The Jesuits and the Iroquois.—Mission Villages.—Michillimackinac. —Father Carheil.—Temperance.—Brandy and the Indians.—Strong Measures.—Disputes.—License and Prohibition1.—Views of the King.—Trade and the Jesuits.
For a year or two after De Tracy had chastised2 the Mohawks, and humbled3 the other Iroquois nations, all was rose color on the side of that dreaded4 confederacy. The Jesuits, defiant5 as usual of hardship and death, had begun their ruined missions anew. Bruyas took the Mission of the Martyrs6 among the Mohawks; Milet, that of Saint Francis Xavier, among the Oneidas; Lamberville, that of Saint John the Baptist among the Onondagas; Carheil, that of Saint Joseph among the Cayugas; and Raffeix and Julien Gamier shared between them the three missions of the Senecas. The Iroquois, after their punishment, were in a frame of mind so hopeful, that the fathers imagined for a moment that they were all on the point of accepting the faith. This was a consummation earnestly to be wished, not only from a religious, but also from a political point of view. The complete conversion7 of the Iroquois meant their estrangement8 from the heretic English and Dutch, and their firm alliance with the French. It meant safety for Canada, and it ensured for her the fur trade of the interior freed from English rivalry9. Hence the importance of these missions, and hence their double character. While the Jesuit toiled10 to convert his savage11 hosts, he watched them at the same time with the eye of a shrewd political agent; reported at Quebec the result of his observations, and by every means in his power sought to alienate12 them from England, and attach them to France.
Their simple conversion, by placing them wholly under his influence, would have outweighed13 in political value all other agencies combined; but the flattering hopes of the earlier years soon vanished. Some petty successes against other tribes so elated the Iroquois, that they ceased to care for French alliance or French priests. Then a few petty reverses would dash their spirits, and dispose them again to listen to Jesuit counsels. Every success of a war-party was a loss to the faith, and every reverse was a gain. Meanwhile a more repulsive15 or a more critical existence than that of a Jesuit father in an Iroquois town is scarcely conceivable. The torture of prisoners turned into a horrible festivity for the whole tribe; foul16 and crazy orgies in which, as the priest thought, the powers of darkness took a special delight; drunken riots, the work of Dutch brandy, when he was forced to seek refuge from death in his chapel17, a sanctuary18 which superstitious19 fear withheld20 the Indians from violating; these, and a thousand disgusts and miseries21, filled the record of his days, and he bore them all in patience. Not only were the early Canadian Jesuits men of an intense religious zeal22, but they were also men who lived not for themselves but for their order. Their faults were many and great, but the grandeur23 of their self-devotion towers conspicuous24 over all.
At Caughnawaga, near Montreal, may still be seen the remnants of a mission of converted Iroquois, whom the Jesuits induced to leave the temptations of their native towns and settle here, under the wing of the church. They served as a bulwark25 against the English, and sometimes did good service in time of war. At Sillery, near Quebec, a band of Abenaquis, escaping from the neighborhood of the English towards the close of Philip’s War, formed another mission of similar character. The Sulpitians had a third at the foot of the mountain of Montreal, where two massive stone towers of the fortified26 Indian town are standing27 to this day. All these converted savages28, as well as those of Lorette and other missions far and near, were used as allies in war, and launched in scalping parties against the border settlements of New England.
Not only the Sulpitians, but also the seminary priests of Quebec, the Recollets, and even the Capuchins, had missions more or less important, and more or less permanent; but the Jesuits stood always in the van of religious and political propagandism; and all the forest tribes felt their influence, from Acadia and Maine to the plains beyond the Mississippi. Next in importance to their Iroquois missions were those among the Algonquins of the northern lakes. Here was the grand domain29 of the beaver30 trade; and the chief woes31 of the missionary33 sprang not from the Indians, but from his own countrymen. Beaver-skins had produced an effect akin34 to that of gold in our own day, and the deepest recesses35 of the wilderness36 were invaded by eager seekers after gain. The focus of the evil was at Father Marquette’s old mission of Michillimackinac.
