Church and State.—The Bishop1 and the King.—The King and the Cures.—The New Bishop.—The Canadian Cure.—Ecclesiastical Rule.—Saint-Vallier and Denonville.—Clerical Rigor2.—Jesuit and Sulpitian.—Courcelle and Chatelain.—The Recollets.—Heresy3 and Witchcraft4.—Canadian Nuns5.—Jeanne Le Ber.—Education.—The Seminary.—Saint Joachim.—Miracles op Saint Anne.—Canadian Schools.
When Laval and the Jesuits procured8 the recall of Mézy, they achieved a seeming triumph; yet it was but a defeat in disguise. While ordering home the obnoxious9 governor, the king and Colbert made a practical assertion of their power too strong to be resisted. A vice-regal officer, a governor, an intendant, and a regiment10 of soldiers, were silent but convincing proofs that the mission days of Canada were over, and the dream of a theocracy11 dispelled12 for ever. The ecclesiastics13 read the signs of the times, and for a while seemed to accept the situation.
The king on his part, in vindicating15 the civil power, had shown a studious regard to the sensibilities of the bishop and his allies. The lieutenant-general Tracy, a zealous17 devotee, and the intendant Talon18, who at least professed19 to be one, were not men to offend the clerical party needlessly. In the choice of Courcelle, the governor, a little less caution had been shown. His chief business was to fight the Iroquois, for which he was well fitted, but he presently showed signs of a willingness to fight the Jesuits also. The colonists20 liked him for his lively and impulsive21 speech; but the priests were of a different mind, and so, too, was his colleague Talon, a prudent22 person who studied the amenities23 of life and knew how to pursue his ends with temper and moderation. On the subject of the clergy24 he and the governor substantially agreed, but the ebullitions of the one and the smooth discretion25 of the other were mutually repugnant to both. Talon complained of his colleague’s impetuosity; and Colbert directed him to use his best efforts to keep Courcelle within bounds and prevent him from publicly finding fault with the bishop and the Jesuits.* Next we find the minister writing to Courcelle himself to soothe27 his ruffled28 temper, and enjoining30 him to act discreetly32, “because,” said Colbert, “as the colony grows the king’s authority will grow with it, and the authority of the priests will be brought back in time within lawful33 bounds.” **
Meanwhile, Talon had been ordered to observe carefully the conduct of the bishop and the Jesuits, “who,” says the minister, “have hitherto nominated governors for the king, and used every
* Colbert a Talon, 20 Fev., 1668.
** Colbert a Courcelle, 19 Mai, 1669
means to procure7 the recall of those chosen without their participation35; * filled offices with their adherents36, and tolerated no secular37 priests except those of one mind with them.” ** Talon, therefore, under the veil of a reverent38 courtesy, sharply watched them. They paid courtesy with courtesy, and the intendant wrote home to his master that he saw nothing amiss in them. He quickly changed his mind. “I should have had less trouble and more praise,” he writes in the next year, “if I had been willing to leave the power of the church |where I found it.” *** “It is easy,” he says again,
“to incur40 the ill-will of the Jesuits if one does not accept all their opinions and abandon one’s self to their direction even in temporal matters; for their encroachments extend to affairs of police, which concern only the civil magistrate;” and he recommends that one or two of them be sent home as disturbers of the peace. **** They, on their part, changed attitude towards both him and the governor. One of them, Father Bardy, less discreet31 than the rest, is said to have preached a sermon against them at Quebec, in which he likened them to a pair of toadstools springing up in a night, adding that a good remedy would soon be found, and that Courcelle would have to run home like other governors before him. (v)
Tracy escaped clerical attacks. He was
* Instruction au Sieur Talon.
** Mémoire pour M. de Tracy.
*** Talon au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1666.
**** Talon, Mémoire de 1667.
(v) La Salle, Mémoire de 1678 This sermon was preached on
the 12th of March, 1667.
extremely careful not to provoke them; and one of his first acts was to restore to the council the bishop’s adherents, whom Mézy had expelled. * And if, on the one hand, he was too pious42 to quarrel with the bishop, so, on the other, the bishop was too prudent to invite collision with a man of his rank and influence.
After all, the dispute between the civil and ecclesiastical powers was not fundamental. Each had need of the other. Both rested on authority, and they differed only as to the boundary lines of their respective shares in it. Yet the dispute of boundaries was a serious one, and it remained a source of bitterness for many years. The king, though rigidly45 Catholic, was not yet sunk in the slough46 of bigotry47 into which Maintenon and the Jesuits succeeded at last in plunging48 him. He had conceived a distrust of Laval, and his jealousy49 of his royal authority disposed him to listen to the anti-clerical counsels of his minister. How needful they both thought it to prune50 the exuberant51 growth of clerical power, and how cautiously they set themselves to do so, their letters attest52 again and again. “The bishop,” writes Colbert, “assumes a domination far beyond that of other bishops53 throughout the Christian54 world, and particularly in the kingdom of France.” ** “It is the will of his Majesty55 that you confine him and the Jesuits within just bounds, and let none of them
* A curious account of his relations with Laval is given in
a letter of La Motte-Cadillac, 28 September, 1694.
** Colbert a Duchesneau, 1 Mai, 1677.
overstep these bounds in any manner whatsoever56. Consider this as a matter of the greatest importance, and one to which you cannot give too much attention.” * “But,” the prudent minister elsewhere writes, “it is of the greatest consequence that the bishop and the Jesuits do not perceive that the intendant blames their conduct.” **
It was to the same intendant that Colbert wrote, “it is necessary to diminish as much as possible the excessive number of priests, monks59, and nuns, in Canada.” Yet in the very next year, and on the advice of Talon, he himself sent four more to the colony. His motive60 was plain. He meant that they should serve as a counterpoise to the Jesuits. *** They were mendicant61 friars, belonging to the branch of the Franciscans known as the Recollets; and they were supposed to be free from the ambition for the aggrandizement62 of their order which was imputed63, and with reason, to the Jesuits. Whether the Recollets were free from it or not, no danger was to be feared from them; for Laval and the Jesuits were sure to oppose them, and they would need the support of the government too much to set themselves in opposition64 to it. “The more Recollets we have,” says Talon, “the better will the too firmly rooted authority of the others be balanced.” ****
While Louis XIV. tried to confine the priests to
* Colbert a Duchesneau, 28 Avril, 1677.
** Instruction pour M. Bouteroue, 1668.
du Roy sur le pays de Canada, 18 Mai, 1669.
**** Talon au Ministre, 10 Oct., 1670.
their ecclesiastical functions, he was at the same time, whether from religion, policy, or both combined, very liberal to the Canadian church, of which, indeed, he was the main-stay. In the yearly estimate of “ordinary charges” of the colony, the church holds the most prominent place; and the appropriations66 for religious purposes often exceed all the rest together. Thus, in 1667, out of a total of 36,360 francs, 28,000 are assigned to church uses. * The amount fluctuated, but was always relatively67 large. The Canadian curés were paid in great part by the king, who for many years gave eight thousand francs annually68 towards their support. Such was the poverty of the country that, though in 1685 there were only twenty-five curés, ** each costing about five hundred francs a year, the tithes69 utterly70 failed to meet the expense. As late as 1700, the intendant declared that Canada without the king’s help could not maintain more than eight or nine curés. Louis XIV. winced71 under these steady demands, and reminded the bishop that more than four thousand curés in France lived on less than two hundred francs a year. *** “You say,” he wrote to the intendant, “that it is impossible for a Canadian curé to live on five hundred francs. Then you
* Of this, 6,000 francs were given to the Jesuits, 6,000 to
the Ursulines, 9,000 to the cathedral, 4,000 to the
seminary, and 3,000 to the H?tel-Dieu. Etat de dépense,
etc., 1677. The rest went to pay civil officers and
garrisons. In 1682, the amount for church uses was only
12,000 francs. In 1687 it was 13,500. In 1689, it rose to
34,000, including Acadia.
