Shipment of Emigrants1.—Soldier Settlers.—Importation of Wives.—Wedlock2.—Summary Methods.—The Mothers of Canada.—Bounties3 on Marriage.—Celibacy Punished.—Bounties on Children.—Results.
The peopling of Canada was due in the main to the king. Before the accession of Louis XIV. the entire population, priests, nuns4, traders, and settlers, did not exceed twenty-five hundred; * but scarcely had he reached his majority when the shipment of men to the colony was systematically6 begun. Even in Argenson’s time, loads of emigrants sent out by the Crown were landed every year at Quebec. The Sulpitians of Montreal also brought over colonists7 to people their seigniorial estate; the same was true on a small scale of one or two other proprietors8, and once at least the company sent a considerable number: yet the government was the chief agent of emigration. Colbert did the work, and the king paid for it.
* Le Clerc, Etablissement de la Foy, II 4
king had spent two hundred thousand livres on the colony; that, since 1659, he had sent out three hundred men a year; and that he had promised to send an equal number every summer during ten years. * These men were sent by squads10 in merchant-ships, each one of which was required to carry a certain number. In many instances, emigrants were bound on their arrival to enter into the service of colonists already established. In this case the employer paid them wages, and after a term of three years they became settlers themselves. **
The destined12 emigrants were collected by agents in the provinces, conducted to Dieppe or Rochelle, and thence embarked14. At first men were sent from Rochelle itself, and its neighborhood; but Laval remonstrated15, declaring that he wanted none from that ancient stronghold of heresy16. *** The people of Rochelle, indeed, found no favor in Canada. Another writer describes them as “persons of little conscience, and almost no religion,” adding that the Normans, Percherons, Picards, and peasants of the neighborhood of Paris, are docile18, industrious19, and far more pious20. “It is important,” he concludes, “in beginning a new colony, to sow good seed.” **** It was, accordingly, from the north-western provinces that most of the emigrants
* Lettre de Laval envoyée à Rome. 21 Oct., 1661 (extract in
Faillon from Archives of the Propaganda).
** Marie de l’Incarnation, 18 Ao?t, 1664. These engagés
were some times also brought over by private persons.
*** Colbert a Laval, 18 Mars, 1664.
**** Mémoire de 1664 (anonymous)
were drawn21. * They seem in the main to have been a decent peasantry, though writers who, from their position, should have been well informed, have denounced them in unmeasured terms. ** Some of them could read and write, and some brought with them a little money.
Talon22 was constantly begging for more men, till Louis XIV. at length took alarm. Colbert replied to the over-zealous intendant, that the king did not think it expedient24 to depopulate France, in order to people Canada; that he wanted men for his armies; and that the colony must rely chiefly on increase from within. Still the shipments did not cease; and, even while tempering the ardor25 of his agent, the king gave another
* See a paper by Garneau in Le National of Quebec, 28
was from Paris, Normandy, Poitou, Pays d’Aunis, Brittany,
and Picardy. Nearly all those from Paris were sent by the
king from houses of charity.
** “Une foule d'aventuriers, ramasses au hazard en France,
presque tous de la lie du peuple, la plupart obérés de
dettes ou chargés de crimes.” etc. La Tour, Vie de Laval,
comme un asile pour se mettre à couvert de leurs crimes,”
Meules, Dépêché de 1682. Meules was intendant in that year.
