The Bishop1’s Choice.—A Military Zealot.—Hopeful Beginnings.—Signs of Storm.—The Quarrel.—Distress of Mézy.—He Refuses to Yield.—His Defeat and Death.
We have seen that Laval, when at court, had been invited to choose a governor to his liking3. He soon made his selection. There was a pious4 officer, Saffray de Mézy, major of the town and citadel5 of Caen, whom he had well known during his long stay with Bernières at the Hermitage. Mézy was the principal member of the company of devotees formed at Caen under the influence of Bernières and his disciples6. In his youth he had been headstrong and dissolute. Worse still, he had been, it is said, a Huguenot; but both in life and doctrine8 his conversion9 had been complete, and the fervid10 mysticism of Bernières acting11 on his vehement12 nature had transformed him into a red-hot zealot. Towards the hermits13 and their chief he showed a docility14 in strange contrast with his past history, and followed their inspirations with an ardor15 which sometimes overleaped its mark.
Thus a Jacobin monk16, a doctor of divinity, once came to preach at the church of St. Paul at Caen; on which, according to their custom, the brotherhood17 of the Hermitage sent two persons to make report concerning his orthodoxy. Mézy and another military zealot, “who,” says the narrator, “hardly know how to read, and assuredly do not know their catechism,” were deputed to hear his first sermon; wherein this Jacobin, having spoken of the necessity of the grace of Jesus Christ in order to the doing of good deeds, these two wiseacres thought that he was preaching Jansenism; and thereupon, after the sermon, the Sieur de Mézy went to the proctor of the ecclesiastical court and denounced him. *
His zeal2, though but moderately tempered with knowledge, sometimes proved more useful than on this occasion. The Jacobin convent at Caen was divided against itself. Some of the monks19 had embraced the doctrines20 taught by Bernières, while the rest held dogmas which he declared to be contrary to those of the Jesuits, and therefore heterodox. A prior was to be elected, and, with the help of Bernières, his partisans21 gained the victory, choosing one Father Louis, through whom the Hermitage gained a complete control in the convent. But the adverse23 party presently resisted, and complained to the provincial24 of their order, who came to Caen to close the dispute by deposing25 Father Louis. Hearing of his approach, Bernières asked
* Nicole, Mémoire pour faire connoistre l’espnt et la
conduite de la Compagnie appellée l'Hermitage.
aid from his military disciple7, and De Mézy sent him a squad26 of soldiers, who guarded the convent doors and barred out the provincial. *
Among the merits of Mézy, his humility27 and charity were especially admired; and the people of Caen had more than once seen the town major staggering across the street with a beggar mounted on his back, whom he was bearing dry-shod through the mud in the exercise of those virtues28. ** In this he imitated his master Bernières, of whom similar acts are recorded. *** However dramatic in manifestation29, his devotion was not only sincere but intense. Laval imagined that he knew him well. Above all others, Mézy was the man of his choice; and so eagerly did he plead for him, that the king himself paid certain debts which the pious major had contracted, and thus left him free to sail for Canada.
His deportment on the voyage was edifying30, and the first days of his accession were passed in harmony. He permitted Laval to form the new council, and supplied the soldiers for the seizure31 of Dumesnil’s papers. A question arose concerning Montreal, a subject on which the governors and the bishop rarely differed in opinion. The present instance was no exception to the rule. Mézy removed Maisonneuve, the local governor, and immediately replaced him; the effect being, that whereas
* ibid.
** Juchereau, Histoire de l'H?tel-Dieu, 149.
the Nouvelle Biographie Universelle.
he had before derived33 his authority from the seigniors of the island, he now derived it from the governor-general. It was a movement in the interest, of centralized power, and as such was cordially approved by Laval
The first indication to the bishop and the Jesuits that the new governor was not likely to prove in their hands as clay in the hands of the potter, is said to have been given on occasion of an interview with an embassy of Iroquois chiefs, to whom Mézy, aware of their duplicity, spoke18 with a decision and haughtiness34 that awed35 the savages36 and astonished the ecclesiastics37.