** Increased soon after to thirty-six by Saint-Vallier,
Laval’s successor.
*** Mémoire a Duchesneau, 15 Mai, 1678; Le Roy a
Duchesneau, 11 Juin, 1680.
must do the impossible to accomplish my intentions, which are always that the curés should live on the tithes alone.” * Yet the head of the church still begged for money, and the king still paid it. “We are in the midst of a costly72 war,” wrote the minister to the bishop, “yet in consequence of your urgency the gifts to ecclesiastics will be continued as before.” ** And they did continue. More than half a century later, the king was still making them, and during the last years of the colony he gave twenty thousand francs annually to support Canadian curés. ***
The maintenance of curés was but a part of his bounty73. He endowed the bishopric with the revenues of two French abbeys, to which he afterwards added a third. The vast tracts74 of land which Laval had acquired were freed from feudal75 burdens, and emigrants76 were sent to them by the government in such numbers that, in 1667, the bishop’s seigniory of Beaupré and Orleans contained more than a fourth of the entire population of Canada. **** He had emerged from his condition of apostolic poverty to find himself the richest land-owner in the colony.
If by favors like these the king expected to lead the ecclesiastics into compliance77 with his
* Le Roy a Duchesneau, 30 Avril, 1681.
** Le Ministre a l’Evêque, 8 Mai, 1694.
*** Bougainville, Mémoire, 1757.
**** Entire population, 4,312; Beaupré and Orleans, 1,185.
Recensement de 1667. Laval, it will be remembered,
afterwards gave his lands to the seminary of Quebec. He
previously exchanged the island of Orleans with the Sieur
Berthelot for the island of Jesus. Berthelot gave him a
large sum of money in addition.
wishes, he was doomed78 to disappointment. The system of movable curés, by which the bishop like a military chief could compel each member of his clerical army to come and go at his bidding, was from the first repugnant to Louis XIV. On the other hand, the bishop clung to it with his usual tenacity79. Colbert denounced it as contrary to the laws of the kingdom. * “His Majesty has reason to believe,” he writes, “that the chief source of the difficulty which the bishop makes on this point is his wish to preserve a greater authority over the curés.” ** The inflexible80 prelate, whose heart was bound up in the system he had established, opposed evasion81 and delay to each expression of the royal will; and even a royal edict failed to produce the desired effect. In the height of the dispute, Laval went to court, and, on the ground of failing health, asked for a successor in the bishopric. The king readily granted his prayer. The successor was appointed; but when Laval prepared to embark82 again for Canada, he was given to understand that he was to remain in France. In vain he promised to make no trouble; *** and it was not till after an absence of four years that he was permitted to return, no longer as its chief, to his beloved Canadian church. ****
* Le Ministre a Duchesneau, 15 Mai, 1678.
** Instruction a M. de Meules, 1682.
*** Laval au Père la Chaise, 1687. This forms part of a
curious correspondence printed in the Foyer Canadien for
1866, from originals in the Archevêché of Quebec.
**** From a mémoire of 18 Feb., 1685 (Archives de
Versailles) it is plain that the court, in giving a
question of movable curés.
Meanwhile Saint-Vallier, the new bishop, had raised a new tempest. He attacked that organization of the seminary of Quebec by which Laval had endeavored to unite the secular priests of Canada into an attached and obedient family, with the bishop as its head and the seminary as its home, a plan of which the system of movable curés was an essential part. The Canadian priests, devoted84 to Laval, met the innovations of Saint-Vallier with an opposition which seemed only to confirm his purpose. Laval, old and worn with toil85 and asceticism86, was driven almost to despair. The seminary of Quebec was the cherished work of his life, and, to his thinking, the citadel87 of the Canadian church; and now he beheld88 it battered89 and breached90 before his eyes. His successor, in fact, was trying to place the church of Canada on the footing of the church of France. The conflict lasted for years, with the rancor91 that marks the quarrels of non-combatants of both sexes. “He” (Saint-Vallier), says one of his opponents, “has made himself contemptible92 to almost everybody, and particularly odious93 to the priests born in Canada; for there is between them and him a mutual26 antipathy94 difficult to overcome.” * He is described by the same writer as a person “without reflection and judgment95, extreme in all things, secret and artful, passionate96 when opposed, and a flatterer when he wishes to gain his point.” This amiable97 critic adds that Saint-Vallier believes a
in 1695 and entitled Mémoire pour le Canada.
bishop to be inspired, in virtue100 of his office, with a wisdom that needs no human aid, and that whatever thought comes to him in prayer is a divine inspiration to be carried into effect at all costs and in spite of all opposition.
The new bishop, notwithstanding the tempest he had raised, did not fully34 accomplish that establishment of the curés in their respective parishes which the king and the minister so much desired. The Canadian curé was more a missionary102 than a parish priest; and nature as well as Bishop Laval threw difficulties in the way of settling him quietly over his charge.
On the Lower St. Lawrence, where it widens to an estuary103, six leagues across, a ship from France, the last of the season, holds her way for Quebec, laden104 with stores and clothing, household utensils105, goods for Indian trade, the newest court fashions, wine, brandy, tobacco, and the king’s orders from Versailles. Swelling106 her patched and dingy107 sails, she glides108 through the wildness and the solitude109 where there is nothing but her to remind you of the great troubled world behind and the little troubled world before. On the far verge110 of the ocean-like river, clouds and mountains mingle111 in dim confusion; fresh gusts112 from the north dash waves against the ledges113, sweep through the quivering spires114 of stiff and stunted115 fir-trees, and ruffle29 the feathers of the crow, perched on the dead bough116 after his feast of mussels among the sea-weed. You are not so solitary117 as you think. A small birch canoe rounds the point of rocks, and it bears two men; one in an old black cassock, and the other in a buckskin coat; both working hard at the paddle to keep their slender craft off the shingle118 and the breakers. The man in the cassock is Father Morel, aged119 forty-eight, the oldest country curé in Canada, most of his brethren being in the vigor120 of youth as they had need to be. His parochial charge embraces. a string of incipient121 parishes extending along the south shore from Riviere du Loup to Rivière du Sud, a distance reckoned at twenty-seven leagues, and his parishioners number in all three hundred and twenty-eight souls. He has administered spiritual consolation122 to the one inhabitant of Kamouraska; visited the eight families of La Bouteillerie and the five families of La Combe; and now he is on his way to the seigniory of St. Denis with its two houses and eleven souls. *
The father lands where a shattered eel-pot high and dry on the pebbles123 betrays the neighborhood of man. His servant shoulders his portable chapel124, and follows him through the belt of firs, and the taller woods beyond, till the sunlight of a desolate125 clearing shines upon them. Charred126 trunks and limbs encumber127 the ground; dead trees, branchless, barkless, pierced by the woodpeckers, in part black with fire, in part bleached128 by sun and frost, tower ghastly and weird129 above the labyrinth130 of forest ruins, through which the priest and his
* These particulars are from the Plan général de l’estat
présent des missions du Canada, fait en l’année, 1683. It is
a list and description of the parishes with the names and
ages of the cures, and other details. See Abeille, I. This
follower132 wind their way, the cat-bird mewing, and the blue-jay screaming as they pass. Now the golden-rod and the aster39, harbingers of autumn, fringe with purple and yellow the edge of the older clearing, where wheat and maize133, the settler’s meagre harvest, are growing among the stumps134.