Marie de l’Incarnation, after speaking of the emigrants as
of a very mixed character, says that it would have been far
better to send a few who were good Christians28, rather than
so many who give so much trouble. Lettre du—Oct., 1669.
the early colonists, “très honnêtes gens, avant de la
probité, de la droiture, et de la religion.... L’on a
examiné et choisi les habitants, et renvoyé en France les
personnes vicieuses.” If, he adds, any such were left “ils
leur première condition.” Charlevoix is almost as strong in
century. We shall have means hereafter of judging between
these conflicting statements.
proof how much he had the growth of Canada at heart. *
The regiment31 of Carignan-Salières had been ordered home, with the exception of four companies kept in garrison32, ** and a considerable number discharged in order to become settlers. Of those who returned, six companies were, a year or two later, sent back, discharged in their turn, and converted into colonists. Neither men nor officers were positively33 constrained34 to remain in Canada; but the officers were told that if they wished to please his Majesty35 this was the way to do so; and both they and the men were stimulated36 by promises and rewards. Fifteen hundred livres were given to La Motte, because he had married in the country and meant to remain there. Six thousand livres were assigned to other officers, because they had followed, or were about to follow, La Motte’s example; and twelve thousand were set apart to be distributed to the soldiers under similar conditions. *** Each soldier who consented to remain and settle was promised a grant of land and a hundred livres in money; or, if he preferred it, fifty livres with provisions for a year. This military colonization38 had a strong and lasting39 influence on the character of the Canadian people.
* The king had sent out more emigrants than he had
1666, 1667, and 1668. The total population for those years
is 3418, 4312, and 5870, respectively. A small part of this
growth may be set down to emigration not under government
auspices, and a large part to natural increase, which was
enormous at this time, from causes which will soon appear.
** Colbert a Talon, 20 Fev., 1668.
*** Ibid.
But if the colony was to grow from within, the new settlers must have wives. For some years past, the Sulpitians had sent out young women for the supply of Montreal; and the king, on a larger scale, continued the benevolent41 work. Girls for the colony were taken from the hospitals of Paris and of Lyons, which were not so much hospitals for the sick as houses of refuge for the poor. Mother Mary writes in 1665 that a hundred had come that summer, and were nearly all provided with husbands, and that two hundred more were to come next year. The case was urgent, for the demand was great. Complaints, however, were soon heard that women from cities made indifferent partners; and peasant girls, healthy, strong, and accustomed to field work, were demanded in their place. Peasant girls were therefore sent, but this was not all. Officers as well as men wanted wives; and Talon asked for a consignment42 of young ladies. His request was promptly43 answered. In 1667, he writes: “They send us eighty-four girls from Dieppe and twenty-five from Rochelle; among them are fifteen or twenty of pretty good birth; several of them are really demoiselles, and tolerably well brought up.” They complained of neglect and hardship during the voyage. “I shall do what I can to soothe44 their discontent,” adds the intendant; “for if they write to their correspondents at home how ill they have been treated it would be an obstacle to your plan of sending us next year a number of select young ladies.” *
* “Des demoiselles bien choisies.” Talon a Colbert, 27 Oct.
1667.
Three years later we find him asking for three or four more in behalf of certain bachelor officers. The response surpassed his utmost wishes; and he wrote again: “It is not expedient to send more demoiselles. I have had this year fifteen of them, instead of the four I asked for.” *
As regards peasant girls, the supply rarely equalled the demand. Count Frontenac, Courcelle’s successor, complained of the scarcity45: “If a hundred and fifty girls and as many servants,” he says, “had been sent out this year, they would all have found husbands and masters within a month.” **
The character of these candidates for matrimony has not escaped the pen of slander46. The caustic47 La Hontan, writing fifteen or twenty years after, draws the following sketch48 of the mothers of Canada: “After the regiment of Carignan was disbanded, ships were sent out freighted with girls of indifferent virtue49, under the direction of a few pious old duennas, who divided them into three classes. These vestals were, so to speak, piled one on the other in three different halls, where the bridegrooms chose their brides as a butcher chooses his sheep out of the midst of the
* Talon 'a Colbert, 2 Nov., 1671.
** Frontenac a Colbert, 2 Nov., 1672. This year only eleven
girls had been sent. The scarcity was due to the
indiscretion of Talon, who had written to the minister that,
as many of the old settlers had daughters just becoming
marriageable, it would be well, in order that they might
find husbands, to send no more girls from France at present.
