The Three War-parties.
Measures of Frontenac ? Expedition against Schenectady ? The March ? The Dutch Village ? The Surprise ? The Massacre2 ? Prisoners spared ? Retreat ? The English and their Iroquois Friends ? The Abenaki War ? Revolution at Boston ? Capture of Pemaquid ? Capture of Salmon4 Falls ? Capture of Fort Loyal ? Frontenac and his Prisoner ? The Canadians encouraged.
While striving to reclaim5 his allies, Frontenac had not forgotten his enemies. It was of the last necessity to revive the dashed spirits of the Canadians and the troops; and action, prompt and bold, was the only means of doing so. He resolved, therefore, to take the offensive, not against the Iroquois, who seemed invulnerable as ghosts, but against the English; and by striking a few sharp and rapid blows to teach both friends and foes6 that Onontio was still alive. The effect of his return had already begun to appear, and the energy and fire of the undaunted veteran had shot new life into the dejected population. He formed three war-parties of picked men, one at Montreal, one at Three Rivers, and one at Quebec; the first to strike at Albany, the second at the 209 border settlements of New Hampshire, and the third at those of Maine. That of Montreal was ready first. It consisted of two hundred and ten men, of whom ninety-six were Indian converts, chiefly from the two mission villages of Saut St. Louis and the Mountain of Montreal. They were Christian8 Iroquois whom the priests had persuaded to leave their homes and settle in Canada, to the great indignation of their heathen countrymen, and the great annoyance9 of the English colonists10, to whom they were a constant menace. When Denonville attacked the Senecas, they had joined him; but of late they had shown reluctance11 to fight their heathen kinsmen12, with whom the French even suspected them of collusion. Against the English, however, they willingly took up the hatchet13. The French of the party were for the most part coureurs de bois. As the sea is the sailor's element, so the forest was theirs. Their merits were hardihood and skill in woodcraft; their chief faults were insubordination and lawlessness. They had shared the general demoralization that followed the inroad of the Iroquois, and under Denonville had proved mutinous16 and unmanageable. In the best times, it was a hard task to command them, and one that needed, not bravery alone, but tact17, address, and experience. Under a chief of such a stamp, they were admirable bushfighters, and such were those now chosen to lead them. D'Aillebout de Mantet and Le Moyne de Sainte-Hélène, the brave son of Charles Le Moyne, had the chief command, supported by the brothers 210 Le Moyne d'Iberville and Le Moyne de Bienville, with Repentigny de Montesson, Le Ber du Chesne, and others of the sturdy Canadian noblesse, nerved by adventure and trained in Indian warfare18. [1]
[1] Relation de Monseignat, 1689-90. There is a translation of this valuable paper in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 462. The party, according to three of their number, consisted at first of 160 French and 140 Christian Indians, but was reduced by sickness and desertion to 250 in all. Examination of three French prisoners taken by ye. Maquas (Mohawks), and brought to Skinnectady, who were examined by Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany, Domine Godevridus Dellius, and some of ye. Gentlen. that went from Albany a purpose.