Wild-looking women, with sunburnt faces and neglected hair, run from their work to meet the curé; a man or two follow with soberer steps and less exuberant zeal16; while half-savage135 children, the coureurs de bois of the future, bareheaded, barefooted, and half-clad, come to wonder and stare. To set up his altar in a room of the rugged136 log cabin, say mass, hear confessions137, impose penance138, grant absolution, repeat the office of the dead over a grave made weeks before, baptize, perhaps, the last infant; marry, possibly, some pair who may or may not have waited for his coming; catechize as well as time and circumstance would allow the shy but turbulent brood of some former wedlock139: such was the work of the parish priest in the remoter districts. It was seldom that his charge was quite so scattered140, and so far extended as that of Father Morel; but there were fifteen or twenty others whose labors141 were like in kind, and in some cases no less arduous143. All summer they paddled their canoes from settlement to settlement; and in winter they toiled144 on snow-shoes over the drifts; while the servant carried the portable chapel on his back, or dragged it on a sledge145. Once, at least, in the year, the curé paid his visit to Quebec, where, under the maternal146 roof of the seminary he made his retreat of meditation147 and prayer, and then returned to his work. He rarely had a house of his own, but boarded in that of the seignior or one of the habitants. Many parishes or aggregations148 of parishes had no other church than a room fitted up for the purpose in the house of some pious settler. In the larger settlements, there were churches and chapels149 of wood, thatched with straw, often ruinous, poor to the last degree, without ornaments150, and sometimes without the sacred vessels151 necessary for the service. * In 1683, there were but seven stone churches in all the colony. The population was so thin and scattered that many of the settlers heard mass only three or four times a year, and some of them not so often. The sick frequently died without absolution, and infants without baptism.
The splendid self-devotion of the early Jesuit missions has its record; so, too, have the unseemly bickerings of bishops and governors: but the patient toils152 of the missionary curé rest in the obscurity where the best of human virtues153 are buried from age to age. What we find set down concerning him is, that Louis XIV. was unable to see why he should not live on two hundred francs a year as well as a village curé by the banks of the Garonne. The king did not know that his cassock and all his clothing cost him twice as much and lasted half as long; that he must have a canoe and a man to paddle it; and that when on his
* Saint-Vallier, Estat présent de l’Eglise et de la Colonie
Fran?aise, 22ed. 18nt-Vallier, Estat présent de l’Eglise
et de la Colonie Fran?aise, 22 (ed. 1856).
annual visit the seminary paid him five or six hundred francs, partly in clothes, partly in stores, and partly in money, the end of the year found him as poor as before except only in his conscience.
The Canadian priests held the manners of the colony under a rule as rigid44 as that of the Puritan churches of New England, but with the difference that in Canada a large part of the population was restive154 under their control, while some of the civil authorities, often with the governor at their head, supported the opposition. This was due, partly to an excess of clerical severity, and partly to the continued friction155 between the secular and ecclesiastical powers. It sometimes happened, however, that a new governor arrived, so pious that the clerical party felt that they could rely on him. Of these rare instances the principal is that of Denonville, who, with a wife as pious as himself, and a young daughter, landed at Quebec, in 1685. On this, Bishop Saint-Vallier, anxious to turn his good dispositions156 to the best account, addressed to him a series of suggestions or rather directions for the guidance of his conduct, with a view to the spiritual profit of those over whom he was appointed to rule. The document was put on file, and the following are some of the points in it. It is divided into five different heads: “Touching157 feasts,” “touching balls and dances,” “touching comedies and other declamations,” “touching dress,” “touching irreverence158 in church.” The governor and madame his wife are desired to accept no invitations to suppers, that is to say late dinners, as tending to nocturnal hours and dangerous pastimes; and they are further enjoined159 to express dissatisfaction, and refuse to come again, should any entertainment offered them be too sumptuous160. “Although,” continues the bishop under the second head of his address, “balls and dances are not sinful in their nature, nevertheless they are so dangerous by reason of the circumstances that attend them, and the evil results that almost inevitably161 follow, that, in the opinion of Saint Francis of Sales, it should be said of them as physicians say of mushrooms, that at best they are good for nothing;” and, after enlarging on their perils162, he declares it to be of great importance to the glory of God and the sanctification of the colony, that the governor and his wife neither give such entertainments nor countenance163 them by their presence. “Nevertheless,” adds the mentor164, “since the youth and vivacity165 of mademoiselle their daughter requires some diversion, it is permitted to relent somewhat, and indulge her in a little moderate and proper dancing, provided that it be solely167 with persons of her own sex, and in the presence of madame her mother; but by no means in the presence of men or youths, since it is this mingling168 of sexes which causes the disorders169 that spring from balls and dances.” Private theatricals170 in any form are next interdicted171 to the young lady. The bishop then passes to the subject of her dress, and exposes the abuses against which she is to be guarded. “The luxury of dress,” he says, “appears in the rich and dazzling fabrics172 wherein the women and girls of Canada attire173 themselves, and which are far beyond their condition and their means; in the excess of ornaments which they put on; in the extraordinary head-dresses which they affect, their heads being uncovered and full of strange trinkets; and in the immodest curls so expressly forbidden in the epistles of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, as well as by all the fathers and doctors of the church, and which God has often severely174 punished, as may be seen by the example of the unhappy Pretextata, a lady of high quality, who, as we learn from Saint Jerome, who knew her, had her hands withered175, and died suddenly five months after, and was precipitated176 into hell, as God had threatened her by an angel; because, by order of her husband, she had curled the hair of her niece, and attired177 her after a worldly fashion.” *
Whether the Marquis and Marchioness Denonville profited by so apt and terrible a warning, or whether their patience and good-nature survived the episcopal onslaught, does not appear on record. The subject of feminine apparel received great attention, both from Saint-Vallier and his
* “Témoin entr’autres l’exemple de la malheureuse
S. Jér?me, dont elle étoit connue, eut les mains desséchées
et cinq mois après mourut subitement et fut précipitée en
avoir par le commandement de son mari frisé et habillé
Gouverneur et à Madame la Gouvernante, signé Jean, évesque
de Québec. (Registre de l’Evêché de Québec.) The bishop on
another occasion holds up the sad fate of Pretextata as a
warning to Canadian mothers; but in the present case he
slightly changes the incidents to make the story more
applicable to the governor and his wife.
predecessor179, each of whom issued a number of pastoral mandates180 concerning it. Their severest denunciations were aimed at low-necked dresses, which they regarded as favorite devices of the enemy for the snaring182 of souls; and they also used strong language against certain knots of ribbons called fontanges, with which the belles183 of Quebec adorned184 them heads. Laval launches strenuous185 invectives against “the luxury and vanity of women and girls, who, forgetting the promises of their baptism, decorate themselves with the pomp of Satan, whom they have so solemnly renounced187; and, in their wish to please the eyes of men, make themselves the instruments and the captives of the fiend.” *
In the journal of the superior of the Jesuits we find, under date of February 4, 1667, a record of the first ball in Canada, along with the pious wish, “God grant that nothing further come of it.” Nevertheless more balls were not long in following; and, worse yet, sundry188 comedies were enacted189 under no less distinguished190 patronage191 than that of Frontenac, the governor. Laval denounced them vigorously, the Jesuit Dablon attacked them in a violent sermon; and such excitement followed that the affair was brought before the royal council, which declined to interfere192. ** This flurry,
* Mandement contre le luxe et la vanité des femmes et des
filles, 1682. (Registres de l'Evêché de Québec.) A still
more vigorous denunciation is contained in Ordonnance contre
pour la conduite des fidèles de ce diocèse.
