过去式和过去分词 )；节约使用；竭力维持生计；勉强度日 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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recherche
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| adj.精选的；罕有的 | |
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