The next year, 1673, the king writes that, though he is
involved in a great war, which needs all his resources, he
has nevertheless sent sixty more girls.
flock. There was wherewith to content the most fantastical in these three harems; for here were to be seen the tall and the short, the blond and the brown, the plump and the lean; everybody, in short, found a shoe to fit him. At the end of a fortnight not one was left. I am told that the plumpest were taken first, because it was thought that, being less active, they were more likely to keep at home, and that they could resist the winter cold better. Those who wanted a wife applied50 to the directresses, to whom they were obliged to make known their possessions and means of livelihood51 before taking from one of the three classes the girl whom they found most to their liking52. The marriage was concluded forthwith, with the help of a priest and a notary53, and the next day the governor-general caused the couple to be presented with an ox, a cow, a pair of swine, a pair of fowls54, two barrels of salted meat, and eleven crowns in money.” *
As regards the character of the girls, there can be no doubt that this amusing sketch is, in the main, maliciously55 untrue. Since the colony began, it had been the practice to send back to France women of the class alluded56 to by La Hontan, as soon as they became notorious. ** Those who were
* La Hontan, Nouveaux Voyages, I. 11 (1709). In some of the
other editions, the same account is given in different
words, equally lively and scandalous.
** This is the statement of Boucher, a good authority. A
case of the sort in 1658 is mentioned in the correspondence
of Argenson. Boucher says further, that an assurance of good
character was required from the relations or friends of the
to 1663, when Boucher wrote his book. Colbert evidently
not taken from institutions of charity usually belonged to the families of peasants overburdened with children, and glad to find the chance of establishing them. * How some of them were obtained appears from a letter of Colbert to Harlay, Archbishop of Rouen. “As, in the parishes about Rouen,” he writes, “fifty or sixty girls might be found who would be very glad to go to Canada to be married, I beg you to employ your credit and authority with the curés of thirty or forty of these parishes, to try to find in each of them one or two girls disposed to go voluntarily for the sake of a settlement in life.” **
Mistakes nevertheless occurred. “Along with the honest people,” complains Mother Mary, “comes a great deal of canaille of both sexes, who cause a great deal of scandal.” *** After some of the young women had been married at Quebec, it was found that they had husbands at home. The priests
* Témoignage de la Mère du Plessis de Sainte-Helène
(extract in Faillon).
** Colbert a l’Archevêque de Rouen, 27 Fev., 1670.
passage in one of Talon’s letters. “Entre les filles qu’on
fait passer ici il y en a qui ont de légitimes et
considérables prétentions aux successions de leurs parents,
même entre celles qui sont tirées de l’H?pital Général.” The
General Hospital of Paris had recently been established
of Paris. The royal edict creating it says that “les pauvres
mendiants et invalides des deux sexes y seraient enfermés
pour estre employés aux manufactures et aultres travaux
selon leur pouvoir.” They were gathered by force in the
streets by a body of special police, called “Archers de
l’H?pital.” They resisted at first, and serious riots
ensued. In 1662, the General Hospital of Paris contained
had been there from childhood in charge of nuns.
*** “Beaucoup de canaille de l’un et l’autre sexe qui
causent beaucoup de scandale.” Lettre du—Oct., 1669.
became cautious in tying the matrimonial knot, and Colbert thereupon ordered that each girl should provide herself with a certificate from the cure or magistrate64 of her parish to the effect that she was free to marry. Nor was the practical intendant unmindful of other precautions to smooth the path to the desired goal. “The girls destined for this country,” he writes, “besides being strong and healthy, ought to be entirely65 free from any natural blemish66 or any thing personally repulsive67.” *
Thus qualified68 canonically69 and physically70, the annual consignment of young women was shipped to Quebec, in charge of a matron employed and paid by the king. Her task was not an easy one, for the troop under her care was apt to consist of what Mother Mary in a moment of unwonted levity71 calls “mixed goods.” ** On one occasion the office was undertaken by the pious widow of Jean Bourdon. Her flock of a hundred and fifty girls, says Mother Mary, “gave her no little trouble on the voyage; for they are of all sorts, and some of them are very rude and hard to manage.” Madame Bourdon was not daunted72. She not only saw her charge distributed and married, but she continued to receive and care for the subsequent ship-loads as they arrived summer after summer. She was
* Talon a Colbert, 10 Nov., 1670.
