Denonville and Dongan.
Troubles of the New Governor ? His Character ? English Rivalry1 ? Intrigues3 of Dongan ? English Claims ? A Diplomatic Duel4 ? Overt5 Acts ? Anger of Denonville ? James II. checks Dongan ? Denonville emboldened6 ? Strife7 in the North ? Hudson's Bay ? Attempted Pacification8 ? Artifice9 of Denonville ? He prepares for War.
Denonville embarked10 at Rochelle in June, with his wife and a part of his family. Saint-Vallier, the destined11 bishop12, was in the same vessel13; and the squadron carried five hundred soldiers, of whom a hundred and fifty died of fever and scurvy14 on the way. Saint-Vallier speaks in glowing terms of the new governor. "He spent nearly all his time in prayer and the reading of good books. The Psalms15 of David were always in his hands. In all the voyage, I never saw him do any thing wrong; and there was nothing in his words or acts which did not show a solid virtue16 and a consummate17 prudence18, as well in the duties of the Christian19 life as in the wisdom of this world." [1]
[1] Saint-Vallier, état Présent de l'église, 4 (Quebec, 1856).
When they landed, the nuns20 of the H?tel-Dieu 117 were overwhelmed with the sick. "Not only our halls, but our church, our granary, our hen-yard, and every corner of the hospital where we could make room, were filled with them." [2]
[2] Juchereau, H?tel-Dieu, 283.
Much was expected of Denonville. He was to repair the mischief21 wrought22 by his predecessor23, and restore the colony to peace, strength, and security. The king had stigmatized24 La Barre's treaty with the Iroquois as disgraceful, and expressed indignation at his abandonment of the Illinois allies. All this was now to be changed; but it was easier to give the order at Versailles than to execute it in Canada. Denonville's difficulties were great; and his means of overcoming them were small. What he most needed was more troops and more money. The Senecas, insolent25 and defiant26, were still attacking the Illinois; the tribes of the north-west were angry, contemptuous, and disaffected27; the English of New York were urging claims to the whole country south of the Great Lakes, and to a controlling share in all the western fur trade; while the English of Hudson's Bay were competing for the traffic of the northern tribes, and the English of New England were seizing upon the fisheries of Acadia, and now and then making piratical descents upon its coast. The great question lay between New York and Canada. Which of these two should gain mastery in the west?
Denonville, like Frontenac, was a man of the army and the court. As a soldier, he had the experience of thirty years of service; and he was in 118 high repute, not only for piety28, but for probity29 and honor. He was devoted30 to the Jesuits, an ardent31 servant of the king, a lover of authority, filled with the instinct of subordination and order, and, in short, a type of the ideas, religious, political, and social, then dominant32 in France. He was greatly distressed33 at the disturbed condition of the colony; while the state of the settlements, scattered34 in broken lines for two or three hundred miles along the St. Lawrence, seemed to him an invitation to destruction. "If we have a war," he wrote, "nothing can save the country but a miracle of God."
Nothing was more likely than war. Intrigues were on foot between the Senecas and the tribes of the lakes, which threatened to render the appeal to arms a necessity to the French. Some of the Hurons of Michillimackinac were bent35 on allying themselves with the English. "They like the manners of the French," wrote Denonville; "but they like the cheap goods of the English better." The Senecas, in collusion with several Huron chiefs, had captured a considerable number of that tribe and of the Ottawas. The scheme was that these prisoners should be released, on condition that the lake tribes should join the Senecas and repudiate36 their alliance with the French. [3] The governor of New York favored this intrigue2 to the utmost.
[3] Denonville au Ministre, 12 Juin, 1686.