He seems to have been one of those natures that run with an engrossing38 vehemence39 along any channel into which they may have been turned. At the Hermitage he was all devotee; but climate and conditions had changed, and he or his symptoms changed with them. He found himself raised suddenly to a post of command, or one which was meant to be such. The town major of Caen was set to rule over a region far larger than France. The royal authority was trusted to his keeping, and his honor and duty forbade him to break the trust. But when he found that those who had procured40 for him his new dignities had done so that he might be an instrument of their will, his ancient pride started again into life, and his headstrong temper broke out like a long-smothered fire. Laval stood aghast at the transformation41. His lamb had turned wolf.
What especially stirred the governor’s dudgeon was the conduct of Bourdon, Villeray, and Auteuil, those faithful allies whom Laval had placed on the council, and who, as Mézy soon found, were wholly in the bishop’s interest. On the 13th of February he sent his friend Angoville, major of the fort, to Laval, with a written declaration to the effect that he had ordered them to absent themselves from the council, because, having been appointed “on the persuasion42 of the aforesaid Bishop of Petr?a, who knew them to be wholly his creatures, they wish to make themselves masters in the aforesaid council, and have acted in divers43 ways against the interests of the king and the public for the promotion44 of personal and private ends, and have formed and fomented45 cabals46, contrary to their duty and their oath of fidelity47 to his aforesaid Majesty48.” * He further declares that advantage had been taken of the facility of his disposition49 and his ignorance of the country to surprise him into assenting50 to their nomination51; and he asks the bishop to acquiesce52 in their expulsion, and join him in calling an assembly of the people to choose others in their place. Laval refused; on which Mézy caused his declaration to be placarded about Quebec and proclaimed by sound of drum.
The proposal of a public election, contrary as it was to the spirit of the government, opposed to the edict establishing the council, and utterly53 odious54 to the young autocrat55 who ruled over France, gave
* Ordre de M. de Mézy de faire sommation a l’Evêque de
Petrée, 13 Fev., 1664. Notification du dit Ordre, mène date.
(Registre du Conseil Supérieur.)
Laval a great advantage. “I reply,” he wrote, “to the request which Monsieur the Governor makes me to consent to the interdiction56 of the persons named in his declaration, and proceed to the choice of other councillors or officers by an assembly of the people, that neither my conscience nor my honor, nor the respect and obedience57 which I owe to the will and commands of the king, nor my fidelity and affection to his service, will by any means permit me to do so.” *
Mézy was dealing58 with an adversary59 armed with redoubtable60 weapons. It was intimated to him that the sacraments would be refused, and the churches closed against him. This threw him into an agony of doubt and perturbation; for the emotional religion which had become a part of his nature, though overborne by gusts61 of passionate62 irritation63, was still full of life within him. Tossing between the old feeling and the new, he took a course which reveals the trouble and confusion of his mind. He threw himself for counsel and comfort on the Jesuits, though he knew them to be one with Laval against him, and though, under cover of denouncing sin in general, they had lashed64 him sharply in their sermons. There is something pathetic in the appeal he makes them. For the glory of God and the service of the king, he had come, he says, on Laval’s solicitation65, to seek salvation66 in Canada; and being under obligation to the bishop, who had recommended him to the king, he felt bound to show proofs of his gratitude67 on every occasion.
* Réponse de l'Evêque de Petrée, 16 Fev., 1664.
Yet neither gratitude to a benefactor68 nor the respect due to his character and person should be permitted to interfere69 with duty to the king, “since neither conscience nor honor permit us to neglect the requirements of our office and betray the interests of his Majesty, after receiving orders from his lips, and making oath of fidelity between his hands.” He proceeds to say that, having discovered practices of which he felt obliged to prevent the continuance, he had made a declaration expelling the offenders70 from office; that the bishop and all the ecclesiastics had taken this declaration as an offence; that, regardless of the king’s service, they had denounced him as a calumniator71, an unjust judge, without gratitude, and perverted72 in conscience; and that one of the chief among them had come to warn him that the sacraments would be refused and the churches closed against him. “This,” writes the unhappy governor, “has agitated73 our soul with scruples74; and we have none from whom to seek light save those who are our declared opponents, pronouncing judgment75 on us without knowledge of cause. Yet as our salvation and the duty we owe the king are the things most important to us on earth, and as we hold them to be inseparable the one from the other: and as nothing is so certain as death, and nothing so uncertain as the hour thereof; and as there is no time to inform his Majesty of what is passing and to receive his commands; and as our soul, though conscious of innocence76, is always in fear,—we feel obliged, despite their opposition77, to have recourse to the reverend father casuists of the House of Jesus, to tell us in conscience what we can do for the fulfilment of our duty at once to God and to the king.” *
The Jesuits gave him little comfort. Lalemant, their superior, replied by advising him to follow the directions of his confessor, a Jesuit, so far as the question concerned spiritual matters, adding that in temporal matters he had no advice to give. ** The distinction was illusory. The quarrel turned wholly on temporal matters, but it was a quarrel with a bishop. To separate in such a case the spiritual obligation from the temporal was beyond the skill of Mézy, nor would the confessor have helped him.