** Arrêts du 24 et 28 juin par lesquels cette affaire (des
comédies) est renvoyésn& Sa Majesté, 1681. (?) (Registre du
Conseil Souverain.)
however, was nothing to the storm raised ten or twelve years later by other dramatic aggressions, an account of which will appear in the sequel of this volume.
The morals of families were watched with unrelenting vigilance. Frontenac writes in a mood unusually temperate194, “they (the priests) are full of virtue and piety195, and if their zeal were less vehement196 and more moderate they would perhaps succeed better in their efforts for the conversion197 of souls; but they often use means so extraordinary, and in France so unusual, that they repel198 most people instead of persuading them. I sometimes tell them my views frankly199 and as gently as I can, as I know the murmurs200 that their conduct excites, and often receive complaints of the constraint201 under which they place consciences. This is above all the case with the ecclesiastics at Montreal, where there is a curé from Franche Comté who wants to establish a sort of inquisition worse than that of Spain, and all out of an excess of zeal.” *
It was this curé, no doubt, of whom La Hontan complains. That unsanctified young officer was quartered at Montreal, in the house of one of the inhabitants. “During a part of the winter I was hunting with the Algonquins; the rest of it I spent here very disagreeably. One can neither go on a pleasure party, nor play a game of cards, nor visit the ladies, without the curé knowing it and preaching about it publicly from his pulpit. The priests excommunicate
* Frontenac au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1691.
masqueraders, and even go in search of them to pull off their masks and overwhelm them with abuse. They watch more closely over the women and girls than their husbands and fathers. They prohibit and burn all books but books of devotion. I cannot think of this tyranny without cursing the indiscreet zeal of the curé of this town. He came to the house where I lived, and, finding some books on my table, presently pounced202 on the romance of Petronius, which I valued more than my life because it was not mutilated. He tore out almost all the leaves, so that if my host had not restrained me when I came in and saw the miserable203 wreck204, I should have run after this rampant205 shepherd and torn out every hair of his beard.” *
La Motte-Cadillac, the founder206 of Detroit, seems to have had equal difficulty in keeping his temper. “Neither men of honor nor men of parts are endured in Canada; nobody can live here but simpletons and slaves of the ecclesiastical domination. The count (Frontenac) would not have so many troublesome affairs on his hands if he had not abolished a Jericho in the shape of a house built by messieurs of the seminary of Montreal, to shut up, as they said, girls who caused scandal; if he had allowed them to take officers and soldiers to go into houses at midnight and carry off women from their husbands and whip them till the blood flowed because they had been at a ball or worn a mask; if he had said nothing against the curés
* La Hontan, I. 60 (ed. 1709). Other editions contain the
same story to different words.
who went the rounds with the soldiers and compelled women and girls to shut themselves up in their houses at nine o’clock of summer evenings; if he had forbidden the wearing of lace, and made no objection to the refusal of the communion to women of quality because they wore a fontange; if he had not opposed excommunications flung about without sense or reason; if, I say, the count had been of this way of thinking he would have stood as a nonpareil, and have been put very soon on the list of saints, for saint-making is cheap in this country.” *
While the Sulpitians were thus rigorous at Montreal, the bishop and his Jesuit allies were scarcely less so at Quebec. There was little goodwill207 between them and the Sulpitians, and some of the sharpest charges against the followers208 of Loyola are brought by their brother priests at Montreal. The Sulpitian Allet writes: “The Jesuits hold such domination over the people of this country that they go into the houses and see every thing that passes there. They then tell what they have learned to each other at their meetings, and on this information they govern their policy. The Jesuit, Father Ragueneau, used to go every day down to the Lower Town, where the merchants live, to find out all that was going on in their families; and he often made people get up from table to confess to him.” Allet goes on to say that Father Chatelain also went continually to the Lower Town with the same object, and that some
* La Motte-Cadillac à-, 28 Sept., 1694.
of the inhabitants complained of him to Courcelle, the governor. One day Courcelle saw the Jesuit, who was old and somewhat infirm, slowly walking by the Chateau209, cane210 in hand, on his usual errand, on which he sent a sergeant211 after him to request that he would not go so often to the Lower Town, as the people were annoyed by the frequency of his visits. The father replied in wrath212, “Go and tell Monsieur de Courcelle that I have been there ever since he was governor, and that I shall go there after he has ceased to be governor;” and he kept on his way as before. Courcelle reported his answer to the superior, Le Mercier, and demanded to have him sent home as a punishment; but the superior effected a compromise. On the following Thursday, after mass in the cathedral, he invited Courcelle into the sacristy, where Father Chatelain was awaiting them; and here, at Le Mercier’s order, the old priest begged pardon of the offended governor on his knees. *
The Jesuits derived213 great power from the confessional; and, if their accusers are to be believed, they employed unusual means to make it effective. Cavelier de la Salle says: “They will confess nobody till he tells his name, and no servant till he tells the name of his master. When a crime is confessed, they insist on knowing the name of the accomplice214, as well as all the circumstances, with
* Mémoire d’Allet. The author was at one time secretary to
Jésuites. The above is one of many curious statements which
it contains.
the greatest particularity. Father Chatelain especially never fails to do this. They enter as it were by force into the secrets of families, and thus make themselves formidable; for what cannot be done by a clever man devoted to his work, who knows all the secrets of every family; above all when he permits himself to tell them when it is for his interest to do so?” *
The association of women and girls known as the Congregation of the Holy Family, which was formed under Jesuit auspices216, and which met every Thursday with closed doors in the cathedral, is said to have been very useful to the fathers in their social investigations217. ** The members are affirmed to have been under a vow218 to tell each other every good or evil deed they knew of every person of their acquaintance; so that this pious gossip became a copious219 source of information to those in a position to draw upon it. In Talon’s time the Congregation of the Holy Family caused such commotion220 in Quebec that he asked the council to appoint a commission to inquire into its proceedings221. He was touching dangerous ground. The affair was presently hushed, and the application cancelled on the register of the council. ***
The Jesuits had long exercised solely the function of confessors in the colony, and a number of
* La Salle, Mémoire, 1678.
** See Discovery of the Great West, 105.
*** Représentation faite au conseil au sujet de certaines
assemblées de femmes ou filles sous le nom de la Sainte
Famille, 1667. (Registre du Conseil Souverain.) The paper is
cancelled by lines drawn over it; and the following minute,
M. Talon”
curious anecdotes223 are on record showing the reluctance224 with which they admitted the secular priests, and above all the Recollets, to share in it. The Recollets, of whom a considerable number had arrived from time to time, were on excellent terms with the civil powers, and were popular with the colonists; but with the bishop and the Jesuits they were not in favor, and one or two sharp collisions took place. The bishop was naturally annoyed when, while he was trying to persuade the king that a curé needed at least six hundred francs a year, these mendicant friars came forward with an offer to serve the parishes for nothing; nor was he, it is likely, better pleased when, having asked the hospital nuns eight hundred francs annually for two masses a day in their chapel, the Recollets underbid him, and offered to say the masses for three hundred. * They, on their part, complain bitterly of the bishop, who, they say, would gladly have ordered them out of the colony, but being unable to do this, tried to shut them up in their convent, and prevent them from officiating as priests among the people. “We have as little liberty,” says the Recollet writer, “as if we were in a country of heretics.” He adds that the inhabitants ask earnestly for the ministrations of the friars, but that the bishop replies with invectives and calumnies225 against the order, and that
* “Mon dit sieur l’evesque leur fait payer (aux
hospitalières) 800L. par an pour deux messes qu’il leur fait
dire par ses Séminaristes que lei Récollets leurs voisins
leur offrent pour 300L.” La Barre au Ministre, 1682.