** “Une marchandise mêlée.” Lettre du—1668. In that year,
1668, the king spent 40,000 livres in the shipment of men
and girls. In 1669, a hundred and fifty girls were sent; in
1670, a hundred and sixty-five; and Talon asks for a hundred
and fifty or two hundred more to supply the soldiers who had
got ready their houses and clearings, and were now prepared
to marry. The total number of girls sent from 1665 to 1673,
inclusive, was about a thousand.
indeed chief among the pious duennas of whom La Hontan irreverently speaks. Marguerite Bourgeoys did the same good offices for the young women sent to Montreal. Here the “king’s girls," as they were called, were all lodged73 together in a house to which the suitors repaired to make their selection. “I was obliged to live there myself,” writes the excellent nun5, “because families were to be formed;” * that is to say, because it was she who superintended these extemporized74 unions. Meanwhile she taught the girls their catechism, and, more fortunate than Madame Bourdon, inspired them with a confidence and affection which they retained long after.
0135
Marguerite Bourgeoys
At Quebec, where the matrimonial market was on a larger scale, a more ample bazaar76 was needed. That the girls were assorted77 into three classes, each penned up for selection in a separate hall, is a statement probable enough in itself, but resting on no better authority than that of La Hontan. Be this as it may, they were submitted together to the inspection78 of the suitor; and the awkward young peasant or the rugged79 soldier of Carignan was required to choose a bride without delay from among the anxious candidates. They, on their part, were permitted to reject any applicant80 who displeased81 them, and the first question, we are told, which most of them asked was whether the suitor had a house and a farm.
Great as was the call for wives, it was thought prudent82 to stimulate37 it. The new settler was at once
* Extract in Faillon, Colonie Fran?aise, III. 214.
enticed83 and driven into wedlock. Bounties were offered on early marriages. Twenty livres were given to each youth who married before the age of twenty, and to each girl who married before the age of sixteen. * This, which was called the “king’s gift,” was exclusive of the dowry given by him to every girl brought over by his orders. The dowry varied84 greatly in form and value; but, according to Mother Mary, it was sometimes a house with provisions for eight months. More often it was fifty livres in household supplies, besides a barrel or two of salted meat. The royal solicitude85 extended also to the children of colonists already established. “I pray you,” writes Colbert to Talon, “to commend it to the consideration of the whole people, that their prosperity, their subsistence, and all that is dear to them, depend on a general resolution, never to be departed from, to marry youths at eighteen or nineteen years and girls at fourteen or fifteen; since abundance can never come to them except through the abundance of men.” ** This counsel was followed by appropriate action. Any father of a family who, without showing good cause, neglected to marry his children when they had reached the ages of twenty and sixteen was fined; *** and each father thus delinquent86 was required to present himself every six months to the local authorities to declare what
* Arrêt du Conseil d’Etat du Roy (see Edits et Ordonnances,
I. 67).
** Colbert a Talon, 20 Fev., 1668.
*** Arrêts du Conseil d’Etat, 1669 (cited by Faillon);
Arrêt du Conseil d Etat, 1670 (see Edits et Ordonnances, I.