Perplexed78 and troubled as he was, he would not reinstate Bourdon and the two councillors. The people began to clamor at the interruption of justice, for which they blamed Laval, whom a recent imposition of tithes79 had made unpopular. Mézy thereupon issued a proclamation, in which, after mentioning his opponents as the most subtle and artful persons in Canada, he declares that, in consequence of petitions sent him from Quebec and the neighboring settlements, he had called the people to the council chamber80, and by their advice had appointed the Sieur de Chartier as attorney-general in place of Bourdon.***
Bourdon replied by a violent appeal from the
dernier jour de Février, 1664.
** Lettre du P. H. Lalemant a Mr. le Gouverneur.
*** Declaration du Sieur de Mézy, 10 Mars, 1664.
governor to the remaining members of the council, * on which Mézy declared him excluded from all public functions whatever, till the king’s pleasure should be known. ** Thus church and state still frowned on each other, and new disputes soon arose to widen the breach82 between them. On the first establishment of the council, an order had been passed for the election of a mayor and two aldermen (échevins) for Quebec, which it was proposed to erect83 into a city, though it had only seventy houses and less than a thousand inhabitants. Repentigny was chosen mayor, and Madry and Charron aldermen; but the choice was not agreeable to the bishop, and the three functionaries84 declined to act, influence having probably been brought to bear on them to that end. The council now resolved that a mayor was needless, and the people were permitted to choose a syndic in his stead. These municipal elections were always so controlled by the authorities that the element of liberty which they seemed to represent was little but a mockery. On the present occasion, after an unaccountable delay of ten months, twenty-two persons cast their votes in presence of the council, and the choice fell on Charron. The real question was whether the new syndic should belong to the governor or to the bishop. Charron leaned to the governor’s party. The ecclesiastics insisted that the people were dissatisfied, and a new election was ordered, but the voters did not come. The governor now
* Bourdon au Conseil, 13 Mars, 1664.
** Ordre du Gouverneur, 13 Mars, 1664.
sent messages to such of the inhabitants as he knew to be in his interest, who gathered in the council chamber, voted under his eye, and again chose a syndic agreeable to him. Laval’s party protested in vain. *
The councillors held office for a year, and the year had now expired. The governor and the bishop, it will be remembered, had a joint85 power of appointment; but agreement between them was impossible. Laval was for replacing his partisans, Bourdon, Villeray, Auteuil, and La Ferté. Mézy refused; and on the eighteenth of September he reconstructed the council by his sole authority, retaining of the old councillors only Amours and Tilly, and replacing the rest by Denis, La Tesserie, and Péronne de Maze86, the surviving son of Dumesnil.
Again Laval protested; but Mézy proclaimed his choice by sound of drum, and caused placards to be posted, full, according to Father Lalemant, of abuse against the bishop. On this he was excluded from confession87 and absolution. He complained loudly; “but our reply was,” says the father, “that God knew every thing.” **
This unanswerable but somewhat irrelevant88 response failed to satisfy him, and it was possibly on this occasion that an incident occurred which is recounted by the bishop’s eulogist, La Tour. He says that Mézy, with some unknown design, appeared before the church at the head of a band of soldiers, while Laval was saying mass. The service over, the bishop presented himself at the door, on which, to
* Registre du Conseil Supérieur.