In one respect this Canadian church militant229 achieved a complete success. Heresy was scoured230 out of the colony. When Maintenon and her ghostly prompters overcame the better nature of the king, and wrought231 on his bigotry and his vanity to launch him into the dragonnades; when violence and lust232 bore the crucifix into thousands of Huguenot homes, and the land reeked233 with nameless infamies234; when churches rang with Te Deums, and the heart of France withered in anguish235; when, in short, this hideous236 triumph of the faith was won, the royal tool of priestly ferocity sent orders that heresy should be treated in Canada as it had been treated in France. ** The orders were needless. The pious Denonville replies, “Praised be God, there is not a heretic here.” He adds that a few abjured238 last year, and that he should be very glad if the king would make them a present. The Jesuits, he further says, go every day on board the ships in the harbor to look after the new converts from France. *** Now and then at a later day a real or suspected Jansenist found his way to Canada, and sometimes an esprit fort, like
* Mémoire instructif contenant la conduite des PP.
Récollets de Paris en leurs missions de Canada, 1684. This
paper, of which only a fragment is preserved, was written in
connection with a dispute of the Recolléts with the bishop
who opposed their attempt to establish a church in Quebec.
** Mémoire du Roy a Denonville, 31 Mai, 1686. The king here
the quartering of soldiers on them. What this meant the
history of the dragonnades will show.
*** Denonville au Ministre, 10 Nov., 1686.
La Hontan, came over with the troops; but on the whole a community more free from positive heterodoxy perhaps never existed on earth. This exemption240 cost no bloodshed. What it did cost we may better judge hereafter.
If Canada escaped the dragonnades, so also she escaped another infliction241 from which a neighboring colony suffered deplorably. Her peace was never much troubled by witches. They were held to exist, it is true; but they wrought no panic. Mother Mary of the Incarnation reports on one occasion the discovery of a magician in the person of a converted Huguenot miller242 who, being refused in marriage by a girl of Quebec, bewitched her, and filled the house where she lived with demons243, which the bishop tried in vain to exorcise. The miller was thrown into prison, and the girl sent to the H?tel-Dieu, where not a demon244 dared enter. The infernal crew took their revenge by creating a severe influenza245 among the citizens. *
If there are no Canadian names on the calendar of saints, it is not because in by-ways and obscure places Canada had not virtues worthy246 of canonization. Not alone her male martyrs247 and female devotees, whose merits have found a chronicle and a recognition; not the fantastic devotion of Madame d’Aillebout, who, lest she should not suffer enough, took to herself a vicious and refractory248 servant girl, as an exercise of patience; and not certainly the mediaeval pietism of Jeanne Le Ber, the
* Marie de l’Incarnation, Lettre de—Sept., 1661.
venerated249 recluse250 of Montreal. There are others quite as worthy of honor, whose names have died from memory. It is difficult to conceive a self-abnegation more complete than that of the hospital nuns of Quebec and Montreal. In the almost total absence of trained and skilled physicians, the burden of the sick and wounded fell upon them. Of the two communities, that of Montreal was the more wretchedly destitute251, while that of Quebec was exposed, perhaps, to greater dangers. Nearly every ship from France brought some form of infection, and all infection found its way to the H?tel-Dieu of Quebec. The nuns died, but they never complained. Removed from the arena252 of ecclesiastical strife253, too busy for the morbidness254 of the cloister255, too much absorbed in practical benevolence256 to become the prey257 of illusions, they and their sister community were models of that benign258 and tender charity of which the Roman Catholic Church is so rich in examples. Nor should the Ursulines and the nuns of the Congregation be forgotten among those who, in another field of labor142, have toiled patiently according to their light.
Mademoiselle Jeanne Le Ber belonged to none of these sisterhoods. She was the favorite daughter of the chief merchant of Montreal, the same who, with the help of his money, got himself ennobled. She seems to have been a girl of a fine and sensitive nature; ardent259, affectionate, and extremely susceptible260 to religious impressions. Religion at last gained absolute sway over her. Nothing could appease261 her longings262 or content the demands of her excited conscience but an entire consecration263 of herself to heaven. Constituted as she was, the resolution must have cost her an agony of mental conflict. Her story is a strange, and, as many will think, a very sad one. She renounced her suitors, and wished to renounce186 her inheritance; but her spiritual directors, too far-sighted to permit such a sacrifice, persuaded her to hold fast to her claims, and content herself with what they called “poverty of heart.” Her mother died, and her father, left with a family of young children, greatly needed her help; but she refused to leave her chamber264 where she had immured265 herself. Here she remained ten years, seeing nobody but her confessor and the girl who brought her food. Once only she emerged, and this was when her brother lay dead in the adjacent room, killed in a fight with the English. She suddenly appeared before her astonished sisters, stood for a moment in silent prayer by the body, and then vanished without uttering a word. “Such,” says her modern biographer, “was the sublimity266 of her virtue and the grandeur267 of her soul.” Not content with this domestic seclusion268, she caused a cell to be made behind the altar in the newly built church of the Congregation, and here we will permit ourselves to cast a stolen glance at her through the narrow opening through which food was passed in to her. Her bed, a pile of straw which she never moved, lest it should become too soft, was so placed that her head could touch the partition, that alone separated it from the Host on the altar. Here she lay wrapped in a garment of coarse gray serge, worn, tattered269, and unwashed. An old blanket, a stool, a spinning-wheel, a belt and shirt of haircloth, a scourge270, and a pair of shoes made by herself of the husks of Indian-corn, appear to have formed the sum of her furniture and her wardrobe. Her employments were spinning and working embroidery271 for churches. She remained in this voluntary prison about twenty years; and the nun6 who brought her food testifies that she never omitted a mortification272 or a prayer, though commonly in a state of profound depression, and what her biographer calls “complete spiritual aridity273.”
When her mother died, she had refused to see, her; and, long after, no prayer of her dying father could draw her from her cell. “In the person of this modest virgin274,” writes her reverend eulogist, “we see, with astonishment275, the love of God triumphant276 over earthly affection for parents, and a complete victory of faith over reason and of grace over nature.”
In 1711, Canada was threatened with an attack by the English; and she gave the nuns of the Congregation an image of the Virgin on which she had written a prayer to protect their granary from the invaders277. Other persons, anxious for a similar protection,, sent her images to write upon; but she declined the request. One of the disappointed applicants278 then stole the inscribed279 image from the granary of the Congregation, intending to place it on his own when the danger drew near. The English, however, did not come, their fleet having suffered a ruinous shipwreck280 ascribed to the prayers of Jeanne Le Ber. “It was,” writes the Sulpitian Belmont, “the greatest miracle that ever happened since the days of Moses.” Nor was this the only miracle of which she was the occasion. She herself declared that once when she had broken her spinning-wheel, an angel came and mended it for her. Angels also assisted in her embroidery, “no doubt,” says Mother Juchereau, “taking great pleasure in the society of this angelic creature.” In the church where she had secluded281 herself, an image of the Virgin continued after her death to heal the lame57 and cure the sick. *
Though she rarely permitted herself to speak, yet some oracular utterance282 of the sainted recluse would now and then escape to the outer world. One of these was to the effect that teaching poor girls to read, unless they wanted to be nuns, was robbing them of their time. Nor was she far wrong, for in Canada there was very little to read except formulas of devotion and lives of saints. The dangerous innovation of a printing-press had not invaded the colony, ** and the first Canadian newspaper dates from the British conquest.