It was the depth of winter when they began their march, striding on snow-shoes over the vast white field of the frozen St. Lawrence, each with the hood14 of his blanket coat drawn19 over his head, a gun in his mittened20 hand, a knife, a hatchet, a tobacco pouch21, and a bullet pouch at his belt, a pack on his shoulders, and his inseparable pipe hung at his neck in a leather case. They dragged their blankets and provisions over the snow on Indian sledges22. Crossing the forest to Chambly, they advanced four or five days up the frozen Richelieu and the frozen Lake Champlain, and then stopped to hold a council. Frontenac had left the precise point of attack at the discretion23 of the leaders, and thus far the men had been ignorant of their destination. The Indians demanded to know it. Mantet and Sainte-Hélène replied that they were going to Albany. The Indians demurred24. "How long is it," asked one of them, "since the French grew so bold?" The commanders answered that, to regain25 the honor of which their late misfortunes had robbed them, the French would take Albany or die in the attempt. The 211 Indians listened sullenly26; the decision was postponed27, and the party moved forward again. When after eight days they reached the Hudson, and found the place where two paths diverged29, the one for Albany and the other for Schenectady, they all without farther words took the latter. Indeed, to attempt Albany would have been an act of desperation. The march was horrible. There was a partial thaw30, and they waded31 knee-deep through the half melted snow, and the mingled32 ice, mud, and water of the gloomy swamps. So painful and so slow was their progress, that it was nine days more before they reached a point two leagues from Schenectady. The weather had changed again, and a cold, gusty33 snow-storm pelted34 them. It was one of those days when the trees stand white as spectres in the sheltered hollows of the forest, and bare and gray on the wind-swept ridges35. The men were half dead with cold, fatigue36, and hunger. It was four in the afternoon of the eighth of February. The scouts37 found an Indian hut, and in it were four Iroquois squaws, whom they captured. There was a fire in the wigwam; and the shivering Canadians crowded about it, stamping their chilled feet and warming their benumbed hands over the blaze. The Christian chief of the Saut St. Louis, known as Le Grand Agnié, or the Great Mohawk, by the French, and by the Dutch called Kryn, harangued38 his followers39, and exhorted40 them to wash out their wrongs in blood. Then they all advanced again, and about dark reached the river Mohawk, a little above the village. A 212 Canadian named Gignières, who had gone with nine Indians to reconnoitre, now returned to say that he had been within sight of Schenectady, and had seen nobody. Their purpose had been to postpone28 the attack till two o'clock in the morning; but the situation was intolerable, and the limit of human endurance was reached. They could not make fires, and they must move on or perish. Guided by the frightened squaws, they crossed the Mohawk on the ice, toiling41 through the drifts amid the whirling snow that swept down the valley of the darkened stream, till about eleven o'clock they descried42 through the storm the snow-beplastered palisades of the devoted43 village. Such was their plight44 that some of them afterwards declared that they would all have surrendered if an enemy had appeared to summon them. [2]
[2] Colden, 114 (ed. 1747).
Schenectady was the farthest outpost of the colony of New York. Westward45 lay the Mohawk forests; and Orange, or Albany, was fifteen miles or more towards the south-east. The village was oblong in form, and enclosed by a palisade which had two gates, one towards Albany and the other towards the Mohawks. There was a blockhouse near the eastern gate, occupied by eight or nine Connecticut militia46 men under Lieutenant47 Talmage. There were also about thirty friendly Mohawks in the place, on a visit. The inhabitants, who were all Dutch, were in a state of discord48 and confusion. The revolution in England had produced a revolution in New York. The demagogue Jacob Leisler had got possession 213 of Fort William, and was endeavoring to master the whole colony. Albany was in the hands of the anti-Leisler or conservative party, represented by a convention of which Peter Schuyler was the chief. The Dutch of Schenectady for the most part favored Leisler, whose emissaries had been busily at work among them; but their chief magistrate49, John Sander Glen, a man of courage and worth, stood fast for the Albany convention, and in consequence the villagers had threatened to kill him. Talmage and his Connecticut militia were under orders from Albany; and therefore, like Glen, they were under the popular ban. In vain the magistrate and the officer entreated50 the people to stand on their guard. They turned the advice to ridicule51, laughed at the idea of danger, left both their gates wide open, and placed there, it is said, two snow images as mock sentinels. A French account declares that the village contained eighty houses, which is certainly an exaggeration. There had been some festivity during the evening, but it was now over; and the primitive52 villagers, fathers, mothers, children, and infants, lay buried in unconscious sleep. They were simple peasants and rude woodsmen, but with human affections and capable of human woe53.