** Journal des Jésuites, Oct., 1664.
the governor's confusion, all the soldiers respectfully saluted89 him. * The story may have some foundation, but it is not supported by contemporary evidence.
On the Sunday after Mézy’s coup90 d’etat, the pulpits resounded91 with denunciations. The people listened, doubtless, with becoming respect; but their sympathies were with the governor; and he, on his part, had made appeals to them at more than one crisis of the quarrel. He now fell into another indiscretion. He banished92 Bourdon and Villeray, and ordered them home to France.
They carried with them the instruments of their revenge, the accusations93 of Laval and the Jesuits against the author of their woes94. Of these accusations one alone would have sufficed. Mézy had appealed to the people. It is true that he did so from no love of popular liberty, but simply do make head against an opponent; yet the act alone was enough, and he received a peremptory96 recall. Again Laval had triumphed. He had made one governor and unmade two, if not three. The modest Levite, as one of his biographers calls him in his earlier days, had become the foremost power in Canada.
Laval had a threefold strength at court; his high birth, his reputed sanctity, and the support of the Jesuits. This was not all, for the permanency of his position in the colony gave him another advantage. The governors were named for three
* La Tour, Vie de Laval, Liv. VII. It is charitable to
ascribe this writer’s many errors to carelessness.
years, and could be recalled at any time; but the vicar apostolic owed his appointment to the Pope, and the Pope alone could revoke97 it. Thus he was beyond reach of the royal authority, and the court was in a certain sense obliged to conciliate him. As for Mézy, a man of no rank or influence, he could expect no mercy. Yet, though irritable98 and violent, he seems to have tried conscientiously99 to reconcile conflicting duties, or what he regarded as such. The governors and intendants, his successors, received, during many years, secret instructions from the court to watch Laval, and cautiously prevent him from assuming powers which did not belong to him. It is likely that similar instructions had been given to Mézy, * and that the attempt to fulfil them had aided to embroil100 him with one who was probably the last man on earth with whom he would willingly have quarrelled.
An inquiry101 was ordered into his conduct; but a voice more potent102 than the voice of the king had called him to another tribunal. A disease, the result perhaps of mental agitation103, seized upon him and soon brought him to extremity104. As he lay gasping105 between life and death, fear and horror took possession of his soul. Hell yawned before his fevered vision, peopled with phantoms106 which long and lonely meditations107, after the discipline of Loyola, made real and palpable to his thought. He smelt108 the fumes109 of infernal brimstone, and
* The royal commissioner110, Gaudais, who came to Canada with
Mézy, had, as before mentioned, orders to inquire with great
followed immediately after, had similar instructions.
heard the bowlings of the damned. He saw the frown of the angry Judge, and the fiery112 swords of avenging113 angels, hurling114 wretches115 like himself, writhing116 in anguish117 and despair, into the gulf118 of unutterable woe95. He listened to the ghostly counsellors who besieged119 his bed, bowed his head in penitence120, made his peace with the church, asked pardon of Laval, confessed to him, and received absolution at his hands; and his late adversaries121, now benign122 and bland123, soothed124 him with promises of pardon, and hopes of eternal bliss125.
Before he died, he wrote to the Marquis de Tracy, newly appointed viceroy, a letter which indicates that even in his penitence he could not feel himself wholly in the wrong. * He also left a will in which the pathetic and the quaint126 are curiously127 mingled128. After praying his patron, Saint Augustine, with Saint John, Saint Peter, and all the other saints, to intercede129 for the pardon of his sins, he directs that his body shall be buried in the cemetery130 of the poor at the hospital, as being unworthy of more honored sepulture. He then makes various legacies131 of piety132 and charity. Other bequests133 follow, one of which is to his friend Major Angoville, to whom he leaves two hundred francs, his coat of English cloth, his camlet mantle134, a pair of new shoes, eight shirts with sleeve buttons, his sword and belt, and a new blanket for the major’s servant. Felix Aubert is to have fifty francs, with a gray jacket, a small coat of gray serge, “which,” says the testator, “has been worn for a while,” and a
* Lettre de Mézy au Marquis de Tracy, 26 Avril 1665.
pair of long white stockings. And in a codicil135 he farther leaves to Angoville his best black coat, in order that he may wear mourning for him. *
His earthly troubles closed on the night of the sixth of May. He went to his rest among the paupers136; and the priests, serenely137 triumphant138, sang requiems139 over his grave.