All education was controlled by priests or nuns. The ablest teachers in Canada were the Jesuits. Their college of Quebec was three years older than
* Faillon, L’Héroine chrétienne du Canada, ou Vie de Mlle.
Le Ber. This is a most elaborate and eulogistic283 life of the
recluse. A shorter account of her will be found in
Juchereau, H?tel-Dieu. She died in 1714, at the age of
fifty-two.
** A printing-press was afterwards brought to Canada, but
was soon sent back again.
Harvard. We hear at an early date of public disputations by the pupils, after the pattern of those tournaments of barren logic284 which preceded the reign285 of inductive reason in Europe, and of which the archetype is to be found in the scholastic286 duels287 of the Sorbonne. The boys were sometimes permitted to act certain approved dramatic pieces of a religious character, like the Sage288 Visionnaire. On one occasion they were allowed to play the Cid of Corneille, which, though remarkable289 as a literary work, contained nothing threatening to orthodoxy. They were taught a little Latin, a little rhetoric290, and a little logic; but against all that might rouse the faculties291 to independent action, the Canadian schools prudently292 closed their doors. There was then no rival population, of a different origin and a different faith, to compel competition in the race of intelligence and knowledge. The church stood sole mistress of the field. Under the old régime the real object of education in Canada was a religious and, in far less degree, a political one. The true purpose of the schools was: first, to make priests; and, secondly293, to make obedient servants of the church and the king. All the rest was extraneous294 and of slight account. In regard to this matter, the king and the bishop were of one mind. “As I have been informed,” Louis XIV writes to Laval, “of your continued care to hold the people in their duty towards God and towards me by the good education you give or cause to be given to the young, I write this letter to express my satisfaction with conduct so salutary, and to exhort295 you to persevere296 in it.” *
The bishop did not fail to persevere. The school for boys attached to his seminary became the most important educational institution in Canada. It was regulated by thirty-four rules, “in honor of the thirty-four years which Jesus lived on earth.” The qualities commended to the boys as those which they should labor diligently297 to acquire were, “humility298, obedience299, purity, meekness300, modesty301, simplicity302, chastity, charity, and an ardent love of Jesus and his Holy Mother.” ** Here is a goodly roll of Christian virtues. What is chiefly noticeable in it is, that truth is allowed no place. That manly303 but unaccommodating virtue was not, it seems, thought important in forming the mind of youth. Humility and obedience lead the list, for in unquestioning submission304 to the spiritual director lay the guaranty of all other merits.
We have seen already that, besides this seminary for boys, Laval established another for educating the humbler colonists. It was a sort of farm-school, though besides farming various mechanical trades were also taught in it. It was well adapted to the wants of a great majority of Canadians, whose tendencies were any thing but bookish; but here, as elsewhere, the real object was religious. It enabled the church to extend her influence over classes which the ordinary schools could not reach. Besides manual training, the pupils were taught to
* Le Roy a Laval, 9 Avril, 1667 (extract in Faillon).
** Ancien règlement du Petit Séminaire de Québec, see
Abeille VIII., no. 32.
read and write; and for a time a certain number of them received some instruction in Latin. When, in 1686, Saint-Vallier visited the school, he found in all thirty-one boys under the charge of two priests; but the number was afterwards greatly reduced, and the place served, as it still serves, chiefly as a retreat during vacations for the priests and pupils of the seminary of Quebec. A spot better suited for such a purpose cannot be conceived.
From the vast meadows of the parish of St. Joachim, that here border the St. Lawrence, there rises like an island a low flat hill, hedged round with forests like the tonsured305 head of a monk58. It was here that Laval planted his school. Across the meadows, a mile or more distant, towers the mountain promontory306 of Cape41 Tourmente. You may climb its woody steeps, and from the top, waist-deep in blueberry-bushes, survey, from Kamouraska to Quebec, the grand Canadian world outstretched below; or mount the neighboring heights of St. Anne, where, athwart the gaunt arms of ancient pines, the river lies shimmering307 in summer haze308, the cottages of the habitants are strung like beads309 of a rosary along the meadows of Beaupré, the shores of Orleans bask310 in warm light, and far on the horizon the rock of Quebec rests like a faint gray cloud; or traverse the forest till the roar of the torrent311 guides you to the rocky solitude where it holds its savage revels312. High on the cliffs above, young birch-trees stand smiling in the morning sun; while in the abyss beneath the snowy waters plunge313 from depth to depth, and, half way down, the slender hare-bell hangs from its mossy nook, quivering in the steady thunder of the cataract314. Game on the river; trout315 in lakes, brooks316, and pools; wild fruits and flowers on meadows and mountains,—a thousand resources of honest and wholesome317 recreation here wait the student emancipated318 from books, but not parted for a moment from the pious influence that hangs about the old walls embosomed in the woods of St. Joachim. Around on plains and hills stand the dwellings319 of a peaceful peasantry, as different from the restless population of the neighboring states as the denizens320 of some Norman or Breton village.
2205
Saint Anne of the Petit Cap
Above all, do not fail to make your pilgrimage to the shrine321 of St. Anne. You may see her chapel four or five miles away, nestled under the heights of the Petit Cap. Here, when Aillebout was governor, he began with his own hands the pious work, and a habitant of Beaupré, Louis Guimont, sorely afflicted322 with rheumatism323, came grinning with pain to lay three stones in the foundation, in honor probably of Saint Anne, Saint Joachim, and their daughter, the Virgin. Instantly he was cured. It was but the beginning of a long course of miracles continued more than two centuries, and continuing still. Their fame spread far and wide. The devotion to Saint Anne became a distinguishing feature of Canadian Catholicity, till at the present day at least thirteen parishes bear her name. But of all her shrines324 none can match the fame of St. Anne du Petit Cap. Crowds flocked thither325 on the week of her festival, and marvellous cures were wrought unceasingly, as the sticks and crutches326 hanging on the walls and columns still attest. Sometimes the whole shore was covered with the wigwams of Indian converts who had paddled their birch canoes from the farthest wilds of Canada. The more fervent327 among them would crawl on their knees from the shore to the altar. And, in our own day, every summer a far greater concourse of pilgrims, not in paint and feathers, but in cloth and millinery, and not in canoes, but in steamboats, bring their offerings and their vows328 to the “Bonne Sainte Anne.” *
To return to Laval’s industrial school. Judging from repeated complaints of governors and intendants of the dearth329 of skilled workmen, the priests in charge of it were more successful in making good Catholics than in making good masons, carpenters, blacksmiths, and weavers330; and the number of pupils, even if well trained, was at no time sufficient to meet the wants of the colony; ** for, though the Canadians showed an aptitude331 for
* For an interesting account of the shrine at the Petit
Cap, see Casgrain, Le Pélérinage de la Bonne Sainte Anne, a
little manual of devotion printed at Quebec. I chanced to
visit the old chapel in 1871, during a meeting of the parish
to consider the question of reconstructing it, as it was in
a ruinous state. Passing that way again two years after, I
larger, half finished
** Most of them were moreover retained, after leaving the
La Tour, Vie de Laval, Liv. VI
mechanical trades, they preferred above all things the savage liberty of the backwoods.