First, year after year came a riotous38 invasion of coureurs de bois, and then a garrison39 followed to crown the mischief40. Discipline was very weak at these advanced posts, and, to eke37 out their pay, the soldiers were allowed to trade; brandy, whether permitted or interdicted41, being the chief article of barter42. Father Etienne Carheil was driven almost to despair; and he wrote to the intendant, his fast friend and former pupil, the long letter already mentioned. “Our missions,” he says, “are reduced to such extremity43 that we can no longer maintain them against the infinity44 of disorder45, brutality46, violence, injustice47, impiety48, impurity49, insolence50, scorn, and insult, which the deplorable and infamous51 traffic in brandy has spread universally among the Indians of these parts.... In the despair in which we are plunged52, nothing remains53 for us but to abandon them to the brandy sellers as a domain of drunkenness and debauchery.”
He complains bitterly of the officers in command of the fort, who, he says, far from repressing disorders55, encourage them by their example, and are even worse than their subordinates, “insomuch that all our Indian villages are so many taverns56 for drunkenness and Sodoms for iniquity57, which we shall be forced to leave to the just wrath58 and vengeance59 of God.” He insists that the garrisons60 are entirely61 useless, as they have only four occupations: first, to keep open liquor shops for crowds of drunken Indians; secondly62, to roam from place to place, carrying goods and brandy under the orders of the commandant, who shares their profits; thirdly, to gamble day and night; fourthly, to “turn the fort into a place which I am ashamed to call by its right name;” and he describes, with a curious amplitude63 of detail, the swarms64 of Indian girls who are hired to make it their resort. “Such, monseigneur, are the only employments of the soldiers maintained here so many years. If this can be called doing the king service, I admit that such service is done for him here now, and has always been done for him here; but I never saw any other done in my life.” He further declares that the commandants oppose and malign65 the missionaries66, while of the presents which the king sends up the country for distribution to the Indians, they, the Indians, get nothing but a little tobacco, and the officer keeps the rest for himself. *
* Of the officers in command at Michillimackinac while
his strictures, but bears very hard on La Motte-Cadillac,
who hated the Jesuits and was hated by them in turn. La
Motte, on his part, writes that “the missionaries wish to be
masters wherever they are, and cannot tolerate anybody above
themselves.” N. Y. Colonial Docs., IX. 587. For much more
emphatic expressions of his views concerning them, see two
letters from him, translated in Sheldon’s Early History of
Michigan.
From the misconduct of officers and soldiers, he passes to that of the coureurs de bois and licensed68 traders; and here he is equally severe. He dilates69 on the evils which result from permitting the colonists70 to go to the Indians instead of requiring the Indians to come to the settlements. “It serves only to rob the country of all its young men, weaken families, deprive wives of their husbands, sisters of their brothers, and parents of their children; expose the voyagers to a hundred dangers of body and soul; involve them in a multitude of expenses, some necessary, some useless, and some criminal; accustom71 them to do no work, and at last disgust them with it for ever; make them live in constant idleness, unlit them completely for any trade, and render them useless to themselves, their families, and the public. But it is less as regards the body than as regards the soul, that this traffic of the French among the savages is infinitely72 hurtful. It carries them far away from churches, separates them from priests and nuns73, and severs74 them from all instruction, all exercise of religion, and all spiritual aid. It sends them into places wild and almost inaccessible75, through a thousand perils76 by land and water, to carry on by base, abject77, and shameful78 means a trade which would much better be carried on at Montreal.”