NOTE:—Mézy sent home charges against the bishop and the Jesuits which seem to have existed in Charlevoix’s time, but for which, as well as for those made by Laval, I have sought in vain.
The substance of these mutual140 accusations is given thus by the minister Colbert, in a memorial addressed to the Marquis de Tracy, in 1665: “Les Jésuites l’accusent d’avarice et de violences; et lui qu’ils voulaient entreprendre sur l’autorité qui lui a été commise par22 le Roy, en sorte que n’ayant que de leurs créatures dans le Conseil Souverain, toutes les résolutions s’y prenaient selon leurs sentiments.”
The papers cited are drawn141 partly from the Registres du Conseil Supérieur, still preserved at Quebec, and partly from the Archives of the Marine142 and Colonies. Laval’s admirer, the abbé La Tour, in his eagerness to justify143 the bishop, says that the quarrel arose from a dispute about precedence between Mézy and the intendant, and from the ill-humor of the governor because the intendant shared the profits of his office. The truth is, that there was no intendant in Canada during the term of Mezy’s government. One Robert had been appointed to the office, but he never came to the colony. The commissioner Gaudais, during the two or three months of his stay at Quebec, took the intendant’s place at the council-board; but harmony between Laval and Mézy was unbroken till after his departure. Other writers say that the dispute arose from the old question about brandy. Towards the end of the quarrel there was some disorder144 from this source, but even then the brandy question was subordinate to other subjects of strife145.
* Testament du Sieur de Mézy. This will, as well as the
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1
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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3
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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4
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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6
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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10
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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hermits
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| （尤指早期基督教的）隐居修道士，隐士，遁世者( hermit的名词复数 ) | |
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docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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18
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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deposing
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| v.罢免( depose的现在分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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laudatory
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| adj.赞扬的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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engrossing
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| adj.使人全神贯注的，引人入胜的v.使全神贯注( engross的现在分词 ) | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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47
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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48
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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49
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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50
assenting
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| 同意，赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
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51
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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52
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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53
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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54
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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55
autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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56
interdiction
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| n.禁止；封锁 | |
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57
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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58
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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59
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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60
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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61
gusts
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| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
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62
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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63
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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64
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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65
solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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66
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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67
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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68
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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69
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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70
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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71
calumniator
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| n.中伤者，诽谤者 | |
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72
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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73
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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74
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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75
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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76
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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77
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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78
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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79
tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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80
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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81
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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82
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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83
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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84
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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85
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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86
maze
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| n.迷宫，八阵图，混乱，迷惑 | |
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87
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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88
irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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89
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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90
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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91
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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92
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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94
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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95
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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96
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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97
revoke
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| v.废除，取消，撤回 | |
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98
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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99
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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100
embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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101
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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102
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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103
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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104
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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105
gasping
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| adj. 气喘的, 痉挛的 动词gasp的现在分词 | |
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106
phantoms
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| n.鬼怪，幽灵( phantom的名词复数 ) | |
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107
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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108
smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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109
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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110
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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111
talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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112
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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113
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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114
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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115
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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116
writhing
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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117
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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118
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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119
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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121
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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122
benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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123
bland
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| adj.淡而无味的，温和的，无刺激性的 | |
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124
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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125
bliss
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| n.狂喜，福佑，天赐的福 | |
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126
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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127
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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128
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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129
intercede
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| vi.仲裁，说情 | |
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130
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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131
legacies
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| n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 )；遗留之物；遗留问题；后遗症 | |
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132
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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133
bequests
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| n.遗赠( bequest的名词复数 )；遗产，遗赠物 | |
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134
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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135
codicil
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| n.遗嘱的附录 | |
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136
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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137
serenely
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| adv.安详地，宁静地，平静地 | |
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138
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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139
requiems
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| （天主教）安魂弥撒仪式，安魂曲( requiem的名词复数 ) | |
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140
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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141
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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142
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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143
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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144
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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145
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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146
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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