The education of girls was in the hands of the Ursulines and the nuns of the Congregation, of whom the former, besides careful instruction in religious duties, taught their pupils “all that a girl ought to know.” * This meant exceedingly little besides the manual arts suited to their sex; and, in the case of the nuns of the Congregation, who taught girls of the poorer class, it meant still less. It was on nuns as well as on priests that the charge fell, not only of spiritual and mental, but also of industrial, training. Thus we find the king giving to a sisterhood of Montreal a thousand francs to buy wool, and a thousand more for teaching girls to knit. ** The king also maintained a teacher of navigation and surveying at Quebec on the modest salary of four hundred francs.
During the eighteenth century, some improvement is perceptible in the mental status of the population. As it became more numerous and more stable, it also became less ignorant; and the Canadian habitant, towards the end of the French rule, was probably better taught, so far as concerned religion, than the mass of French peasants. Yet secular instruction was still extremely meagre, even in the noblesse. “In spite of this defective333 education,” says the famous navigator, Bougainville, who knew the colony well in its last years, “the
* A lire, à écrire, les prières, les m?urs chrétiennes, et
tout ce qu'une fille doit savoir. Marie de l'Incarnation,
Lettre du 9 Ao?t, 1668.
** Denonville au Ministre, 13 Nov., 1686.
Canadians are naturally intelligent. They do not know how to write, but they speak with ease and with an accent as good as the Parisian.” * He means, of course, the better class. “Even the children of officers and gentlemen,” says another writer, “scarcely know how to read and write; they are ignorant of the first elements of geography and history.” ** And evidence like this might be extended.
When France was heaving with the throes that prepared the Revolution; when new hopes, new dreams, new thoughts,—good and evil, false and true,—tossed the troubled waters of French society, Canada caught something of its social corruption334, but not the faintest impulsion of its roused mental life. The torrent surged on its way; while, in the deep nook beside it, the sticks and dry leaves floated their usual round, and the unruffled pool slept in the placidity335 of intellectual torpor336. ***
* Bougainville, Mémoire de 1757 (see Margry, Relations
inédites).
** Mémoire de 1736; Detail de toute la Colonie (published
by Hist. Soc. of Quebec).
among them are the Jesuit Lafitau, author of M?urs des
Sauvages Américains; the Jesuit Charlevoix, traveller and
historian; the physician Sarrazin; and the Marquis de la
Galisonnière, the most enlightened of the French governors
of Canada. Sarrazin, a naturalist339 as well as a physician,
has left his name to the botanical genus Sarracenia, of
which the curious American species, S. purpurea, the
“pitcher-plant,” was described by him. His position in the
colony was singular and characteristic. He got little or no
pay from his patients; and, though at one time the only
genuine physician in Canada (Callieres et Beauharnois au
Ministre, 3 Nov., 1702), he was dependent on the king for
support. In 1699, we find him thanking his Majesty for 300
francs a year, and asking at the same time for more, as he
has nothing else to live on. ( Callères et Champigny au
Ministre, 20 Oct., 1699.) Two years later the governor
writes that, as he serves almost everybody without fees, he
ought to have another 300 francs. (Ibid., 5 Oct., 1701.) The
additional 300 francs was given him; but, finding it
insufficient, he wanted to leave the colony. “He is too
useful,” writes the governor again: “we cannot let him go.”
time re-enforced by his salary as member of the Superior
Council. He died at Quebec in 1734.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
rigor
|
|
| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
heresy
|
|
| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
witchcraft
|
|
| n.魔法，巫术 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
nuns
|
|
| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
nun
|
|
| n.修女，尼姑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
procure
|
|
| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
procured
|
|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
obnoxious
|
|
| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
regiment
|
|
| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
theocracy
|
|
| n.神权政治；僧侣政治 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
dispelled
|
|
| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
ecclesiastics
|
|
| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
14
par
|
|
| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
vindicating
|
|
| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
zealous
|
|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
talon
|
|
| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
colonists
|
|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
impulsive
|
|
| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
prudent
|
|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
amenities
|
|
| n.令人愉快的事物；礼仪；礼节；便利设施；礼仪( amenity的名词复数 )；便利设施；（环境等的）舒适；（性情等的）愉快 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
clergy
|
|
| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
discretion
|
|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
soothe
|
|
| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
ruffled
|
|
| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
ruffle
|
|
| v.弄皱，弄乱；激怒，扰乱；n.褶裥饰边 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
enjoining
|
|
| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
discreet
|
|
| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
discreetly
|
|
| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
lawful
|
|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
participation
|
|
| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
adherents
|
|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
secular
|
|
| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
reverent
|
|
| adj.恭敬的，虔诚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
aster
|
|
| n.紫菀属植物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
incur
|
|
| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
cape
|
|
| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
pious
|
|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
dame
|
|
| n.女士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
rigid
|
|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
rigidly
|
|
| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
slough
|
|
| v.蜕皮，脱落，抛弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
bigotry
|
|
| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
plunging
|
|
| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
prune
|
|
| n.酶干；vt.修剪，砍掉，削减；vi.删除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
exuberant
|
|
| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
attest
|
|
| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
bishops
|
|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
whatsoever
|
|
| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
lame
|
|
| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
monk
|
|
| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
monks
|
|
| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
mendicant
|
|
| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
aggrandizement
|
|
| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
imputed
|
|
| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
succinct
|
|
| adj.简明的，简洁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
appropriations
|
|
| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
relatively
|
|
| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
annually
|
|
| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
tithes
|
|
| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
winced
|
|
| 赶紧避开，畏缩( wince的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
costly
|
|
| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
bounty
|
|
| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
tracts
|
|
| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
feudal
|
|
| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
emigrants
|
|
| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
compliance
|
|
| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
doomed
|
|
| 命定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
tenacity
|
|
| n.坚韧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
inflexible
|
|
| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
evasion
|
|
| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
embark
|
|
| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
vexed
|
|
| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
toil
|
|
| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
asceticism
|
|
| n.禁欲主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
citadel
|
|
| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
beheld
|
|
| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
battered
|
|
| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
breached
|
|
| 攻破( breach的现在分词 )； 破坏，违反 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
rancor
|
|
| n.深仇，积怨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
contemptible
|
|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
odious
|
|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
antipathy
|
|
| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
passionate
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
amiable
|
|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
anonymous
|
|
| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
missionary
|
|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
estuary
|
|
| n.河口，江口 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
laden
|
|
| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
utensils
|
|
| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
swelling
|
|
| n.肿胀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
dingy
|
|
| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
glides
|
|
| n.滑行( glide的名词复数 )；滑音；音渡；过渡音v.滑动( glide的第三人称单数 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
solitude
|
|
| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
verge
|
|
| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
mingle
|
|
| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
gusts
|
|
| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
ledges
|
|
| n.（墙壁，悬崖等）突出的狭长部分( ledge的名词复数 )；（平窄的）壁架；横档；（尤指）窗台 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
spires
|
|
| n.（教堂的） 塔尖，尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
stunted
|
|
| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
bough
|
|
| n.大树枝，主枝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
solitary
|
|
| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
shingle
|
|
| n.木瓦板；小招牌(尤指医生或律师挂的营业招牌)；v.用木瓦板盖（屋顶）；把（女子头发）剪短 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
aged
|
|
| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
vigor
|
|
| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
incipient
|
|
| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
consolation
|
|
| n.安慰，慰问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
pebbles
|
|
| [复数]鹅卵石； 沙砾； 卵石，小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
chapel
|
|
| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
desolate
|
|
| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
charred
|
|
| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
encumber
|
|
| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
bleached
|
|
| 漂白的，晒白的，颜色变浅的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
weird
|
|
| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
labyrinth
|
|
| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
follower
|
|
| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
maize
|
|
| n.玉米 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
stumps
|
|
| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
savage
|
|
| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
rugged
|
|
| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
confessions
|
|
| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
penance
|
|
| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
wedlock
|
|
| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
labors
|
|
| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
labor
|
|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
arduous
|
|
| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
toiled
|
|
| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
sledge
|
|
| n.雪橇，大锤；v.用雪橇搬运，坐雪橇往 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
maternal
|
|
| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
meditation
|
|
| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
aggregations
|
|
| n.聚集( aggregation的名词复数 )；集成；集结；聚集体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
chapels
|
|
| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
ornaments
|
|
| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
vessels
|
|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
toils
|
|