But in the complete transfer of the trade to Montreal, he sees insuperable difficulties, and he proceeds to suggest, as the last and best resort, that garrisons and officers should be withdrawn79, and licenses81 abolished; that discreet82 and virtuous83 persons should be chosen to take charge of all the trade of the upper country; that these persons should be in perfect sympathy and correspondence with the Jesuits; and that the trade should be carried on at the missions of the Jesuits and in their presence. *
This letter brings us again face to face with the brandy question, of which we have seen something already in the quarrel between Avaugour and the bishop84. In the summer of 1648, there was held at the mission of Sillery a temperance meeting; the first in all probability on this continent. The drum beat after mass, and the Indians gathered at the summons. Then an Algonquin chief, a zealous85 convert of the Jesuits, proclaimed to the crowd a late edict of the governor imposing86 penalties for drunkenness, and, in his own name and that of the other chiefs, exhorted87 them to abstinence, declaring that all drunkards should be handed over to the French for punishment. Father Jerome Lalemant looked on delighted. “It was,” he says, “the finest public act of jurisdiction88 exercised among the Indians since I have been in this country. From the beginning of the world they have all thought themselves as great lords, the one as the other, and never before submitted to their chiefs any further than they chose to do so.” *
* Lettre du Pere Etienne Carheil de la Compagnie de Jésus à
l'Intendant Champigny, Michillimackinac, 30 Ao?t, 1702
(Archives Nationales) Lalemant, Rel, 1648, p. 43.
There was great need of reform; for a demon89 of drunkenness seemed to possess these unhappy tribes. Nevertheless, with all their rage for brandy, they sometimes showed in regard to it a self-control quite admirable in its way. When at a fair, a council, or a friendly visit, their entertainers regaled them with rations90 of the coveted91 liquor, so prudently92 measured out that they could not be the worse for it, they would unite their several portions in a common stock, which they would then divide among a few of their number, thus enabling them to attain94 that complete intoxication95 which, in their view, was the true end of all drinking. The objects of this singular benevolence96 were expected to requite97 it in kind on some future occasion.
A drunken Indian with weapons within reach, was very dangerous, and all prudent93 persons kept out of his way. This greatly pleased him; for, seeing everybody run before him, he fancied himself a great chief, and howled and swung his tomahawk with redoubled fury. If, as often happened, he maimed or murdered some wretch98 not nimble enough to escape, his countrymen absolved99 him from all guilt100, and blamed only the brandy. Hence, if an Indian wished to take a safe revenge on some personal enemy, he would pretend to be drunk; and, not only murders but other crimes were often committed by false claimants to the bacchanalian101 privilege.
In the eyes of the missionaries, brandy was a fiend with all crimes and miseries in his train; and, in fact, nothing earthly could better deserve the epithet102 infernal than an Indian town in the height of a drunken debauch54. The orgies never ceased till the bottom of the barrel was reached. Then came repentance103, despair, wailing104, and bitter invective105 against the white men, the cause of all the woe32. In the name of the public good, of humanity, and above all of religion, the bishop and the Jesuits denounced the fatal traffic.
Their case was a strong one; but so was the case of their opponents. There was real and imminent106 danger that the thirsty savages, if refused brandy by the French, would seek it from the Dutch and English of New York. It was the most potent107 lure108 and the most killing109 bait. Wherever it was found, thither110 the Indians and their beaver-skins were sure to go, and the interests of the fur trade, vital to the colony, were bound up with it. Nor was this all, for the merchants and the civil powers insisted that religion and the saving of souls were bound up with it no less; since, to repel111 the Indians from the Catholic French, and attract them to the heretic English, was to turn them from ways of grace to ways of perdition. * The argument, no doubt, was dashed largely with hypocrisy112 in those who used it; but it was one which the priests were greatly perplexed113 to answer.
In former days, when Canada was not yet transformed from a mission to a colony, the Jesuits entered with a high hand on the work of reform.
* “Ce commerce est absolument nécessaire pour attirer les
donner les premières teintures de la foy.” Mémoire de
It fared hard with the culprit caught in the act of selling brandy to Indians. They led him, after the sermon, to the door of the church; where, kneeling on the pavement, partially stript and bearing in his hand the penitential torch, he underwent a vigorous flagellation, laid on by Father Le Mercier himself, after the fashion formerly116 practised in the case of refractory117 school-boys. * Bishop Laval not only discharged against the offenders118 volleys of wholesale119 excommunication, but he made of the offence a “reserved case;” that is, a case in which the power of granting absolution was reserved to himself alone. This produced great commotion120, and a violent conflict between religious scruples121 and a passion for gain. The bishop and the Jesuits stood inflexible122; while their opponents added bitterness to the quarrel by charging them with permitting certain favored persons to sell brandy, unpunished, and even covertly123 selling it themselves. **
* Mémoire de Dumesnil, 1671.