67); Ordonnance du Roy, 5 Avril, 1669. See Clément,
Instructions, etc., de Colbert, III. 2me Partie, 657.
reason, if any, he had for such delay. * Orders were issued, a little before the arrival of the yearly ships from France, that all single men should marry within a fortnight after the landing of the prospective87 brides. No mercy was shown to the obdurate88 bachelor. Talon issued an order forbidding unmarried men to hunt, fish, trade with the Indians, or go into the woods under any pretence89 whatsoever90. ** In short, they were made as miserable91 as possible. Colbert goes further. He writes to the intendant, “those who may seem to have absolutely renounced92 marriage should be made to bear additional burdens, and be excluded from all honors: it would be well even to add some marks of infamy93.” *** The success of these measures was complete. “No sooner,” says Mother Mary, “have the vessels94 arrived than the young men go to get wives; and, by reason of the great number they are married by thirties at a time.” Throughout the length and breadth of Canada, Hymen,
* Registre du Conseil Souverain.
** Talon au Ministre, 10 Oct., 1670. Colbert highly
approves this order. Faillon found a case of its enforcement
among the ancient records of Montreal. In December, 1670,
Fran?ois Le Noir, an inhabitant of La Chine, was summoned
before the judge, because, though a single man, he had
traded with Indians at his own house. He confessed the fact,
but protested that he would marry within three weeks after
the arrival of the vessels from France, or, failing to do
so, that he would give a hundred and fifty livres to the
church of Montreal, and an equal sum to the hospital.
On this condition he was allowed to trade, but was still
forbidden to go into the woods. The next year he kept his
word, and married Marie Magdeleine Charbonnier, late of
Paris.
The prohibition95 to go into the woods was probably intended
to prevent the bachelor from finding a temporary Indian
substitute for a French wife.
les priver de tous honneurs, même d’y ajouter quelque marque
d’infamie.” Lettre du 20 Fev., 1668.
if not Cupid, was whipped into a frenzy97 of activity. Dollier de Casson tells us of a widow who was married afresh before her late husband was buried. *
Nor was the fatherly care of the king confined to the humbler classes of his colonists. He wished to form a Canadian noblesse, to which end early marriages were thought needful among officers and others of the better sort. The progress of such marriages was carefully watched and reported by the intendant. We have seen the reward bestowed98 upon La Motte for taking to himself a wife, and the money set apart for the brother officers who imitated him. In his despatch99 of October, 1667, the intendant announces that two captains are already married to two damsels of the country; that a lieutenant100 has espoused101 a daughter of the governor of Three Rivers; and that “four ensigns are in treaty with their mistresses, and are already half engaged.” ** The paternal103 care of government, one would think, could scarcely go further.
It did, however, go further. Bounties were offered on children. The king, in council, passed a decree “that in future all inhabitants of the said country of Canada who shall have living children to the number of ten, born in lawful104 wedlock, not
* Histoire du Montréal, A.B. 1671, 1672.
** “Quatre enseignes sont en pourparler avec leurs
ma?tresses et sent déjà à demi engagés.” Dépêche du 27 Oct.,
1667. The lieutenant was René Gaultier de Varennes, who on
the 26th September, 1667, married Marie Boucher, daughter of
children of this marriage was Varennes de la Vérendrye,
discoverer of the Rocky Mountains.
being priests, monks105, or nuns, shall each be paid out of the moneys sent by his Majesty to the said country a pension of three hundred livres a year, and those who shall have twelve children, a pension of four hundred livres; and that, to this effect, they shall be required to declare the number of their children every year in the months of June or July to the intendant of justice, police, and finance, established in the said country, who, having verified the same, shall order the payment of said pensions, one-half in cash, and the other half at the end of each year.” * This was applicable to all. Colbert had before offered a reward, intended specially106 for the better class, of twelve hundred livres to those who had fifteen children, and eight hundred to those who had ten.