Denonville was quick to see that the peril37 of the colony rose, not from the Iroquois alone, but from the English of New York, who prompted them. 119 Dongan understood the situation. He saw that the French aimed at mastering the whole interior of the continent. They had established themselves in the valley of the Illinois, had built a fort on the lower Mississippi, and were striving to entrench38 themselves at its mouth. They occupied the Great Lakes; and it was already evident that, as soon as their resources should permit, they would seize the avenues of communication throughout the west. In short, the grand scheme of French colonization39 had begun to declare itself. Dongan entered the lists against them. If his policy should prevail, New France would dwindle40 to a feeble province on the St. Lawrence: if the French policy should prevail, the English colonies would remain a narrow strip along the sea. Dongan's cause was that of all these colonies; but they all stood aloof41, and left him to wage the strife alone. Canada was matched against New York, or rather against the governor of New York. The population of the English colony was larger than that of its rival; but, except the fur traders, few of the settlers cared much for the questions at issue. [4] Dongan's chief difficulty, however, rose from the relations of the French and English kings. Louis XIV. gave Denonville an unhesitating support. James II., on the other hand, was for a time cautious to timidity. The two monarchs42 were closely united. Both hated constitutional liberty, and both held the same principles of supremacy43 in church and state; but 120 Louis was triumphant44 and powerful, while James, in conflict with his subjects, was in constant need of his great ally, and dared not offend him.
[4] New York had about 18,000 inhabitants (Brodhead, Hist. N. Y., II. 458). Canada, by the census45 of 1685, had 12,263.
The royal instructions to Denonville enjoined46 him to humble47 the Iroquois, sustain the allies of the colony, oppose the schemes of Dongan, and treat him as an enemy, if he encroached on French territory. At the same time, the French ambassador at the English court was directed to demand from James II. precise orders to the governor of New York for a complete change of conduct in regard to Canada and the Iroquois. [5] But Dongan, like the French governors, was not easily controlled. In the absence of money and troops, he intrigued48 busily with his Indian neighbors. "The artifices49 of the English," wrote Denonville, "have reached such a point that it would be better if they attacked us openly and burned our settlements, instead of instigating50 the Iroquois against us for our destruction. I know beyond a particle of doubt that M. Dongan caused all the five Iroquois nations to be assembled last spring at Orange (Albany), in order to excite them against us, by telling them publicly that I meant to declare war against them." He says, further, that Dongan supplies them with arms and ammunition51, incites52 them to attack the colony, and urges them to deliver Lamberville, the priest at Onondaga, into his hands. "He has sent people, at the same time, to our Montreal Indians to entice53 them over to 121 him, promising54 them missionaries55 to instruct them, and assuring them that he would prevent the introduction of brandy into their villages. All these intrigues have given me not a little trouble throughout the summer. M. Dongan has written to me, and I have answered him as a man may do who wishes to dissimulate56 and does not feel strong enough to get angry." [6]
[5] Seignelay to Barillon, French Ambassador at London, in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 269.
[6] Denonville à Seigneloy, 8 Nov., 1686.
Denonville, accordingly, while biding57 his time, made use of counter intrigues, and, by means of the useful Lamberville, freely distributed secret or "underground" presents among the Iroquois chiefs; while the Jesuit Engelran was busy at Michillimackinac in adroit58 and vigorous efforts to prevent the alienation59 of the Hurons, Ottawas, and other lake tribes. The task was difficult; and, filled with anxiety, the father came down to Montreal to see the governor, "and communicate to me," writes Denonville, "the deplorable state of affairs with our allies, whom we can no longer trust, owing to the discredit60 into which we have fallen among them, and from which we cannot recover, except by gaining some considerable advantage over the Iroquois; who, as I have had the honor to inform you, have labored61 incessantly62 since last autumn to rob us of all our allies, by using every means to make treaties with them independently of us. You may be assured, Monseigneur, that the English are the chief cause of the arrogance63 and insolence64 of the Iroquois, adroitly65 using them to extend the limits of their dominion66, 122 and uniting with them as one nation, insomuch that the English claims include no less than the Lakes Ontario and Erie, the region of Saginaw (Michigan), the country of the Hurons, and all the country in the direction of the Mississippi." [7]
[7] Denonville à Seignelay, 12 Juin, 1686.
The most pressing danger was the defection of the lake tribes. "In spite of the king's edicts," pursues Denonville, "the coureurs de bois have carried a hundred barrels of brandy to Michillimackinac in a single year; and their libertinism67 and debauchery have gone to such an extremity68 that it is a wonder the Indians have not massacred them all to save themselves from their violence and recover their wives and daughters from them. This, Monseigneur, joined to our failure in the last war, has drawn69 upon us such contempt among all the tribes that there is but one way to regain70 our credit, which is to humble the Iroquois by our unaided strength, without asking the help of our Indian allies." [8] And he begs hard for a strong reinforcement of troops.