** Lettre de Charles Aubert de la Chesnaye, 24 Oct., 1693.
adds: “L’on dit, et il est vrai, que dans ces temps si
facheux, sous prétexte de pauvreté dans les familles,
certaines gens avoient permission d’en traiter, je crois
toujours avec la réserve de ne pas enivrer.” Dumesnil,
Mémoire de 1671, says that Laval excommunicated all brandy-
sellers, “à l’exception, néanmoins, de quelques particuliers
qu’il voulait favoriser.” He says further that the bishop
and the Jesuit Ragueneau had a clerk whom they employed at
500 francs a year to trade with the Indians, paying them in
liquors for their furs; and that for a time the
ecclesiastics125 had this trade to themselves, their severities
Salle, Mémoire de 1678, declares that, “Ils (les Jésuites)
refusent l’absolution a ceux qui ne veulent pas promettre de
n’en plus vendre, et s’ils meurent en cet état, ils les
privent de la sépulture ecclésiastique: au contraire, ils so
permettent à eux mesmes sans aucune difficulté ce mesme
trafic, quoyque toute sorte de trafic soit interdite à tous
les ecclésiastiques par les ordonnances du Roy et par une
bulle expresse du Pape.” I give these assertions as I find
them, and for what they are worth.
Appeal was made to the king, who, with his Jesuit confessor, guardian129 of his conscience on one side, and Colbert, guardian of his worldly interests on the other, stood in some perplexity. The case was referred to the fathers of the Sorbonne, and they, after solemn discussion, pronounced the selling of brandy to Indians a mortal sin. * It was next referred to an assembly of the chief merchants and inhabitants of Canada, held under the eye of the governor, intendant, and council, in the Chateau130 St. Louis. Each was directed to state his views in writing. The great majority were for unrestricted trade in brandy; a few were for a limited and guarded trade; and two or three declared for prohibition. ** Decrees of prohibition were passed from time to time, but they were unavailing. They were revoked131, renewed, and revoked again. They were, in fact, worse than useless; for their chief effect was to turn traders and coureurs de bois into troops of audacious contrabandists. Attempts were made to limit the brandy trade to the settlements, and exclude it from the forest country, where its regulation was impossible; but these attempts, like the others, were of little avail. It is worthy132 of notice that, when brandy was forbidden everywhere else, it was permitted in the trade of Tadoussac, carried on for the profit of government. ***
* Délibération de la Sorbonne sur la Traite des Boissons, 8
Mars, 1676.
** Procès-verbal de l’Assemblée tenue au Chateau de St.
Louis de Québec, le 26 Oct., 1676, et jours suivants.
*** Lettre de Charles Aubert de la Chesnaye, 24 Oct., 1693.
In the course of the quarrel a severe law passed by the
General Court of Massachusetts against the sale of liquors
to Indians was several times urged as an example to be
imitated. A copy of it was sent to the minister, and is
In spite of the Sorbonne, in spite of Père La Chaise, and of the Archbishop of Paris, whom he also consulted, the king was never at heart a prohibitionist134. * His Canadian revenue was drawn80 from the fur trade; and the singular argument of the partisans135 of brandy, that its attractions were needed to keep the Indians from contact with heresy136, served admirably to salve his conscience. Bigot as he was, he distrusted the Bishop of Quebec, the great champion of the anti-liquor movement. His own letters, as well as those of his minister, prove that he saw or thought that he saw motives137 for the crusade very different from those inscribed138 on its banners. He wrote to Saint-Vallier, Laval’s successor in the bishopric, that the brandy trade was very useful to the kingdom of France; that it should be regulated, but not prevented; that the consciences of his subjects must not be disturbed by denunciations of it as a sin; and that “it is well that you (the bishop) should take care that the zeal of the ecclesiastics is not excited by personal interests and passions.” ** Perhaps he alludes139 to the spirit of encroachment140 and domination which he and his minister in secret instructions to their officers often impute141 to the bishop and the clergy142, or perhaps he may have in mind other accusations143 which had reached him
* See, among other evidence, Mémoire sur la Traite des
Boissons, 1678.