The French and Indians stood before the open gate, with its blind and dumb warder, the mock sentinel of snow. Iberville went with a detachment to find the Albany gate, and bar it against the escape of fugitives54; but he missed it in the gloom, and hastened back. The assailants were 214 now formed into two bands, Sainte-Hélène leading the one and Mantet the other. They passed through the gate together in dead silence: one turned to the right and the other to the left, and they filed around the village between the palisades and the houses till the two leaders met at the farther end. Thus the place was completely surrounded. The signal was then given: they all screeched55 the war-whoop together, burst in the doors with hatchets56, and fell to their work. Roused by the infernal din15, the villagers leaped from their beds. For some it was but a momentary57 nightmare of fright and horror, ended by the blow of the tomahawk. Others were less fortunate. Neither women nor children were spared. "No pen can write, and no tongue express," wrote Schuyler, "the cruelties that were committed." [3] There was little resistance, except at the blockhouse, where Talmage and his men made a stubborn fight; but the doors were at length forced open, the defenders58 killed or taken, and the building set on fire. Adam Vrooman, one of the villagers, saw his wife shot and his child brained against the door-post; but he fought so desperately59 that the assailants promised him his life. Orders had been given to spare Peter Tassemaker, the domine or minister, from whom it was thought that valuable information might be obtained; but 215 he was hacked60 to pieces, and his house burned. Some, more agile61 or more fortunate than the rest, escaped at the eastern gate, and fled through the storm to seek shelter at Albany or at houses along the way. Sixty persons were killed outright62, of whom thirty-eight were men and boys, ten were women, and twelve were children. [4] The number captured appears to have been between eighty and ninety. The thirty Mohawks in the town were treated with studied kindness by the victors, who declared that they had no quarrel with them, but only with the Dutch and English.
[3] "The women bigg with Childe rip'd up, and the Children alive throwne into the flames, and their heads dashed to pieces against the Doors and windows." Schuyler to the Council of Connecticut, 15 Feb., 1690. Similar statements are made by Leisler. See Doc. Hist. N. Y., I. 307, 310.
[4] List of ye. People kild and destroyed by ye. French of Canida and there Indians at Skinnechtady, in Doc. Hist. N. Y., I. 304.
The massacre and pillage63 continued two hours; then the prisoners were secured, sentinels posted, and the men told to rest and refresh themselves. In the morning, a small party crossed the river to the house of Glen, which stood on a rising ground half a mile distant. It was loopholed and palisaded; and Glen had mustered64 his servants and tenants65, closed his gates, and prepared to defend himself. The French told him to fear nothing, for they had orders not to hurt a chicken of his; whereupon, after requiring them to lay down their arms, he allowed them to enter. They urged him to go with them to the village, and he complied; they on their part leaving one of their number as a hostage in the hands of his followers. Iberville appeared at the gate with the Great Mohawk, and, drawing his commission from the breast of his coat, told 216 Glen that he was specially66 charged to pay a debt which the French owed him. On several occasions, he had saved the lives of French prisoners in the hands of the Mohawks; and he, with his family, and, above all, his wife, had shown them the greatest kindness. He was now led before the crowd of wretched prisoners, and told that not only were his own life and property safe, but that all his kindred should be spared. Glen stretched his privilege to the utmost, till the French Indians, disgusted at his multiplied demands for clemency67, observed that everybody seemed to be his relation.
Some of the houses had already been burned. Fire was now set to the rest, excepting one, in which a French officer lay wounded, another belonging to Glen, and three or four more which he begged the victors to spare. At noon Schenectady was in ashes. Then the French and Indians withdrew, laden68 with booty. Thirty or forty captured horses dragged their sledges; and a troop of twenty-seven men and boys were driven prisoners into the forest. About sixty old men, women, and children were left behind, without farther injury, in order, it is said, to conciliate the Mohawks in the place, who had joined with Glen in begging that they might be spared. Of the victors, only two had been killed. [5]
[5] Many of the authorities on the burning of Schenectady will be found in the Documentary History of New York, I. 297-312. One of the most important is a portion of the long letter of M. de Monseignat, comptroller-general of the marine69 in Canada, to a lady of rank, said to be Madame de Maintenon. Others are contemporary documents preserved 217 at Albany, including, among others, the lists of killed and captured, letters of Leisler to the governor of Maryland, the governor of Massachusetts, the governor of Barbadoes, and the Bishop70 of Salisbury; of Robert Livingston to Sir Edmund Andros and to Captain Nicholson; and of Mr. Van Cortlandt to Sir Edmund Andros. One of the best contemporary authorities is a letter of Schuyler and his colleagues to the governor and council of Massachusetts, 15 February, 1690, preserved in the Massachusetts archives, and printed in the third volume of Mr. Whitmore's Andros Tracts71. La Potherie, Charlevoix, Colden, Smith, and many others, give accounts at second-hand72.