[8] Ibid.
Without doubt, Denonville was right in thinking that the chastising71 of the Iroquois, or at least the Senecas, the head and front of mischief, was a matter of the last necessity. A crushing blow dealt against them would restore French prestige, paralyze English intrigue, save the Illinois from destruction, and confirm the wavering allies of Canada. Meanwhile, matters grew from bad to worse. In the north and in the west, there was 123 scarcely a tribe in the French interest which was not either attacked by the Senecas or cajoled by them into alliances hostile to the colony. "We may set down Canada as lost," again writes Denonville, "if we do not make war next year; and yet, in our present disordered state, war is the most dangerous thing in the world. Nothing can save us but the sending out of troops and the building of forts and blockhouses. Yet I dare not begin to build them; for, if I do, it will bring down all the Iroquois upon us before we are in a condition to fight them."
Nevertheless, he made what preparations he could, begging all the while for more soldiers, and carrying on at the same time a correspondence with his rival, Dongan. At first, it was courteous72 on both sides; but it soon grew pungent73, and at last acrid74. Denonville wrote to announce his arrival, and Dongan replied in French: "Sir, I have had the honor of receiving your letter, and greatly rejoice at having so good a neighbor, whose reputation is so widely spread that it has anticipated your arrival. I have a very high respect for the king of France, of whose bread I have eaten so much that I feel under an obligation to prevent whatever can give the least umbrage75 to our masters. M. de la Barre is a very worthy76 gentleman, but he has not written to me in a civil and befitting style." [9]
[9] Dongan to Denonville, 13 Oct., 1685, in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX, 292.
Denonville replied with many compliments: "I know not what reason you may have had to be 124 dissatisfied with M. de la Barre; but I know very well that I should reproach myself all my life if I could fail to render to you all the civility and attention due to a person of so great rank and merit. In regard to the affair in which M. de la Barre interfered77, as you write me, I presume you refer to his quarrel with the Senecas. As to that, Monsieur, I believe you understand the character of that nation well enough to perceive that it is not easy to live in friendship with a people who have neither religion, nor honor, nor subordination. The king, my master, entertains affection and friendship for this country solely78 through zeal79 for the establishment of religion here, and the support and protection of the missionaries whose ardor80 in preaching the faith leads them to expose themselves to the brutalities and persecutions of the most ferocious81 of tribes. You know better than I what fatigues82 and torments83 they have suffered for the sake of Jesus Christ. I know your heart is penetrated84 with the glory of that name which makes Hell tremble, and at the mention of which all the powers of Heaven fall prostrate85. Shall we be so unhappy as to refuse them our master's protection? You are a man of rank and abounding86 in merit. You love our holy religion. Can we not then come to an understanding to sustain our missionaries by keeping those fierce tribes in respect and fear?" [10]
[10] Denonville to Dongan, 5 Juin, 1686, N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 456.
This specious87 appeal for maintaining French Jesuits on English territory, or what was claimed 125 as such, was lost on Dongan, Catholic as he was. He regarded them as dangerous political enemies, and did his best to expel them, and put English priests in their place. Another of his plans was to build a fort at Niagara, to exclude the French from Lake Erie. Denonville entertained the same purpose, in order to exclude the English; and he watched eagerly the moment to execute it. A rumor88 of the scheme was brought to Dongan by one of the French coureurs de bois, who often deserted89 to Albany, where they were welcomed and encouraged. The English governor was exceedingly wroth. He had written before in French out of complaisance90. He now dispensed91 with ceremony, and wrote in his own peculiar92 English: "I am informed that you intend to build a fort at Ohniagero (Niagara) on this side of the lake, within my Master's territoryes without question. I cannot beleev that a person that has your reputation in the world would follow the steps of Monsr. Labarr, and be ill advized by some interested persons in your Governt. to make disturbance93 between our Masters subjects in those parts of the world for a little pelttree (peltry). I hear one of the Fathers (the Jesuit Jean de Lamberville) is gone to you, and th'other that stayed (Jacques de Lamberville) I have sent for him here lest the Indians should insult over him, tho' it's a thousand pittys that those that have made such progress in the service of God should be disturbed, and that by the fault of those that laid the foundation of Christianity amongst these barbarous people; 126 setting apart the station I am in, I am as much Monsr. Des Novilles (Denonville's) humble servant as any friend he has, and will ommit no opportunity of manifesting the same. Sir, your humble servant, Thomas Dongan." [11]
[11] Dongan to Denonville, 22 May, 1686, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 455.
Denonville in reply denied that he meant to build a fort at Niagara, and warned Dongan not to believe the stories told him by French deserters. "In order," he wrote, "that we may live on a good understanding, it would be well that a gentleman of your character should not give protection to all the rogues94, vagabonds, and thieves who desert us and seek refuge with you, and who, to gain your favor, think they cannot do better than tell nonsensical stories about us, which they will continue to do so long as you listen to them." [12]
[12] Denonville à Dongan, 20 Juin, 1686.
The rest of the letter was in terms of civility, to which Dongan returned: "Beleive me it is much joy to have soe good a neighbour of soe excellent qualifications and temper, and of a humour altogether differing from Monsieur de la Barre, your predecessor, who was so furious and hasty and very much addicted95 to great words, as if I had bin96 to have bin frighted by them. For my part, I shall take all immaginable care that the Fathers who preach the Holy Gospell to those Indians over whom I have power bee not in the least ill treated, and upon that very accompt have sent for one of each nation to come to me, and then those beastly crimes you reproove shall be checked severely97, 127 and all my endevours used to surpress their filthy98 drunkennesse, disorders99, debauches, warring, and quarrels, and whatsoever100 doth obstruct101 the growth and enlargement of the Christian faith amongst those people." He then, in reply to an application of Denonville, promised to give up "runawayes." [13]
[13] Dongan to Denonville, 26 July, 1686, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 460.
Promise was not followed by performance; and he still favored to the utmost the truant102 Frenchmen who made Albany their resort, and often brought with them most valuable information. This drew an angry letter from Denonville. "You were so good, Monsieur, as to tell me that you would give up all the deserters who have fled to you to escape chastisement103 for their knavery104. As most of them are bankrupts and thieves, I hope that they will give you reason to repent105 having harbored them, and that your merchants who employ them will be punished for trusting such rascals106." [14] To the great wrath107 of the French governor, Dongan persisted in warning the Iroquois that he meant to attack them. "You proposed, Monsieur," writes Denonville, "to submit every thing to the decision of our masters. Nevertheless, your emissary to the Onondagas told all the Five Nations in your name to pillage108 and make war on us." Next, he berates109 his rival for furnishing the Indians with rum. "Think you that religion will make any progress, while your traders supply the savages110 in abundance with the liquor which, as you ought to know, converts them into demons111 and their lodges112 into counterparts of Hell?"
[14] Denonville à Dongan, 1 Oct., 1686.
128 "Certainly," retorts Dongan, "our Rum doth as little hurt as your Brandy, and, in the opinion of Christians113, is much more wholesome114." [15]
[15] Dongan to Denonville, 1 Dec., 1686, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 462.
Each tried incessantly to out-general the other. Denonville, steadfast115 in his plan of controlling the passes of the western country, had projected forts, not only at Niagara, but also at Toronto, on Lake Erie, and on the Strait of Detroit. He thought that a time had come when he could, without rashness, secure this last important passage; and he sent an order to Du Lhut, who was then at Michillimackinac, to occupy it with fifty coureurs de bois. [16] That enterprising chief accordingly repaired to Detroit, and built a stockade116 at the outlet117 of Lake Huron on the western side of the strait. It was not a moment too soon. The year before, Dongan had sent a party of armed traders in eleven canoes, commanded by Johannes Rooseboom, a Dutchman of Albany, to carry English goods to the upper lakes. They traded successfully, winning golden opinions from the Indians, who begged them to come every year; and, though Denonville sent an officer to stop them at Niagara, they returned in triumph, after an absence of three months. [17] A larger expedition was organized in the autumn of 1686. Rooseboom again set out for the lakes with twenty or more canoes. He was to winter among the Senecas, and wait the arrival of Major McGregory, a Scotch118 officer, who was to leave Albany 129 in the spring with fifty men, take command of the united parties, and advance to Lake Huron, accompanied by a band of Iroquois, to form a general treaty of trade and alliance with the tribes claimed by France as her subjects. [18]
[16] Denonville à Du Lhut, 6 Juin, 1686.
[17] Brodhead, Hist. of New York, II. 429; Denonville au Ministre, 8 Mai, 1686.
[18] Brodhead, Hist. of New York, II. 443; Commission of McGregory, in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 318.
Denonville was beside himself at the news. He had already urged upon Louis XIV. the policy of buying the colony of New York, which he thought might easily be done, and which, as he said, "would make us masters of the Iroquois without a war." This time he wrote in a less pacific mood: "I have a mind to go straight to Albany, storm their fort, and burn every thing." [19] And he begged for soldiers more earnestly than ever. "Things grow worse and worse. The English stir up the Iroquois against us, and send parties to Michillimackinac to rob us of our trade. It would be better to declare war against them than to perish by their intrigues." [20]
[19] Denonville au Ministre, 16 Nov., 1686.
[20] Ibid., 15 Oct., 1686.
He complained bitterly to Dongan, and Dongan replied: "I beleeve it is as lawfull for the English as the French to trade amongst the remotest Indians. I desire you to send me word who it was that pretended to have my orders for the Indians to plunder119 and fight you. That is as false as 'tis true that God is in heaven. I have desired you to send for the deserters. I know not who they are but had rather such Rascalls and Bankrouts, 130 as you call them, were amongst their own countrymen."
[21] Dongan to Denonville, 1 Dec., 1686; Ibid., 20 June, 1687, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 462, 465.
He had, nevertheless, turned them to good account; for, as the English knew nothing of western geography, they employed these French bush-rangers to guide their trading parties. Denonville sent orders to Du Lhut to shoot as many of them as he could catch.
Dongan presently received despatches from the English court, which showed him the necessity of caution; and, when next he wrote to his rival, it was with a chastened pen: "I hope your Excellency will be so kinde as not desire or seeke any correspondence with our Indians of this side of the Great lake (Ontario): if they doe amisse to any of your Governmt. and you make it known to me, you shall have all justice done." He complained mildly that the Jesuits were luring120 their Iroquois converts to Canada; "and you must pardon me if I tell you that is not the right way to keepe fair correspondence. I am daily expecting Religious men from England, which I intend to put amongst those five nations. I desire you would order Monsr. de Lamberville that soe long as he stayes amongst those people he would meddle121 only with the affairs belonging to his function. Sir, I send you some Oranges, hearing that they are a rarity in your partes." [22]
[22] Dongan to Denonville, 20 Juin, 1687, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 465.
"Monsieur," replies Denonville, "I thank you 131 for your oranges. It is a great pity that they were all rotten."
The French governor, unlike his rival, felt strong in the support of his king, who had responded amply to his appeals for aid; and the temper of his letters answered to his improved position. "I was led, Monsieur, to believe, by your civil language in the letter you took the trouble to write me on my arrival, that we should live in the greatest harmony in the world; but the result has plainly shown that your intentions did not at all answer to your fine words." And he upbraids122 him without measure for his various misdeeds: "Take my word for it. Let us devote ourselves to the accomplishment123 of our masters' will; let us seek, as they do, to serve and promote religion; let us live together in harmony, as they desire. I repeat and protest, Monsieur, that it rests with you alone; but do not imagine that I am a man to suffer others to play tricks on me. I willingly believe that you have not ordered the Iroquois to plunder our Frenchmen; but, whilst I have the honor to write to you, you know that Salvaye, Gédeon Petit, and many other rogues and bankrupts like them, are with you, and boast of sharing your table. I should not be surprised that you tolerate them in your country; but I am astonished that you should promise me not to tolerate them, that you so promise me again, and that you perform nothing of what you promise. Trust me, Monsieur, make no promise that you are not willing to keep." [23]
[23] Denonville à Dongan, 21 Aug., 1687; Ibid., no date (1687).
132 Denonville, vexed124 and perturbed125 by his long strife with Dongan and the Iroquois, presently found a moment of comfort in tidings that reached him from the north. Here, as in the west, there was violent rivalry between the subjects of the two crowns. With the help of two French renegades, named Radisson and Groseilliers, the English Company of Hudson's Bay, then in its infancy126, had established a post near the mouth of Nelson River, on the western shore of that dreary127 inland sea. The company had also three other posts, called Fort Albany, Fort Hayes, and Fort Rupert, at the southern end of the bay. A rival French company had been formed in Canada, under the name of the Company of the North; and it resolved on an effort to expel its English competitors. Though it was a time of profound peace between the two kings, Denonville warmly espoused128 the plan; and, in the early spring of 1686, he sent the Chevalier de Troyes from Montreal, with eighty or more Canadians, to execute it. [24] With Troyes went Iberville, Sainte-Hélène, and Maricourt, three of the sons of Charles Le Moyne; and the Jesuit Silvy joined the party as chaplain.
[24] The Compagnie du Nord had a grant of the trade of Hudson's Bay from Louis XIV. The bay was discovered by the English, under Hudson; but the French had carried on some trade there before the establishment of Fort Nelson. Denonville's commission to Troyes merely directs him to build forts, and "se saisir des voleurs coureurs de bois et autres que nous savons avoir pris et arrêté plusieurs de nos Fran?ois commer?ants avec les sauvages."
They ascended129 the Ottawa, and thence, from stream to stream and lake to lake, toiled130 painfully towards their goal. At length, they neared Fort 133 Hayes. It was a stockade with four bastions, mounted with cannon131. There was a strong blockhouse within, in which the sixteen occupants of the place were lodged132, unsuspicious of danger. Troyes approached at night. Iberville and Sainte-Hélène with a few followers133 climbed the palisade on one side, while the rest of the party burst the main gate with a sort of battering134 ram135, and rushed in, yelling the war-whoop. In a moment, the door of the blockhouse was dashed open, and its astonished inmates136 captured in their shirts.
The victors now embarked for Fort Rupert, distant forty leagues along the shore. In construction, it resembled Fort Hayes. The fifteen traders who held the place were all asleep at night in their blockhouse, when the Canadians burst the gate of the stockade and swarmed137 into the area. One of them mounted by a ladder to the roof of the building, and dropped lighted hand-grenades down the chimney, which, exploding among the occupants, told them unmistakably that something was wrong. At the same time, the assailants fired briskly on them through the loopholes, and, placing a petard under the walls, threatened to blow them into the air. Five, including a woman, were killed or wounded; and the rest cried for quarter. Meanwhile, Iberville with another party attacked a vessel anchored near the fort, and, climbing silently over her side, found the man on the watch asleep in his blanket. He sprang up and made fight, but they killed him, then stamped on the deck to rouse those below, sabred two of them as they came up 134 the hatchway, and captured the rest. Among them was Bridger, governor for the company of all its stations on the bay.
They next turned their attention to Fort Albany, thirty leagues from Fort Hayes, in a direction opposite to that of Fort Rupert. Here there were about thirty men, under Henry Sargent, an agent of the company. Surprise was this time impossible; for news of their proceedings138 had gone before them, and Sargent, though no soldier, stood on his defence. The Canadians arrived, some in canoes, some in the captured vessel, bringing ten captured pieces of cannon, which they planted in battery on a neighboring hill, well covered by intrenchments from the English shot. Here they presently opened fire; and, in an hour, the stockade with the houses that it enclosed was completely riddled139. The English took shelter in a cellar, nor was it till the fire slackened that they ventured out to show a white flag and ask for a parley140. Troyes and Sargent had an interview. The Englishman regaled his conqueror141 with a bottle of Spanish wine; and, after drinking the health of King Louis and King James, they settled the terms of capitulation. The prisoners were sent home in an English vessel which soon after arrived; and Maricourt remained to command at the bay, while Troyes returned to report his success to Denonville. [25]
[25] On the capture of the forts at Hudson's Bay, see La Potherie, I. 147-163; the letter of Father Silvy, chaplain of the expedition, in Saint-Vallier, état Présent, 43; and Oldmixon, British Empire in America, I. 561-564 (ed. 1741). An account of the preceding events will be found in La Potherie and Oldmixon; in Jerémie, Relation de la Baie de Hudson; and in 135 N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 796-802. Various embellishments have been added to the original narratives142 by recent writers, such as an imaginary hand-to-hand fight of Iberville and several Englishmen in the blockhouse of Fort Hayes.
This buccaneer exploit exasperated143 the English public, and it became doubly apparent that the state of affairs in America could not be allowed to continue. A conference had been arranged between the two powers, even before the news came from Hudson's Bay; and Count d'Avaux appeared at London as special envoy144 of Louis XIV. to settle the questions at issue. A treaty of neutrality was signed at Whitehall, and commissioners145 were appointed on both sides. [26] Pending146 the discussion, each party was to refrain from acts of hostility147 or encroachment148; and, said the declaration of the commissioners, "to the end the said agreement may have the better effect, we do likewise agree that the said serene149 kings shall immediately send necessary orders in that behalf to their respective governors in America." [27] Dongan accordingly was directed to keep a friendly correspondence with his rival, and take good care to give him no cause of complaint. [28]
[26] Traité de Neutralité pour l'Amérique, conclu à Londres le 16 Nov., 1686, in Mémoires des Commissaires, II. 86.
[27] Instrument for preventing Acts of Hostility in America in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 505.
[28] Order to Gov. Dongan, 22 Jan., 1687, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 504.
It was this missive which had dashed the ardor of the English governor, and softened150 his epistolary style. More than four months after, Louis XIV. sent corresponding instructions to Denonville; [29] but, 136 meantime, he had sent him troops, money, and munitions151 in abundance, and ordered him to attack the Iroquois towns. Whether such a step was consistent with the recent treaty of neutrality may well be doubted; for, though James II. had not yet formally claimed the Iroquois as British subjects, his representative had done so for years with his tacit approval, and out of this claim had risen the principal differences which it was the object of the treaty to settle.
[29] Louis XIV. à Denonville, 17 Juin, 1687. At the end of March, the king had written that "he did not think it expedient152 to make any attack on the English."
Eight hundred regulars were already in the colony, and eight hundred more were sent in the spring, with a hundred and sixty-eight thousand livres in money and supplies. [30] Denonville was prepared to strike. He had pushed his preparations actively153, yet with extreme secrecy154; for he meant to fall on the Senecas unawares, and shatter at a blow the mainspring of English intrigue. Harmony reigned155 among the chiefs of the colony, military, civil, and religious. The intendant Meules had been recalled on the complaints of the governor, who had quarrelled with him; and a new intendant, Champigny, had been sent in his place. He was as pious156 as Denonville himself, and, like him, was in perfect accord with the bishop and the Jesuits. All wrought together to promote the new crusade.
[30] Abstract of Letters, in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 314. This answers exactly to the statement of the Mémoire adressé au Régent, which places the number of troops in Canada at this time at thirty-two companies of fifty men each.
It was not yet time to preach it, or at least Denonville thought so. He dissembled his purpose to the last moment, even with his best friends. Of all the Jesuits among the Iroquois, the two 137 brothers Lamberville had alone held their post. Denonville, in order to deceive the enemy, had directed these priests to urge the Iroquois chiefs to meet him in council at Fort Frontenac, whither, as he pretended, he was about to go with an escort of troops, for the purpose of conferring with them. The two brothers received no hint whatever of his real intention, and tried in good faith to accomplish his wishes; but the Iroquois were distrustful, and hesitated to comply. On this, the elder Lamberville sent the younger with letters to Denonville to explain the position of affairs, saying at the same time that he himself would not leave Onondaga except to accompany the chiefs to the proposed council. "The poor father," wrote the governor, "knows nothing of our designs. I am sorry to see him exposed to danger; but, should I recall him, his withdrawal157 would certainly betray our plans to the Iroquois." This unpardonable reticence158 placed the Jesuit in extreme peril; for the moment the Iroquois discovered the intended treachery they would probably burn him as its instrument. No man in Canada had done so much as the elder Lamberville to counteract159 the influence of England and serve the interests of France, and in return the governor exposed him recklessly to the most terrible of deaths. [31]
[31] Denonville au Ministre, 9 Nov., 1686; Ibid., 8 Juin, 1687. Denonville at last seems to have been seized with some compunction, and writes: "Tout160 cela me fait craindre que le pauvre père n'ayt de la peine à se retirer d'entre les mains de ces barbares ce qui m'inquiète fort." Dongan, though regarding the Jesuit as an insidious161 enemy, had treated him much better, and protected him on several occasions, for which he received the emphatic162 thanks of Dablon, superior of the missions. Dablon to Dongan (1685?), in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 454.
138 In spite of all his pains, it was whispered abroad that there was to be war; and the rumor was brought to the ears of Dongan by some of the Canadian deserters. He lost no time in warning the Iroquois, and their deputies came to beg his help. Danger humbled163 them for the moment; and they not only recognized King James as their sovereign, but consented at last to call his representative Father Corlaer instead of Brother. Their father, however, dared not promise them soldiers; though, in spite of the recent treaty, he caused gunpowder164 and lead to be given them, and urged them to recall the powerful war-parties which they had lately sent against the Illinois. [32]
[32] Colden, 97 (1727), Denonville au Ministre, 8 Juin, 1687.
Denonville at length broke silence, and ordered the militia165 to muster166. They grumbled167 and hesitated, for they remembered the failures of La Barre. The governor issued a proclamation, and the bishop a pastoral mandate168. There were sermons, prayers, and exhortations169 in all the churches. A revulsion of popular feeling followed; and the people, says Denonville, "made ready for the march with extraordinary animation170." The church showered blessings171 on them as they went, and daily masses were ordained172 for the downfall of the foes173 of Heaven and of France. [33]
[33] Saint-Vallier, état Présent. Even to the moment of marching, Denonville pretended that he meant only to hold a peace council at Fort Frontenac. "J'ai toujours publié que je n'allois qu'à l'assemblée générale projetée à Cataracouy (Fort Frontenac), J'ai toujours tenu ce discours jusqu'au temps de la marche." Denonville au Ministre, 8 Juin, 1687.
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1
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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11
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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12
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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14
scurvy
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| adj.下流的，卑鄙的，无礼的；n.坏血病 | |
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15
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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16
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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18
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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21
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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22
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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stigmatized
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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26
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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27
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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28
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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29
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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30
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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32
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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33
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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34
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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36
repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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38
entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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39
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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40
dwindle
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| v.逐渐变小（或减少） | |
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41
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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42
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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43
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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44
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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45
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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46
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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48
intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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49
artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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50
instigating
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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51
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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52
incites
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
entice
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| v.诱骗，引诱，怂恿 | |
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54
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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55
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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56
dissimulate
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| v.掩饰，隐藏 | |
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57
biding
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| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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58
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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59
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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60
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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61
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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62
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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63
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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64
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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65
adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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66
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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67
libertinism
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| n.放荡，玩乐，（对宗教事物的）自由思想 | |
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68
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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69
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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70
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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71
chastising
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的现在分词 ) | |
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72
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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73
pungent
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| adj.（气味、味道）刺激性的，辛辣的；尖锐的 | |
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74
acrid
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| adj.辛辣的，尖刻的，刻薄的 | |
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75
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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76
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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77
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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78
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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79
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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80
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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81
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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82
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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83
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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84
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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85
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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86
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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87
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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88
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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89
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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91
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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93
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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96
bin
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| n.箱柜；vt.放入箱内；[计算机] DOS文件名:二进制目标文件 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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100
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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101
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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102
truant
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| n.懒惰鬼，旷课者；adj.偷懒的，旷课的，游荡的；v.偷懒，旷课 | |
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103
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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104
knavery
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| n.恶行，欺诈的行为 | |
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105
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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106
rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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107
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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109
berates
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| v.严厉责备，痛斥( berate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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111
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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112
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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113
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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114
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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115
steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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116
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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117
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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118
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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119
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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120
luring
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的现在分词形式） | |
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121
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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122
upbraids
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的第三人称单数 ) | |
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123
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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124
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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125
perturbed
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| adj.烦燥不安的v.使（某人）烦恼，不安( perturb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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127
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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131
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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132
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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133
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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134
battering
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| n.用坏，损坏v.连续猛击( batter的现在分词 ) | |
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135
ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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136
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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137
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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140
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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141
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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142
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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143
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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144
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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145
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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146
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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149
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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150
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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151
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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152
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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153
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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154
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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155
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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156
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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157
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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158
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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159
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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160
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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161
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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162
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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163
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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164
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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165
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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166
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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167
grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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168
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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169
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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170
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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171
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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172
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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173
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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