** Le Roy à Saint-Vallier, 7 Avril, 1691
from time to time during many years, and of which the following from the pen of the most noted144 of Canadian governors will serve as an example. Count Frontenac declares that the Jesuits greatly exaggerate the disorders caused by brandy, and that they easily convince persons “who do not know the interested motives which have led them to harp145 continually on this string for more than forty years.... They have long wished to have the fur trade entirely to themselves, and to keep out of sight the trade which they have always carried on in the woods, and which they are carrying on there now.” *
Trade of the Jesuits.—As I have observed in a former volume, the charge against the Jesuits of trading in beaver-skins dates from the beginning of the colony. In the private journal of Father Jerome Lalemant, their superior, occurs the following curious passage, under date of November, 1645: “Pour la traite des castors. Le 15 de Nov. le bruit146 estant qu’on s’en alloit icy publier la defense147 qui auoit esté publiée aux Trois Riuieres que pas vu n’eut à traiter avec les sauvages, le P. Vimont demanda à Mons. des Chastelets commis general si nous serions de pire condition soubs eux que soubs Messieurs de la Compagnie. La conclusion fut que non et que cela iroit pour nous à U ordinaire, mais que nous le fissions148 doucement.” Journal des Jésuites. Two years after, on the request of Lalemant, the governor Montmagny, and his destined149 successor Aillebout, gave the Jesuits a certificate to the effect that “les pères de la compagnie de Jésus sont innocents de la calomnie qui leur a été imputée, et ce qu’ils en ont fiait a été pour le bien de la communauté et pour un bon sujet.” This leaves it to be inferred that they actually traded, though with good intentions. In 1664, in reply to similar “calumnies,” the Jesuits made by proxy150 a declaration before the council, stating, “que les dits Révérends Pères Jésuites n’ont fait jamais aucune profession de vendre et n’ont jamais rien vendu, mais seulement que les marchandises qu’ils donnent aux particuliers ne sont que pour avoir leurs
* Frontenac au Ministre, 29 Oct., 1676.
nécessités.” This is an admission in a thin disguise. The word nécessités is of very elastic151 interpretation152. In a memoir153 of Talon154, 1667, he mentions, “la traite de pelleteries qu’on assure qu’ils (les Jésuites) font aux Outaouacks et au Cap de la Madeleine; ce que je ne sais pas de science certaine.”
That which Talon did not know with certainty is made reasonably clear for us by a line in the private journal of Father Le Mercier, who writes under date of 17 August, 1665, “Le Père Frémin remonte supérieur au Cap de la Magdeleine, ou le temporel est en bon estat. Comme il est delivre de tout128 soin d'aucune traite, il doit s’appliquer à l’instruction tant des Montagnets que des Algonquins.” Father Charles Albanel was charged, under Frémin, with the affairs of the mission, including doubtless the temporal interests, to the prosperity of which Father Le Merciei alludes, and the cares of trade from which Father Frémin was delivered. Cavelier de la Salle declared in 1678, “Le père Arbanelle (Albanel) jésuite a traité au Cap (de la Madeleine) pour 700 pistoles de peaux d’orignaux et de castors; luy mesme me l’a dit en 1667. Il vend127 le pain, le vin, le bled, le lard, et il tient magazin au Cap aussi bien que le frère Joseph à Québec. Ce frère gagne 500 pour 100 sur tous les peuples. Ils (les Jésuites) ont bati leur collège en partie de leur traite et en partie de l’emprunt.” La Salle further says that Frémin, being reported to have made enormous profits, “ce père répondit au gouverneur (qui lui en avait fait des plaintes) par un billet que luy a conservé, que c’estoit une calomnie que ce grand gain prétendu; puisque tout ce qui se passoit par ses mains ne pouvoit produire par an que quatre mille de revenant bon, tous frais faits, sans comprendre les gages des domestiques.” La Salle gives also many other particulars, especially relating to Michillimackinac, where, as he says, the Jesuits had a large stock of beaver-skins. According to Peronne Dumesnil, Mémoire de 1671, the Jesuits had at that time more than 20,000 francs a year, partly from trade and partly from charitable contributions of their friends in France.