These wise encouragements, as the worthy107 Faillon calls them, were crowned with the desired result. A despatch of Talon in 1670 informs the minister that most of the young women sent out last summer are pregnant already, and in 1671 he announces that from six hundred to seven hundred children have been born in the colony during the year; a prodigious108 number in view of the small population. The climate was supposed to be particularly favorable to the health of women, which
* Edits et Ordonnances, I. 67. It was thought at this time
valuable part of the population. The reproductive qualities
of Indian women, therefore, became an object of Talon’s
by nursing their children longer than is necessary; “but,”
he adds, “this obstacle to the speedy building up of the
colony can be overcome by a police regulation.” Mémoire sur
l’Etat Présent du Canada, 1667,
is somewhat surprising in view of recent American experience. “The first reflection I have to make,” says Dollier de Casson, “is on the advantage that women have in this place (Montreal) over men, for though the cold is very wholesome111 to both sexes, it is incomparably more so to the female, who is almost immortal112 here.” Her fecundity113 matched her longevity114, and was the admiration115 of Talon and his successors, accustomed as they were to the scanty116 families of France.
Why with this great natural increase joined to an immigration which, though greatly diminishing, did not entirely cease, was there not a corresponding increase in the population of the colony? Why, more than half a century after the king took Canada in charge, did the census show a total of less than twenty-five thousand souls? The reasons will appear hereafter.
It is a peculiarity117 of Canadian immigration, at this its most flourishing epoch118, that it was mainly an immigration of single men and single women. The cases in which entire families came over were comparatively few. * The new settler was found
* The principal emigration of families seems to have been
in 1669 when, at the urgency of Talon, then in France, a
considerable number were sent out. In the earlier period the
emigration of families was, relatively119, much greater. Thus,
in 1634, the physician Giffard brought over seven to people
his seigniory of Beauport. Before 1663, when the king took
the colony in hand, the emigrants were for the most part
stocking his colony is shown by numberless passages in his
letters, and those of his minister. “The end and the rule of
all your conduct,” says Colbert to the intendant Bouteroue,
“should be the increase of the colony; and on this point you
every imaginable expedient for preserving the inhabitants,
attracting new ones, and multiplying them by marriage.”
Instruction pour M. Bouteroue, 1668.
by the king; sent over by the king; and supplied by the king with a wife, a farm, and sometimes with a house. Well did Louis XIV. earn the title of Father of New France. But the royal zeal was spasmodic. The king was diverted to other cares, and soon after the outbreak of the Dutch war in 1672 the regular despatch of emigrants to Canada wellnigh ceased; though the practice of disbanding soldiers in the colony, giving them lands, and turning them into settlers, was continued in some degree, even to the last.
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1
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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wedlock
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| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
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bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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squads
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| n.（军队中的）班( squad的名词复数 )；（暗杀）小组；体育运动的运动（代表）队；（对付某类犯罪活动的）警察队伍 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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notaries
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| n.公证人，公证员( notary的名词复数 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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29
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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30
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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31
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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32
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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33
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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34
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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35
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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36
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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37
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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38
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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39
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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40
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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41
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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42
consignment
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| n.寄售；发货；委托；交运货物 | |
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43
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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44
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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45
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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46
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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47
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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48
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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49
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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50
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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51
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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52
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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53
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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54
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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55
maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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56
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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58
maternity
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| n.母性，母道，妇产科病房；adj.孕妇的，母性的 | |
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59
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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60
vagrants
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| 流浪者( vagrant的名词复数 )； 无业游民； 乞丐； 无赖 | |
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61
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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62
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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63
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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64
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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65
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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66
blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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67
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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68
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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canonically
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| adv.照宗规地，宗规上地 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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71
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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72
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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74
extemporized
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| v.即兴创作，即席演奏( extemporize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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76
bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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77
assorted
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| adj.各种各样的，各色俱备的 | |
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78
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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79
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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80
applicant
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| n.申请人，求职者，请求者 | |
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81
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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82
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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83
enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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85
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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86
delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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87
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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88
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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89
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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91
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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92
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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93
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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94
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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95
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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96
augmenter
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| [计] 增量 | |
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97
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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98
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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100
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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101
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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103
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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104
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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105
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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106
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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107
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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108
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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109
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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110
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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111
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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112
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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113
fecundity
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| n.生产力；丰富 | |
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114
longevity
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| n.长命；长寿 | |
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115
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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116
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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117
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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118
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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119
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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120
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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121
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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