Johannes Sander, or Alexander, Glen, was the son of a Scotchman of good family. He was usually known as Captain Sander. The French wrote the name Cendre, which became transformed into Condre, and then into Coudre. In the old family Bible of the Glens, still preserved at the place named by them Scotia, near Schenectady, is an entry in Dutch recording73 the "murders" committed by the French, and the exemption74 accorded to Alexander Glen on account of services rendered by him and his family to French prisoners. See Proceedings75 of N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1846, 118.
The French called Schenectady Corlaer or Corlar, from Van Curler, its founder76. Its treatment at their hands was ill deserved, as its inhabitants, and notably77 Van Curler himself, had from the earliest times been the protectors of French captives among the Mohawks. Leisler says that only one-sixth of the inhabitants escaped unhurt.
At the outset of the attack, Simon Schermerhorn threw himself on a horse, and galloped78 through the eastern gate. The French shot at and wounded him; but he escaped, reached Albany at daybreak, and gave the alarm. The soldiers and inhabitants were called to arms, cannon79 were fired to rouse the country, and a party of horsemen, followed by some friendly Mohawks, set out for Schenectady. The Mohawks had promised to carry the news to their three towns on the river above; but, when they reached the ruined village, they were so frightened at the scene of havoc80 that they would not go farther. Two days passed before the alarm reached the Mohawk towns. Then troops of warriors81 came down on 218 snow-shoes, equipped with tomahawk and gun, to chase the retiring French. Fifty young men from Albany joined them; and they followed the trail of the enemy, who, with the help of their horses, made such speed over the ice of Lake Champlain that it seemed impossible to overtake them. They thought the pursuit abandoned; and, having killed and eaten most of their horses, and being spent with fatigue, they moved more slowly as they neared home, when a band of Mohawks, who had followed stanchly on their track, fell upon a party of stragglers, and killed or captured fifteen or more, almost within sight of Montreal.
Three of these prisoners, examined by Schuyler, declared that Frontenac was preparing for a grand attack on Albany in the spring. In the political confusion of the time, the place was not in fighting condition; and Schuyler appealed for help to the authorities of Massachusetts. "Dear neighbours and friends, we must acquaint you that nevir poor People in the world was in a worse Condition than we are at Present, no Governour nor Command, no money to forward any expedition, and scarce Men enough to maintain the Citty. We have here plainly laid the case before you, and doubt not but you will so much take it to heart, and make all Readinesse in the Spring to invade Canida by water." [6] The Mohawks were of the same mind. Their elders came down to Albany to condole82 with their Dutch and English 219 friends on the late disaster. "We are come," said their orator83, "with tears in our eyes, to lament84 the murders committed at Schenectady by the perfidious85 French. Onontio comes to our country to speak of peace, but war is at his heart. He has broken into our house at both ends, once among the Senecas and once here; but we hope to be revenged. Brethren, our covenant86 with you is a silver chain that cannot rust87 or break. We are of the race of the bear; and the bear does not yield, so long as there is a drop of blood in his body. Let us all be bears. We will go together with an army to ruin the country of the French. Therefore, send in all haste to New England. Let them be ready with ships and great guns to attack by water, while we attack by land." [7] Schuyler did not trust his red allies, who, however, seem on this occasion to have meant what they said. He lost no time in sending commissioners88 to urge the several governments of New England to a combined attack on the French.
[6] Schuyler, Wessell, and Van Rensselaer to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, 15 Feb., 1690, in Andros Tracts, III. 114.
[7] Propositions made by the Sachems of ye. Maquase (Mohawk) Castles to ye. Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonality of ye. Citty of Albany, ye. 25 day of february, 1690, in Doc. Hist. N. Y., II. 164-169.
New England needed no prompting to take up arms; for she presently learned to her cost that, though feeble and prostrate89, Canada could sting. The war-party which attacked Schenectady was, as we have seen, but one of three which Frontenac had sent against the English borders. The second, aimed at New Hampshire, left Three Rivers on the twenty-eighth of January, commanded by Fran?ois 220 Hertel. It consisted of twenty-four Frenchmen, twenty Abenakis of the Sokoki band, and five Algonquins. After three months of excessive hardship in the vast and rugged90 wilderness91 that intervened, they approached the little settlement of Salmon Falls on the stream which separates New Hampshire from Maine; and here for a moment we leave them, to observe the state of this unhappy frontier.
It was twelve years and more since the great Indian outbreak, called King Philip's War, had carried havoc through all the borders of New England. After months of stubborn fighting, the fire was quenched92 in Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut; but in New Hampshire and Maine it continued to burn fiercely till the treaty of Casco, in 1678. The principal Indians of this region were the tribes known collectively as the Abenakis. The French had established relations with them through the missionaries93; and now, seizing the opportunity, they persuaded many of these distressed94 and exasperated95 savages97 to leave the neighborhood of the English, migrate to Canada, and settle first at Sillery near Quebec and then at the falls of the Chaudière. Here the two Jesuits, Jacques and Vincent Bigot, prime agents in their removal, took them in charge; and the missions of St. Francis became villages of Abenaki Christians98, like the village of Iroquois Christians at Saut St. Louis. In both cases, the emigrants99 were sheltered under the wing of Canada; and they and their tomahawks were always at her service. The two Bigots spared 221 no pains to induce more of the Abenakis to join these mission colonies. They were in good measure successful, though the great body of the tribe still clung to their ancient homes on the Saco, the Kennebec, and the Penobscot. [8]
[8] The Abenaki migration100 to Canada began as early as the autumn of 1675 (Relation, 1676-77). On the mission of St. Francis on the Chaudière, see Bigot, Relation, 1684; Ibid., 1685. It was afterwards removed to the river St. Francis.
There were ten years of critical and dubious101 peace along the English border, and then the war broke out again. The occasion of this new uprising is not very clear, and it is hardly worth while to look for it. Between the harsh and reckless borderer on the one side, and the fierce savage96 on the other, a single spark might at any moment set the frontier in a blaze. The English, however, believed firmly that their French rivals had a hand in the new outbreak; and, in fact, the Abenakis told some of their English captives that Saint-Castin, a French adventurer on the Penobscot, gave every Indian who would go to the war a pound of gunpowder102, two pounds of lead, and a supply of tobacco. [9] The trading house of Saint-Castin, which stood on ground claimed by England, had lately been plundered103 by Sir Edmund Andros, and some of the English had foretold104 that an Indian war would be the consequence; but none of them seem at this time to have suspected that the governor of Canada and his Jesuit friends had any part in their woes105. Yet there is proof that this was the case; 222 for Denonville himself wrote to the minister at Versailles that the successes of the Abenakis on this occasion were due to the "good understanding which he had with them," by means of the two brothers Bigot and other Jesuits. [10]
[9] Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., I. 326. Compare N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. 282, 476.
[10] "En partant de Canada, j'ay laissé une très grande disposition107 à attirer au Christianisme la plus grande partie des sauvages Abenakis qui abitent les bois du voisinage de Baston. Pour cela il faut les attirer à la mission nouvellement établie près Québec sous le nom de S. Fran?ois de Sale. Je l'ai vue en peu de temps au nombre de six cents ames venues108 du voisinage de Baston. Je l'ay laissée en estat d'augmenter beaucoup si elle est protegée; j'y ai fait quelque dépense qui n'est pas inutile. La bonne intelligence que j'ai eue avec ces sauvages par1 les soins des Jésuites, et surtout des deux pères Bigot frères a fait le succès de toutes les attaques qu'ils ont faites sur les Anglois cet esté, aux quels ils ont enlevé 16 forts, outre celuy de Pemcuit (Pemaquid) ou il y avoit 20 pièces de canon, et leur ont tué plus de 200 hommes." Denonville au Ministre, Jan., 1690.
It is to be observed that this Indian outbreak began in the summer of 1688, when there was peace between France and England. News of the declaration of war did not reach Canada till July, 1689. (Belmont.) Dover and other places were attacked in June of the same year.
The intendant Champigny says that most of the Indians who attacked the English were from the mission villages near Quebec. Champigny au Ministre, 16 Nov., 1689. He says also that he supplied them with gunpowder for the war.
The "forts" taken by the Indians on the Kennebec at this time were nothing but houses protected by palisades. They were taken by treachery and surprise. Lettre du Père Thury, 1689. Thury says that 142 men, women, and children were killed.
Whatever were the influences that kindled109 and maintained the war, it spread dismay and havoc through the English settlements. Andros at first made light of it, and complained of the authorities of Boston, because in his absence they had sent troops to protect the settlers; but he soon changed his mind, and in the winter went himself to the scene of action with seven hundred men. Not an Indian did he find. They had all withdrawn110 into 223 the depths of the frozen forest. Andros did what he could, and left more than five hundred men in garrison111 on the Kennebec and the Saco, at Casco Bay, Pemaquid, and various other exposed points. He then returned to Boston, where surprising events awaited him. Early in April, news came that the Prince of Orange had landed in England. There was great excitement. The people of the town rose against Andros, whom they detested112 as the agent of the despotic policy of James II. They captured his two forts with their garrisons113 of regulars, seized his frigate114 in the harbor, placed him and his chief adherents115 in custody116, elected a council of safety, and set at its head their former governor, Bradstreet, an old man of eighty-seven. The change was disastrous117 to the eastern frontier. Of the garrisons left for its protection the winter before, some were partially118 withdrawn by the new council; while others, at the first news of the revolution, mutinied, seized their officers, and returned home. [11] These garrisons were withdrawn or reduced, 224 partly perhaps because the hated governor had established them, partly through distrust of his officers, some of whom were taken from the regulars, and partly because the men were wanted at Boston. The order of withdrawal119 cannot be too strongly condemned120. It was a part of the bungling121 inefficiency122 which marked the military management of the New England governments from the close of Philip's war to the peace of Utrecht.
[11] Andros, Account of Forces in Maine, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 85. Compare Andros Tracts, I. 177; Ibid., II. 181, 193, 207, 213, 217; Ibid., III. 232; Report of Andros in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 722. The order for the reduction of the garrisons and the return of the suspected officers was passed at the first session of the council of safety, 20 April. The agents of Massachusetts at London endeavored to justify123 it. See Andros Tracts, III. 34. The only regular troops in New England were two companies brought by Andros. Most of them were kept at Boston, though a few men and officers were sent to the eastern garrison. These regulars were regarded with great jealousy124, and denounced as "a crew that began to teach New England to Drab, Drink, Blaspheme, Curse, and Damm." Ibid., II. 59.
In their hatred125 of Andros, many of the people of New England held the groundless and foolish belief that he was in secret collusion with the French and Indians. Their most dangerous domestic enemies were some of their own traders, who covertly126 sold arms and ammunition127 to the Indians.
When spring opened, the Indians turned with redoubled fury against the defenceless frontier, seized the abandoned stockades129, and butchered the helpless settlers. Now occurred the memorable130 catastrophe131 at Cocheco, or Dover. Two squaws came at evening and begged lodging132 in the palisaded house of Major Waldron. At night, when all was still, they opened the gates and let in their savage countrymen. Waldron was eighty years old. He leaped from his bed, seized his sword, and drove back the assailants through two rooms; but, as he turned to snatch his pistols, they stunned133 him by the blow of a hatchet, bound him in an arm-chair, and placed him on a table, where after torturing him they killed him with his own sword.
The crowning event of the war was the capture of Pemaquid, a stockade128 work, mounted with seven or eight cannon. Andros had placed in it a garrison of a hundred and fifty-six men, under an officer devoted to him. Most of them had been withdrawn by the council of safety; and the entire force of the defenders consisted of Lieutenant James Weems and thirty soldiers, nearly half of whom 225 appear to have been absent at the time of the attack. [12] The Indian assailants were about a hundred in number, all Christian converts from mission villages. By a sudden rush, they got possession of a number of houses behind the fort, occupied only by women and children, the men being at their work. [13] Some ensconced themselves in the cellars, and others behind a rock on the seashore, whence they kept up a close and galling134 fire. On the next day, Weems surrendered, under a promise of life, and, as the English say, of liberty to himself and all his followers. The fourteen men who had survived the fire, along with a number of women and children, issued from the gate, upon which some were butchered on the spot, and the rest, excepting Weems and a few others, were made prisoners. In other respects, the behavior of the victors is said to have been creditable. They tortured nobody, and their chiefs broke the rum barrels in the fort, to prevent disorder135. Father Thury, a priest of the seminary of Quebec, was present at the attack; and the assailants were a part of his Abenaki flock. Religion was one of the impelling136 forces of the war. In the eyes of the Indian converts, it 226 was a crusade against the enemies of God. They made their vows137 to the Virgin138 before the fight; and the squaws, in their distant villages on the Penobscot, told unceasing beads139, and offered unceasing prayers for victory. [14]
[12] Andros in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 85. The original commanding officer, Brockholes, was reputed a "papist." Hence his removal. Andros Tracts, III. 35. Andros says that but eighteen men were left in the fort. A list of them in the archives of Massachusetts, certified140 by Weems himself, shows that there were thirty. Doubt is thrown on this certificate by the fact that the object of it was to obtain a grant of money in return for advances of pay made by Weems to his soldiers. Weems was a regular officer. A number of letters from him, showing his condition before the attack, will be found in Johnston, History of Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid.
[14] Thury, Relation du Combat des Canibas. Compare Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., I. 352, and Mather, Magnalia, II. 590 (ed. 1853). The murder of prisoners after the capitulation has been denied. Thury incidentally confirms the statement, when, after saying that he exhorted the Indians to refrain from drunkenness and cruelty, he adds that, in consequence, they did not take a single scalp, and "tuèrent sur le champ ceux qu'ils voulurent tuer."
English accounts place the number of Indians at from two to three hundred. Besides the persons taken in the fort, a considerable number were previously142 killed, or captured in the houses and fields. Those who were spared were carried to the Indian towns on the Penobscot, the seat of Thury's mission. La Motte-Cadillac, in his Mémoire sur l'Acadie, 1692, says that 80 persons in all were killed; an evident exaggeration. He adds that Weems and six men were spared at the request of the chief, Madockawando. The taking of Pemaquid is remarkable143 as one of the very rare instances in which Indians have captured a fortified144 place otherwise than by treachery or surprise. The exploit was undoubtedly145 due to French prompting. We shall see hereafter with what energy and success Thury incited146 his flock to war.
The war now ran like wildfire through the settlements of Maine and New Hampshire. Sixteen fortified houses, with or without defenders, are said to have fallen into the hands of the enemy; and the extensive district then called the county of Cornwall was turned to desolation. Massachusetts and Plymouth sent hasty levies147 of raw men, ill-armed and ill-officered, to the scene of action. At Casco Bay, they met a large body of Indians, whom they routed after a desultory148 fight of six hours; and then, as the approaching winter seemed to promise a respite149 from attack, most of them were withdrawn and disbanded.
227 It was a false and fatal security. Through snow and ice and storm, Hertel and his band were moving on their prey150. On the night of the twenty-seventh of March, they lay hidden in the forest that bordered the farms and clearings of Salmon Falls. Their scouts reconnoitred the place, and found a fortified house with two stockade forts, built as a refuge for the settlers in case of alarm. Towards daybreak, Hertel, dividing his followers into three parties, made a sudden and simultaneous attack. The settlers, unconscious of danger, were in their beds. No watch was kept even in the so-called forts; and, when the French and Indians burst in, there was no time for their few tenants to gather for defence. The surprise was complete; and, after a short struggle, the assailants were successful at every point. They next turned upon the scattered151 farms of the neighborhood, burned houses, barns, and cattle, and laid the entire settlement in ashes. About thirty persons of both sexes and all ages were tomahawked or shot; and fifty-four, chiefly women and children, were made prisoners. Two Indian scouts now brought word that a party of English was advancing to the scene of havoc from Piscataqua, or Portsmouth, not many miles distant. Hertel called his men together, and began his retreat. The pursuers, a hundred and forty in number, overtook him about sunset at Wooster River, where the swollen152 stream was crossed by a narrow bridge. Hertel and his followers made a stand on the farther bank, killed and wounded a number of the English 228 as they attempted to cross, kept up a brisk fire on the rest, held them in check till night, and then continued their retreat. The prisoners, or some of them, were given to the Indians, who tortured one or more of the men, and killed and tormented153 children and infants with a cruelty not always equalled by their heathen countrymen. [15]
[15] The archives of Massachusetts contain various papers on the disaster at Salmon Falls. Among them is the report of the authorities of Portsmouth to the governor and council at Boston, giving many particulars, and asking aid. They estimate the killed and captured at upwards154 of eighty, of whom about one fourth were men. They say that about twenty houses were burnt, and mention but one fort. The other, mentioned in the French accounts, was, probably a palisaded house. Speaking of the combat at the bridge, they say, "We fought as long as we could distinguish friend from foe7. We lost two killed and six or seven wounded, one mortally." The French accounts say fourteen. This letter is accompanied by the examination of a French prisoner, taken the same day. Compare Mather, Magnalia, II. 595; Belknap, Hist. New Hampshire, I. 207; Journal of Rev3. John Pike (Proceedings of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1875); and the French accounts of Monseignat and La Potherie. Charlevoix adds various embellishments, not to be found in the original sources. Later writers copy and improve upon him, until Hertel is pictured as charging the pursuers sword in hand, while the English fly in disorder before him.