The king repeatedly forbade the Jesuits and other ecclesiastics in Canada to carry on trade. On one occasion he threatened strong measures should they continue to disobey him. Le Roi à Frontenac, 28 Avril, 1677. In the same year the minister wrote to the intendant Duchesneau: “Vous ne sauriez apporter trop de precautions pour abolir entièrement la coustume que les Ecclesiastiques séculiers et réguliers avaient pris de traitter ou de faire traitter leurs valets,” 18 Avril, 1677.
The Jesuits entered also into other branches of trade and industry with a vigor115 and address which the inhabitants of Canada might have emulated156 with advantage. They were successful fishers of eels157. In 1646, their eel-pots at Sillery are said to have yielded no less than forty thousand eels, some of which they sold at the modest price of thirty sous a hundred. Ferland, Notes sur les Registres de N. D. de Québec, 82. The members of the order were exempted158 from payment of duties, and in 1674 they were specially155 empowered to construct mills, including sugar-mills, and beep slaves, apprentices159, and hired servants. Droit Canadien, 180.
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1
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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2
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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4
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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5
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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6
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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7
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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8
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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9
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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10
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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outweighed
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| v.在重量上超过( outweigh的过去式和过去分词 )；在重要性或价值方面超过 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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33
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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34
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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35
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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36
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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37
eke
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| v.勉强度日，节约使用 | |
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38
riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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39
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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40
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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41
interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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42
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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43
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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44
infinity
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| n.无限，无穷，大量 | |
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45
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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46
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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47
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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48
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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49
impurity
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| n.不洁，不纯，杂质 | |
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50
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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51
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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52
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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53
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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54
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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55
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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56
taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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57
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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58
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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59
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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60
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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61
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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62
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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63
amplitude
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| n.广大；充足；振幅 | |
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64
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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65
malign
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| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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66
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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67
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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68
licensed
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| adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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69
dilates
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| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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70
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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71
accustom
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| vt.使适应，使习惯 | |
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72
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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73
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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74
severs
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的第三人称单数 )；断，裂 | |
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75
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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76
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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77
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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78
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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79
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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80
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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81
licenses
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| n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
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82
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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83
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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84
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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85
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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86
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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87
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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89
demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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90
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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91
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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92
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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93
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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94
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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95
intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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96
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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97
requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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98
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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99
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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100
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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101
bacchanalian
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| adj.闹酒狂饮的；n.发酒疯的人 | |
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102
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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103
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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104
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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105
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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106
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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107
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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108
lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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109
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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110
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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111
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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112
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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113
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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114
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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115
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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116
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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117
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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118
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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119
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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120
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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121
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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123
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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124
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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125
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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126
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
vend
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| v.公开表明观点，出售，贩卖 | |
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128
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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129
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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130
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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131
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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133
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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134
Prohibitionist
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| 禁酒主义者 | |
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135
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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136
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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137
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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138
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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139
alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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140
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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141
impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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142
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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143
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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144
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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145
harp
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| n.竖琴；天琴座 | |
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146
bruit
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| v.散布；n.（听诊时所听到的）杂音；吵闹 | |
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147
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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148
fissions
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| （原子的）分裂，裂变( fission的名词复数 )； 分裂生殖 | |
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149
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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150
proxy
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| n.代理权，代表权；（对代理人的）委托书；代理人 | |
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151
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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152
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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153
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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154
talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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155
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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156
emulated
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的过去式和过去分词 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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157
eels
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| abbr. 电子发射器定位系统（=electronic emitter location system） | |
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158
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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159
apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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