| 网 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
virtues
|
|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
restive
|
|
| adj.不安宁的，不安静的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
friction
|
|
| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
dispositions
|
|
| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
touching
|
|
| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
irreverence
|
|
| n.不尊敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
enjoined
|
|
| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
sumptuous
|
|
| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
perils
|
|
| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
countenance
|
|
| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
mentor
|
|
| n.指导者，良师益友；v.指导 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
vivacity
|
|
| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
divers
|
|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
solely
|
|
| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
mingling
|
|
| adj.混合的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
disorders
|
|
| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
theatricals
|
|
| n.（业余性的）戏剧演出，舞台表演艺术；职业演员；戏剧的( theatrical的名词复数 )；剧场的；炫耀的；戏剧性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
interdicted
|
|
| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
fabrics
|
|
| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
attire
|
|
| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
withered
|
|
| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
precipitated
|
|
| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
attired
|
|
| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
rapport
|
|
| n.和睦，意见一致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
predecessor
|
|
| n.前辈，前任 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
mandates
|
|
| 托管（mandate的第三人称单数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
snaring
|
|
| v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
belles
|
|
| n.美女( belle的名词复数 )；最美的美女 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
adorned
|
|
| [计]被修饰的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
strenuous
|
|
| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
renounce
|
|
| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
renounced
|
|
| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
sundry
|
|
| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
enacted
|
|
| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
patronage
|
|
| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
interfere
|
|
| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
stringent
|
|
| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
temperate
|
|
| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
piety
|
|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
vehement
|
|
| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
conversion
|
|
| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
repel
|
|
| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
frankly
|
|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
murmurs
|
|
| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
constraint
|
|
| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
pounced
|
|
| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
wreck
|
|
| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
rampant
|
|
| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
Founder
|
|
| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
goodwill
|
|
| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
chateau
|
|
| n.城堡，别墅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
cane
|
|
| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
sergeant
|
|
| n.警官，中士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
212
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
213
derived
|
|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
214
accomplice
|
|
| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
215
morale
|
|
| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
216
auspices
|
|
| n.资助，赞助 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
217
investigations
|
|
| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
218
vow
|
|
| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
219
copious
|
|
| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
220
commotion
|
|
| n.骚动，动乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
221
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
222
attested
|
|
| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
223
anecdotes
|
|
| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
224
reluctance
|
|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
225
calumnies
|
|
| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
226
absolve
|
|
| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
227
penitent
|
|
| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
228
annuls
|
|
| v.宣告无效( annul的第三人称单数 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
229
militant
|
|
| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
230
scoured
|
|
| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
231
wrought
|
|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
232
lust
|
|
| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
233
reeked
|
|
| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的过去式和过去分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
234
infamies
|
|
| n.声名狼藉( infamy的名词复数 )；臭名；丑恶；恶行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
235
anguish
|
|
| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
236
hideous
|
|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
237
abjure
|
|
| v.发誓放弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
238
abjured
|
|
| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
239
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
240
exemption
|
|
| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
241
infliction
|
|
| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
242
miller
|
|
| n.磨坊主 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
243
demons
|
|
| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
244
demon
|
|
| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
245
influenza
|
|
| n.流行性感冒，流感 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
246
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
247
martyrs
|
|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
248
refractory
|
|
| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
249
venerated
|
|
| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
250
recluse
|
|
| n.隐居者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
251
destitute
|
|
| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
252
arena
|
|
| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
253
strife
|
|
| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
254
morbidness
|
|
| （精神的）病态 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
255
cloister
|
|
| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
256
benevolence
|
|
| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
257
prey
|
|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
258
benign
|
|
| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
259
ardent
|
|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
260
susceptible
|
|
| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
261
appease
|
|
| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
262
longings
|
|
| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
263
consecration
|
|
| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
264
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
265
immured
|
|
| v.禁闭，监禁( immure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
266
sublimity
|
|
| 崇高，庄严，气质高尚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
267
grandeur
|
|
| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
268
seclusion
|
|
| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
269
tattered
|
|
| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
270
scourge
|
|
| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
271
embroidery
|
|
| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
272
mortification
|
|
| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
273
aridity
|
|
| n.干旱，乏味；干燥性；荒芜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
274
virgin
|
|
| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
275
astonishment
|
|
| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
276
triumphant
|
|
| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
277
invaders
|
|
| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
278
applicants
|
|
| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
279
inscribed
|
|
| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
280
shipwreck
|
|
| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
281
secluded
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
282
utterance
|
|
| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
283
eulogistic
|
|
| adj.颂扬的，颂词的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
284
logic
|
|
| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
285
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
286
scholastic
|
|
| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
287
duels
|
|
| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
288
sage
|
|
| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
289
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
290
rhetoric
|
|
| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
291
faculties
|
|
| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
292
prudently
|
|
| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
293
secondly
|
|
| adv.第二，其次 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
294
extraneous
|
|
| adj.体外的；外来的；外部的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
295
exhort
|
|
| v.规劝，告诫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
296
persevere
|
|
| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
297
diligently
|
|
| ad.industriously;carefully | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
298
humility
|
|
| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
299
obedience
|
|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
300
meekness
|
|
| n.温顺，柔和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
301
modesty
|
|
| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
302
simplicity
|
|
| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
303
manly
|
|
| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
304
submission
|
|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
305
tonsured
|
|
| v.剃( tonsure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
306
promontory
|
|
| n.海角；岬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
307
shimmering
|
|
| v.闪闪发光，发微光( shimmer的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
308
haze
|
|
| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
309
beads
|
|
| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
310
bask
|
|
| vt.取暖，晒太阳，沐浴于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
311
torrent
|
|
| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
312
revels
|
|
| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
313
plunge
|
|
| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
314
cataract
|
|
| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
315
trout
|
|
| n.鳟鱼；鲑鱼(属) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
316
brooks
|
|
| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
317
wholesome
|
|
| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
318
emancipated
|
|
| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
319
dwellings
|
|
| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
320
denizens
|
|
| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
321
shrine
|
|
| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
322
afflicted
|
|
| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
323
rheumatism
|
|
| n.风湿病 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
324
shrines
|
|
| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
325
thither
|
|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
326
crutches
|
|
| n.拐杖, 支柱 v.支撑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
327
fervent
|
|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
328
vows
|
|
| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
329
dearth
|
|
| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
330
weavers
|
|
| 织工，编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
331
aptitude
|
|
| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
332
vassals
|
|
| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
333
defective
|
|
| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
334
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
335
placidity
|
|
| n.平静，安静，温和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
336
torpor
|
|
| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
337
eminence
|
|
| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
338
abode
|
|
| n.住处，住所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
339
naturalist
|
|
| n.博物学家(尤指直接观察动植物者) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
340
pittance
|
|
| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |