Return of Frontenac.
Versailles ? Frontenac and the King ? Frontenac sails for Quebec ? Projected Conquest of New York ? Designs of the King ? Failure ? Energy of Frontenac ? Fort Frontenac ? Panic ? Negotiations2 ? The Iroquois in Council ? Chevalier d'Aux ? Taunts3 of the Indian Allies ? Boldness of Frontenac ? An Iroquois Defeat ? Cruel Policy ? The Stroke parried.
The sun of Louis XIV. had reached its zenith. From a morning of unexampled brilliancy it had mounted to the glare of a cloudless noon; but the hour of its decline was near. The mortal enemy of France was on the throne of England, turning against her from that new point of vantage all the energies of his unconquerable genius. An invalid5 built the Bourbon monarchy6, and another invalid battered7 and defaced the imposing8 structure: two potent9 and daring spirits in two frail10 bodies, Richelieu and William of Orange.
Versailles gave no sign of waning11 glories. On three evenings of the week, it was the pleasure of the king that the whole court should assemble in the vast suite12 of apartments now known as the Halls of Abundance, of Venus, of Diana, of Mars, 185 of Mercury, and of Apollo. The magnificence of their decorations, pictures of the great Italian masters, sculptures, frescoes13, mosaics14, tapestries15, vases and statues of silver and gold; the vista16 of light and splendor17 that opened through the wide portals; the courtly throngs18, feasting, dancing, gaming, promenading19, conversing20, formed a scene which no palace of Europe could rival or approach. Here were all the great historic names of France, princes, warriors22, statesmen, and all that was highest in rank and place; the flower, in short, of that brilliant society, so dazzling, captivating, and illusory. In former years, the king was usually present, affable and gracious, mingling23 with his courtiers and sharing their amusements; but he had grown graver of late, and was more often in his cabinet, laboring24 with his ministers on the task of administration, which his extravagance and ambition made every day more burdensome. [1]
[1] Saint-Simon speaks of these assemblies. The halls in question were finished in 1682; and a minute account of them, and of the particular use to which each was destined26, was printed in the Mercure Fran?ais of that year. See also Soulié, Notice du Musée impérial de Versailles, where copious27 extracts from the Mercure are given. The grands appartements are now entirely28 changed in appearance, and turned into an historic picture gallery.
There was one corner of the world where his emblem29, the sun, would not shine on him. He had done his best for Canada, and had got nothing for his pains but news of mishaps30 and troubles. He was growing tired of the colony which he had nursed with paternal31 fondness, and he was more than half angry with it because it did not prosper32. Denonville's letters had grown worse and worse; and, 186 though he had not heard as yet of the last great calamity33, he was sated with ill tidings already.
Count Frontenac stood before him. Since his recall, he had lived at court, needy34 and no longer in favor; but he had influential35 friends, and an intriguing36 wife, always ready to serve him. The king knew his merits as well as his faults; and, in the desperate state of his Canadian affairs, he had been led to the resolution of restoring him to the command from which, for excellent reasons, he had removed him seven years before. He now told him that, in his belief, the charges brought against him were without foundation. [2] "I send you back to Canada," he is reported to have said, "where I am sure that you will serve me as well as you did before; and I ask nothing more of you." [3] The post was not a tempting37 one to a man in his seventieth year. Alone and unsupported,—for the king, with Europe rising against him, would give him no more troops,—he was to restore the prostrate39 colony to hope and courage, and fight two enemies with a force that had proved no match for one of them alone. The audacious count trusted himself, and undertook the task; received the royal instructions, and took his last leave of the master whom even he after a fashion honored and admired.
[2] Journal de Dangeau, II. 390. Frontenac, since his recall, had not been wholly without marks of royal favor. In 1685, the king gave him a "gratification" of 3,500 francs. Ibid., I. 205.
[3] Goyer, Oraison Funèbre du Comte de Frontenac.
He repaired to Rochelle, where two ships of the royal navy were waiting his arrival, embarked40 in 187 one of them, and sailed for the New World. An heroic remedy had been prepared for the sickness of Canada, and Frontenac was to be the surgeon. The cure, however, was not of his contriving41. Denonville had sent Callières, his second in command, to represent the state of the colony to the court, and beg for help. Callières saw that there was little hope of more troops or any considerable supply of money; and he laid before the king a plan, which had at least the recommendations of boldness and cheapness. This was to conquer New York with the forces already in Canada, aided only by two ships of war. The blow, he argued, should be struck at once, and the English taken by surprise. A thousand regulars and six hundred Canadian militia42 should pass Lake Champlain and Lake George in canoes and bateaux, cross to the Hudson and capture Albany, where they would seize all the river craft and descend43 the Hudson to the town of New York, which, as Callières stated, had then about two hundred houses and four hundred fighting men. The two ships were to cruise at the mouth of the harbor, and wait the arrival of the troops, which was to be made known to them by concerted signals, whereupon they were to enter and aid in the attack. The whole expedition, he thought, might be accomplished44 in a month; so that by the end of October the king would be master of all the country. The advantages were manifold. The Iroquois, deprived of English arms and ammunition45, would be at the mercy of the French; the question of English rivalry46 in the 188 west would be settled for ever; the king would acquire a means of access to his colony incomparably better than the St. Lawrence, and one that remained open all the year; and, finally, New England would be isolated47, and prepared for a possible conquest in the future.
The king accepted the plan with modifications48, which complicated and did not improve it. Extreme precautions were taken to insure secrecy49; but the vast distances, the difficult navigation, and the accidents of weather appear to have been forgotten in this amended50 scheme of operation. There was, moreover, a long delay in fitting the two ships for sea. The wind was ahead, and they were fifty-two days in reaching Chedabucto, at the eastern end of Nova Scotia. Thence Frontenac and Callières had orders to proceed in a merchant ship to Quebec, which might require a month more; and, on arriving, they were to prepare for the expedition, while at the same time Frontenac was to send back a letter to the naval51 commander at Chedabucto, revealing the plan to him, and ordering him to sail to New York to co-operate in it. It was the twelfth of September when Chedabucto was reached, and the enterprise was ruined by the delay. Frontenac's first step in his new government was a failure, though one for which he was in no way answerable. [4]
[4] Projet du Chevalier de Callières de former une Expédition pour aller attaquer Orange, Manatte, etc.; Résumé du Ministre sur la Proposition de M. de Callières; Autre Mémoire de M. de Callières sur son Projet d'attaquer la Nouvelle York; Mémoire des Armes, Munitions52, et Ustensiles nécessaires pour l'Entreprise proposée par4 M. de Callières; Observations du Ministre sur 189 le Projet et le Mémoire ci-dessus; Observations du Ministre sur le Projet d'Attaque de la Nouvelle York; Autre Mémoire de M. de Callières au Sujet de l'Entreprise proposée; Autre Mémoire de M. de Callières sur le même Sujet.
It will be well to observe what were the intentions of the king towards the colony which he proposed to conquer. They were as follows: If any Catholics were found in New York, they might be left undisturbed, provided that they took an oath of allegiance to the king. Officers, and other persons who had the means of paying ransoms53, were to be thrown into prison. All lands in the colony, except those of Catholics swearing allegiance, were to be taken from their owners, and granted under a feudal54 tenure55 to the French officers and soldiers. All property, public or private, was to be seized, a portion of it given to the grantees of the land, and the rest sold on account of the king. Mechanics and other workmen might, at the discretion56 of the commanding officer, be kept as prisoners to work at fortifications and do other labor25. The rest of the English and Dutch inhabitants, men, women, and children, were to be carried out of the colony and dispersed57 in New England, Pennsylvania, or other places, in such a manner that they could not combine in any attempt to recover their property and their country. And, that the conquest might be perfectly58 secure, the nearest settlements of New England were to be destroyed, and those more remote laid under contribution. [5]
[5] Mémoire pour servir d'Instruction à Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac sur l'Entreprise de la Nouvelle York, 7 Juin, 1689. "Si parmy les habitans de la Nouvelle York il se trouve des Catholiques de la fidelité desquels il croye se pouvoir asseurer, il pourra les laisser dans leurs habitations après leur avoir fait prester serment de fidelité à sa Majesté…. Il 190 pourra aussi garder, s'il le juge à propos, des artisans et autres gens de service nécessaires pour la culture des terres ou pour travailler aux fortifications en qualité de prisonniers…. II faut retenir en prison les officiers et les principaux habitans desquels on pourra retirer des ran?ons. A l'esgard de tous les autres estrangers (ceux qui ne sont pas Fran?ais) hommes, femmes, et enfans, sa Majesté trouve à propos qu'ils soient mis hors de la Colonie et envoyez à la Nouvelle Angleterre, à la Pennsylvanie, ou en d'autres endroits qu'il jugera à propos, par mer ou par terre, ensemble60 ou séparément, le tout61 suivant qu'il trouvera plus seur pour les dissiper et empescher qu'en se réunissant ils ne puissent donner occasion à des entreprises de la part des ennemis contre cette Colonie. Il envoyera en France les Fran?ais fugitifs qu'il y pourra trouver, et particulièrement ceux de la Religion Prétendue-Réformée (Huguenots)." A translation of the entire document will be found in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 422.
In the next century, some of the people of Acadia were torn from their homes by order of a British commander. The act was harsh and violent, and the innocent were involved with the guilty; but many of the sufferers had provoked their fate, and deserved it.
Louis XIV. commanded that eighteen thousand unoffending persons should be stripped of all that they possessed62, and cast out to the mercy of the wilderness63. The atrocity64 of the plan is matched by its folly65. The king gave explicit66 orders, but he gave neither ships nor men enough to accomplish them; and the Dutch farmers, goaded67 to desperation, would have cut his sixteen hundred soldiers to pieces. It was the scheme of a man blinded by a long course of success. Though perverted68 by flattery and hardened by unbridled power, he was not cruel by nature; and here, as in the burning of the Palatinate and the persecution69 of the Huguenots, he would have stood aghast, if his dull imagination could have pictured to him the miseries70 he was preparing to inflict71. [6]
[6] On the details of the projected attack of New York, Le Roy à Denonville, 191 7 Juin, 1689; Le Ministre à Denonville, même date; Le Ministre à Frontenac, même date; Ordre du Roy à Vaudreuil, même date; Le Roy au Sieur de la Caffinière, même date; Champigny au Ministre, 16 Nov., 1689.
With little hope left that the grand enterprise against New York could succeed, Frontenac made sail for Quebec, and, stopping by the way at Isle72 Percée, learned from Récollet missionaries73 the irruption of the Iroquois at Montreal. He hastened on; but the wind was still against him, and the autumn woods were turning brown before he reached his destination. It was evening when he landed, amid fireworks, illuminations, and the firing of cannon74. All Quebec came to meet him by torchlight; the members of the council offered their respects, and the Jesuits made him an harangue75 of welcome. [7] It was but a welcome of words. They and the councillors had done their best to have him recalled, and hoped that they were rid of him for ever; but now he was among them again, rasped by the memory of real or fancied wrongs. The count, however, had no time for quarrelling. The king had told him to bury old animosities and forget the past, and for the present he was too busy to break the royal injunction. [8] He caused boats to be made ready, and in spite of incessant76 rains pushed up the river to Montreal. Here he found Denonville and his frightened wife. Every thing was in confusion. The Iroquois were gone, leaving dejection and terror behind them. Frontenac reviewed the troops. There were seven or eight hundred of them in the town, the rest being in garrison77 at the 192 various forts. Then he repaired to what was once La Chine, and surveyed the miserable78 waste of ashes and desolation that spread for miles around.
[7] La Hontan, I. 199.
[8] Instruction pour le Sieur Comte de Frontenac, 7 Juin, 1689.
To his extreme disgust, he learned that Denonville had sent a Canadian officer by secret paths to Fort Frontenac, with orders to Valrenne, the commandant, to blow it up, and return with his garrison to Montreal. Frontenac had built the fort, had given it his own name, and had cherished it with a paternal fondness, reinforced by strong hopes of making money out of it. For its sake he had become the butt79 of scandal and opprobrium80; but not the less had he always stood its strenuous81 and passionate82 champion. An Iroquois envoy59 had lately with great insolence83 demanded its destruction of Denonville; and this alone, in the eyes of Frontenac, was ample reason for maintaining it at any cost. [9] He still had hope that it might be saved, and with all the energy of youth he proceeded to collect canoes, men, provisions, and arms; battled against dejection, insubordination, and fear, and in a few days despatched a convoy84 of three hundred men to relieve the place, and stop the execution of Denonville's orders. His orders had been but too promptly85 obeyed. The convoy was scarcely gone an hour, when, to Frontenac's unutterable wrath86, Valrenne appeared with his garrison. He reported that he had set fire to every thing in the fort that would burn, sunk the three vessels87 belonging to it, thrown the cannon into the lake, mined the walls and bastions, and left matches burning 193 in the powder magazine; and, further, that when he and his men were five leagues on their way to Montreal a dull and distant explosion told them that the mines had sprung. It proved afterwards that the destruction was not complete; and the Iroquois took possession of the abandoned fort, with a large quantity of stores and munitions left by the garrison in their too hasty retreat. [10]
[9] Frontenac au Ministre, 15 Nov., 1689.
[10] Frontenac au Ministre, 15 Nov., 1689; Recueil de ce qui s'est passé en Canada depuis l'année 1682.
There was one ray of light through the clouds. The unwonted news of a victory came to Montreal. It was small, but decisive, and might be an earnest of greater things to come. Before Frontenac's arrival, Denonville had sent a reconnoitring party up the Ottawa. They had gone no farther than the Lake of Two Mountains, when they met twenty-two Iroquois in two large canoes, who immediately bore down upon them, yelling furiously. The French party consisted of twenty-eight coureurs de bois under Du Lhut and Mantet, excellent partisan89 chiefs, who man?uvred so well that the rising sun blazed full in the eyes of the advancing enemy, and spoiled their aim. The French received their fire, which wounded one man; then, closing with them while their guns were empty, gave them a volley, which killed and wounded eighteen of their number. One swam ashore90. The remaining three were captured, and given to the Indian allies to be burned. [11]
[11] Frontenac au Ministre, 15 Nov., 1689; Champigny au Ministre, 16 Nov., 1689. Compare Belmont, whose account is a little different; also N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 435.
194 This gleam of sunshine passed, and all grew black again. On a snowy November day, a troop of Iroquois fell on the settlement of La Chesnaye, burned the houses, and vanished with a troop of prisoners, leaving twenty mangled91 corpses92 on the snow. [12] "The terror," wrote the bishop93, "is indescribable." The appearance of a few savages95 would put a whole neighborhood to flight. [13] So desperate, wrote Frontenac, were the needs of the colony, and so great the contempt with which the Iroquois regarded it, that it almost needed a miracle either to carry on war or make peace. What he most earnestly wished was to keep the Iroquois quiet, and so leave his hands free to deal with the English. This was not easy, to such a pitch of audacity96 had late events raised them. Neither his temper nor his convictions would allow him to beg peace of them, like his predecessor97; but he had inordinate98 trust in the influence of his name, and he now took a course which he hoped might answer his purpose without increasing their insolence. The perfidious99 folly of Denonville in seizing their countrymen at Fort Frontenac had been a prime cause of their hostility100; and, at the request of the late governor, the surviving captives, thirteen in all, had been taken from the galleys101, gorgeously clad in French attire102, and sent back to Canada in the ship which carried Frontenac. Among them was a famous Cayuga war-chief called 195 Ourehaoué, whose loss had infuriated the Iroquois. [14] Frontenac gained his good-will on the voyage; and, when they reached Quebec, he lodged103 him in the chateau104, and treated him with such kindness that the chief became his devoted105 admirer and friend. As his influence was great among his people, Frontenac hoped that he might use him with success to bring about an accommodation. He placed three of the captives at the disposal of the Cayuga, who forthwith sent them to Onondaga with a message which the governor had dictated106, and which was to the following effect: "The great Onontio, whom you all know, has come back again. He does not blame you for what you have done; for he looks upon you as foolish children, and blames only the English, who are the cause of your folly, and have made you forget your obedience107 to a father who has always loved and never deceived you. He will permit me, Ourehaoué, to return to you as soon as you will come to ask for me, not as you have spoken of late, but like children speaking to a father." [15] Frontenac hoped that they would send an embassy to reclaim108 their chief, and thus give him an opportunity to use his personal influence over them. With the three released captives, he sent an Iroquois convert named Cut Nose with a wampum belt to announce his return.
[12] Belmont, Histoire du Canada; Frontenac à———, 17 Nov., 1689; Champigny au Ministre, 16 Nov., 1689. This letter is not the one just cited. Champigny wrote twice on the same day.
[13] N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 435.
[14] Ourehaoué was not one of the neutrals entrapped109 at Fort Frontenac, but was seized about the same time by the troops on their way up the St. Lawrence.
[15] Frontenac au Ministre, 30 Avril, 1690.
When the deputation arrived at Onondaga and made known their errand, the Iroquois 196 magnates, with their usual deliberation, deferred110 answering till a general council of the confederacy should have time to assemble; and, meanwhile, they sent messengers to ask the mayor of Albany, and others of their Dutch and English friends, to come to the meeting. They did not comply, merely sending the government interpreter, with a few Mohawk Indians, to represent their interests. On the other hand, the Jesuit Milet, who had been captured a few months before, adopted, and made an Oneida chief, used every effort to second the designs of Frontenac. The authorities of Albany tried in vain to induce the Iroquois to place him in their hands. They understood their interests too well, and held fast to the Jesuit. [16]
[16] Milet was taken in 1689, not, as has been supposed, in 1690. Lettre du Père Milet, 1691, printed by Shea.
The grand council took place at Onondaga on the twenty-second of January. Eighty chiefs and sachems, seated gravely on mats around the council fire, smoked their pipes in silence for a while; till at length an Onondaga orator111 rose, and announced that Frontenac, the old Onontio, had returned with Ourehaoué and twelve more of their captive friends, that he meant to rekindle112 the council fire at Fort Frontenac, and that he invited them to meet him there. [17]
[17] Frontenac declares that he sent no such message, and intimates that Cut Nose had been tampered113 with by persons over-anxious to conciliate the Iroquois, and who had even gone so far as to send them messages on their own account. These persons were Lamberville, Fran?ois Hertel, and one of the Le Moynes. Frontenac was very angry at this interference, to which he ascribes the most mischievous114 consequences. 197 Cut Nose, or Nez Coupé, is called Adarahta by Colden, and Gagniegaton, or Red Bird, by some French writers.
"Ho, ho, ho," returned the eighty senators, from the bottom of their throats. It was the unfailing Iroquois response to a speech. Then Cut Nose, the governor's messenger, addressed the council: "I advise you to meet Onontio as he desires. Do so, if you wish to live." He presented a wampum belt to confirm his words, and the conclave115 again returned the same guttural ejaculation.
"Ourehaoué sends you this," continued Cut Nose, presenting another belt of wampum: "by it he advises you to listen to Onontio, if you wish to live."
When the messenger from Canada had ceased, the messenger from Albany, a Mohawk Indian, rose and repeated word for word a speech confided116 to him by the mayor of that town, urging the Iroquois to close their ears against the invitations of Onontio.
Next rose one Cannehoot, a sachem of the Senecas, charged with matters of grave import; for they involved no less than the revival117 of that scheme, so perilous118 to the French, of the union of the tribes of the Great Lakes in a triple alliance with the Iroquois and the English. These lake tribes, disgusted with the French, who, under Denonville, had left them to the mercy of the Iroquois, had been impelled119, both by their fears and their interests, to make new advances to the confederacy, and had first addressed themselves to the Senecas, whom they had most cause to dread120. They had given up some of the Iroquois prisoners 198 in their hands, and promised soon to give up the rest. A treaty had been made; and it was this event which the Seneca sachem now announced to the council. Having told the story to his assembled colleagues, he exhibited and explained the wampum belts and other tokens brought by the envoys121 from the lakes, who represented nine distinct tribes or bands from the region of Michillimackinac. By these tokens, the nine tribes declared that they came to learn wisdom of the Iroquois and the English; to wash off the war-paint, throw down the tomahawk, smoke the pipe of peace, and unite with them as one body. "Onontio is drunk," such was the interpretation122 of the fourth wampum belt; "but we, the tribes of Michillimackinac, wash our hands of all his actions. Neither we nor you must defile123 ourselves by listening to him." When the Seneca sachem had ended, and when the ejaculations that echoed his words had ceased, the belts were hung up before all the assembly, then taken down again, and distributed among the sachems of the five Iroquois tribes, excepting one, which was given to the messengers from Albany. Thus was concluded the triple alliance, which to Canada meant no less than ruin.
"Brethren," said an Onondaga sachem, "we must hold fast to our brother Quider (Peter Schuyler, mayor of Albany) and look on Onontio as our enemy, for he is a cheat."
Then they invited the interpreter from Albany to address the council, which he did, advising them 199 not to listen to the envoys from Canada. When he had ended, they spent some time in consultation124 among themselves, and at length agreed on the following message, addressed to Corlaer, or New York, and to Kinshon, the Fish, by which they meant New England, the authorities of which had sent them the image of a fish as a token of alliance: [18]—
"Brethren, our council fire burns at Albany. We will not go to meet Onontio at Fort Frontenac. We will hold fast to the old chain of peace with Corlaer, and we will fight with Onontio. Brethren, we are glad to hear from you that you are preparing to make war on Canada, but tell us no lies.
"Brother Kinshon, we hear that you mean to send soldiers against the Indians to the eastward125; but we advise you, now that we are all united against the French, to fall upon them at once. Strike at the root: when the trunk is cut down, all the branches fall with it.
"Courage, Corlaer! courage, Kinshon! Go to Quebec in the spring; take it, and you will have your feet on the necks of the French and all their friends."
[18] The wooden image of a codfish still hangs in the State House at Boston, the emblem of a colony which lived chiefly by the fisheries.
Then they consulted together again, and agreed on the following answer to Ourehaoué and Frontenac:—
"Ourehaoué, the whole council is glad to hear that you have come back.
200 "Onontio, you have told us that you have come back again, and brought with you thirteen of our people who were carried prisoners to France. We are glad of it. You wish to speak with us at Cataraqui (Fort Frontenac). Don't you know that your council fire there is put out? It is quenched126 in blood. You must first send home the prisoners. When our brother Ourehaoué is returned to us, then we will talk with you of peace. You must send him and the others home this very winter. We now let you know that we have made peace with the tribes of Michillimackinac. You are not to think, because we return you an answer, that we have laid down the tomahawk. Our warriors will continue the war till you send our countrymen back to us." [19]
[19] The account of this council is given, with condensation127 and the omission128 of parts not essential, from Colden (105-112, ed. 1747). It will serve as an example of the Iroquois method of conducting political business, the habitual129 regularity130 and decorum of which has drawn131 from several contemporary French writers the remark that in such matters the five tribes were savages only in name. The reply to Frontenac is also given by Monseignat (N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 465), and, after him, by La Potherie. Compare Le Clercq, établissement de la Foy, II. 403. Ourehaoué is the Tawerahet of Colden.
The messengers from Canada returned with this reply. Unsatisfactory as it was, such a quantity of wampum was sent with it as showed plainly the importance attached by the Iroquois to the matters in question. Encouraged by a recent success against the English, and still possessed with an overweening confidence in his own influence over the confederates, Frontenac resolved that Ourehaoué should send them another message. The chief, whose devotion to the count never wavered, accordingly 201 despatched four envoys, with a load of wampum belts, expressing his astonishment132 that his countrymen had not seen fit to send a deputation of chiefs to receive him from the hands of Onontio, and calling upon them to do so without delay, lest he should think that they had forgotten him. Along with the messengers, Frontenac ventured to send the Chevalier d'Aux, a half-pay officer, with orders to observe the disposition133 of the Iroquois, and impress them in private talk with a sense of the count's power, of his good-will to them, and of the wisdom of coming to terms with him, lest, like an angry father, he should be forced at last to use the rod. The chevalier's reception was a warm one. They burned two of his attendants, forced him to run the gauntlet, and, after a vigorous thrashing, sent him prisoner to Albany. The last failure was worse than the first. The count's name was great among the Iroquois, but he had trusted its power too far. [20]
[20] Message of Ourehaoué, in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 735; Instructions to Chevalier d'Eau, Ibid., 733; Chevalier d'Aux au Ministre, 15 Mai, 1693. The chevalier's name is also written d'O, He himself wrote it as in the text.
The worst of news had come from Michillimackinac. La Durantaye, the commander of the post, and Carheil, the Jesuit, had sent a messenger to Montreal in the depth of winter to say that the tribes around them were on the point of revolt. Carheil wrote that they threatened openly to throw themselves into the arms of the Iroquois and the English; that they declared that the protection of Onontio was an illusion and a snare134; that they 202 once mistook the French for warriors, but saw now that they were no match for the Iroquois, whom they had tamely allowed to butcher them at Montreal, without even daring to defend themselves; that when the French invaded the Senecas they did nothing but cut down corn and break canoes, and since that time they had done nothing but beg peace for themselves, forgetful of their allies, whom they expected to bear the brunt of the war, and then left to their fate; that they had surrendered through cowardice135 the prisoners they had caught by treachery, and this, too, at a time when the Iroquois were burning French captives in all their towns; and, finally, that, as the French would not or could not make peace for them, they would make peace for themselves. "These," pursued Carheil, "are the reasons they give us to prove the necessity of their late embassy to the Senecas; and by this one can see that our Indians are a great deal more clear-sighted than they are thought to be, and that it is hard to conceal136 from their penetration137 any thing that can help or harm their interests. What is certain is that, if the Iroquois are not stopped, they will not fail to come and make themselves masters here."
[21] Carheil à Frontenac, 1690. Frontenac did not receive this letter till September, and acted on the information previously138 sent him. Charlevoix's version of the letter does not conform with the original.
Charlevoix thinks that Frontenac was not displeased139 at this bitter arraignment140 of his predecessor's administration. At the same time, his position was very embarrassing. He had no men 203 to spare; but such was the necessity of saving Michillimackinac, and breaking off the treaty with the Senecas, that when spring opened he sent Captain Louvigny with a hundred and forty-three Canadians and six Indians to reinforce the post and replace its commander, La Durantaye. Two other officers with an additional force were ordered to accompany him through the most dangerous part of the journey. With them went Nicolas Perrot, bearing a message from the count to his rebellious141 children of Michillimackinac. The following was the pith of this characteristic document:—
"I am astonished to learn that you have forgotten the protection that I always gave you. Do you think that I am no longer alive; or that I have a mind to stand idle, like those who have been here in my place? Or do you think that, if eight or ten hairs have been torn from my children's heads when I was absent, I cannot put ten handfuls of hair in the place of every one that was pulled out? You know that before I protected you the ravenous142 Iroquois dog was biting everybody. I tamed him and tied him up; but, when he no longer saw me, he behaved worse than ever. If he persists, he shall feel my power. The English have tried to win him by flatteries, but I will kill all who encourage him. The English have deceived and devoured143 their children, but I am a good father who loves you. I loved the Iroquois once, because they obeyed me. When I knew that they had been treacherously144 captured and carried 204 to France, I set them free; and, when I restore them to their country, it will not be through fear, but through pity, for I hate treachery. I am strong enough to kill the English, destroy the Iroquois, and whip you, if you fail in your duty to me. The Iroquois have killed and captured you in time of peace. Do to them as they have done to you, do to the English as they would like to do to you, but hold fast to your true father, who will never abandon you. Will you let the English brandy that has killed you in your wigwams lure1 you into the kettles of the Iroquois? Is not mine better, which has never killed you, but always made you strong?" [22]
[22] Parole (de M. de Frontenac) qui doit être dite à l'Outaouais pour le dissuader145 de l'Alliance qu'il vent38 faire avec l'Iroquois et l'Anglois. The message is long. Only the principal points are given above.
Charged with this haughty146 missive, Perrot set out for Michillimackinac along with Louvigny and his men. On their way up the Ottawa, they met a large band of Iroquois hunters, whom they routed with heavy loss. Nothing could have been more auspicious147 for Perrot's errand. When towards midsummer they reached their destination, they ranged their canoes in a triumphal procession, placed in the foremost an Iroquois captured in the fight, forced him to dance and sing, hung out the fleur-de-lis, shouted Vive le Roi, whooped148, yelled, and fired their guns. As they neared the village of the Ottawas, all the naked population ran down to the shore, leaping, yelping149, and firing, in return. Louvigny and his men passed on, and landed at the 205 neighboring village of the French settlers, who, drawn up in battle array on the shore, added more yells and firing to the general uproar150; though, amid this joyous151 fusillade of harmless gunpowder152, they all kept their bullets ready for instant use, for they distrusted the savage94 multitude. The story of the late victory, however, confirmed as it was by an imposing display of scalps, produced an effect which averted153 the danger of an immediate88 outbreak.
The fate of the Iroquois prisoner now became the point at issue. The French hoped that the Indians in their excitement could be induced to put him to death, and thus break their late treaty with his countrymen. Besides the Ottawas, there was at Michillimackinac a village of Hurons under their crafty154 chief, the Rat. They had pretended to stand fast for the French, who nevertheless believed them to be at the bottom of all the mischief155. They now begged for the prisoner, promising156 to burn him. On the faith of this pledge, he was given to them; but they broke their word, and kept him alive, in order to curry157 favor with the Iroquois. The Ottawas, intensely jealous of the preference shown to the Hurons, declared in their anger that the prisoner ought to be killed and eaten. This was precisely158 what the interests of the French demanded; but the Hurons still persisted in protecting him. Their Jesuit missionary159 now interposed, and told them that, unless they "put the Iroquois into the kettle," the French would take him from them. After much discussion, this argument prevailed. They planted a stake, 206 tied him to it, and began to torture him; but, as he did not show the usual fortitude160 of his countrymen, they declared him unworthy to die the death of a warrior21, and accordingly shot him. [23]
[23] "Le Père Missionnaire des Hurons, prévoyant que cette affaire auroit peut-être une suite qui pourrait être préjudiciable aux soins qu'il prenoit de leur instruction, demanda qu'il lui fut permis d'aller à leur village pour les obliger de trouver quelque moyen qui fut capable d'appaiser le ressentiment des Fran?ois. Il leur dit que ceux-ci vouloient absolument que l'on mit l'Iroquois à la chaudière, et que si on ne le faisoit, on devoit venir le leur enlever." La Potherie, II. 237 (1722). By the "result prejudicial to his cares for their instruction" he seems to mean their possible transfer from French to English influences. The expression mettre à la chaudière, though derived161 from cannibal practices, is often used figuratively for torturing and killing162. The missionary in question was either Carheil or another Jesuit, who must have acted with his sanction.
Here was a point gained for the French, but the danger was not passed. The Ottawas could disavow the killing of the Iroquois; and, in fact, though there was a great division of opinion among them, they were preparing at this very time to send a secret embassy to the Seneca country to ratify163 the fatal treaty. The French commanders called a council of all the tribes. It met at the house of the Jesuits. Presents in abundance were distributed. The message of Frontenac was reinforced by persuasion164 and threats; and the assembly was told that the five tribes of the Iroquois were like five nests of muskrats165 in a marsh166, which the French would drain dry, and then burn with all its inhabitants. Perrot took the disaffected167 chiefs aside, and with his usual bold adroitness168 diverted them for the moment from their purpose. The projected embassy was stopped, but any day might revive it. There was no safety for the French, 207 and the ground of Michillimackinac was hollow under their feet. Every thing depended on the success of their arms. A few victories would confirm their wavering allies; but the breath of another defeat would blow the fickle169 crew over to the enemy like a drift of dry leaves.
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1
lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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2
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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taunts
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| 嘲弄的言语，嘲笑，奚落( taunt的名词复数 ) | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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5
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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6
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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7
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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9
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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10
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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11
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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12
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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13
frescoes
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| n.壁画( fresco的名词复数 )；温壁画技法，湿壁画 | |
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14
mosaics
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| n.马赛克( mosaic的名词复数 )；镶嵌；镶嵌工艺；镶嵌图案 | |
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15
tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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16
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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17
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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18
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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19
promenading
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| v.兜风( promenade的现在分词 ) | |
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20
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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23
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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24
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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25
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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26
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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27
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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28
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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29
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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30
mishaps
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| n.轻微的事故，小的意外( mishap的名词复数 ) | |
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31
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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32
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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33
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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34
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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35
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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36
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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37
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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38
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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39
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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40
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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41
contriving
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| （不顾困难地）促成某事( contrive的现在分词 )； 巧妙地策划，精巧地制造（如机器）； 设法做到 | |
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42
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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43
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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44
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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45
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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46
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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47
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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48
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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49
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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50
Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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51
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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52
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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53
ransoms
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的名词复数 ) | |
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54
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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55
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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56
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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57
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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58
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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59
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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60
ensemble
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| n.合奏(唱)组；全套服装；整体，总效果 | |
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61
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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62
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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63
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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64
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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65
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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66
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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67
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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68
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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69
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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70
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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71
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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72
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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73
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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74
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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75
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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76
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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77
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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78
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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79
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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80
opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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81
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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82
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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83
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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84
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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85
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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86
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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87
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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88
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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89
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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90
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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91
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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92
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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93
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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94
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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95
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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96
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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97
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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100
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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101
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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102
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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103
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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104
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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105
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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106
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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107
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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108
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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109
entrapped
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| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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111
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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112
rekindle
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| v.使再振作；再点火 | |
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113
tampered
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| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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114
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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115
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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116
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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117
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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118
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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119
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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121
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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122
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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123
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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124
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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125
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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126
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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127
condensation
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| n.压缩，浓缩；凝结的水珠 | |
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128
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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129
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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130
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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131
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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132
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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133
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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134
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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135
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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136
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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137
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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138
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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139
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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140
arraignment
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| n.提问，传讯，责难 | |
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141
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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142
ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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143
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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144
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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145
dissuader
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| 劝阻； 劝止； 劝戒 | |
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146
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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147
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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148
whooped
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| 叫喊( whoop的过去式和过去分词 )； 高声说； 唤起 | |
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149
yelping
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| v.发出短而尖的叫声( yelp的现在分词 ) | |
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150
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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151
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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152
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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153
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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154
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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155
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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156
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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157
curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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158
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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159
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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160
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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161
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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162
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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163
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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164
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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165
muskrats
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| n.麝鼠（产于北美，毛皮珍贵）( muskrat的名词复数 ) | |
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166
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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167
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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168
adroitness
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169
fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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