Hertel continued his retreat to one of the Abenaki villages on the Kennebec. Here he learned that a band of French and Indians had lately passed southward on their way to attack the English fort at Casco Bay, on the site of Portland. Leaving at the village his eldest155 son, who had been badly wounded at Wooster River, he set out to join them with thirty-six of his followers. The band in question was Frontenac's third war-party. It consisted of fifty French and sixty Abenakis from the mission of St. Francis; and it had left Quebec in January, under a Canadian officer named 229 Portneuf and his lieutenant, Courtemanche. They advanced at their leisure, often stopping to hunt, till in May they were joined on the Kennebec by a large body of Indian warriors. On the twenty-fifth, Portneuf encamped in the forest near the English forts, with a force which, including Hertel's party, the Indians of the Kennebec, and another band led by Saint-Castin from the Penobscot, amounted to between four and five hundred men. [16]
[16] Declaration of Sylvanus Davis; Mather, Magnalia, II. 603.
Fort Loyal was a palisade work with eight cannon, standing106 on rising ground by the shore of the bay, at what is now the foot of India Street in the city of Portland. Not far distant were four blockhouses and a village which they were designed to protect. These with the fort were occupied by about a hundred men, chiefly settlers of the neighborhood, under Captain Sylvanus Davis, a prominent trader. Around lay rough and broken fields stretching to the skirts of the forest half a mile distant. Some of Portneuf's scouts met a straggling Scotchman, and could not resist the temptation of killing156 him. Their scalp-yells alarmed the garrison, and thus the advantage of surprise was lost. Davis resolved to keep his men within their defences, and to stand on his guard; but there was little or no discipline in the yeoman garrison, and thirty young volunteers under Lieutenant Thaddeus Clark sallied out to find the enemy. They were too successful; for, as they approached the top of a hill near the woods, they observed a number of cattle staring with a scared look at some 230 object on the farther side of a fence; and, rightly judging that those they sought were hidden there, they raised a cheer, and ran to the spot. They were met by a fire so close and deadly that half their number were shot down. A crowd of Indians leaped the fence and rushed upon the survivors157, who ran for the fort; but only four, all of whom were wounded, succeeded in reaching it. [17]
[17] Relation de Monseignat; La Potherie, III. 79.
The men in the blockhouses withdrew under cover of night to Fort Loyal, where the whole force of the English was now gathered along with their frightened families. Portneuf determined158 to besiege159 the place in form; and, after burning the village, and collecting tools from the abandoned blockhouses, he opened his trenches160 in a deep gully within fifty yards of the fort, where his men were completely protected. They worked so well that in three days they had wormed their way close to the palisade; and, covered as they were in their burrows161, they lost scarcely a man, while their enemies suffered severely162. They now summoned the fort to surrender. Davis asked for a delay of six days, which was refused; and in the morning the fight began again. For a time the fire was sharp and heavy. The English wasted much powder in vain efforts to dislodge the besiegers from their trenches; till at length, seeing a machine loaded with a tar-barrel and other combustibles shoved against their palisades, they asked for a parley163. Up to this time, Davis had supposed that his assailants were all Indians, the French being probably 231 dressed and painted like their red allies. "We demanded," he says, "if there were any French among them, and if they would give us quarter. They answered that they were Frenchmen, and that they would give us good quarter. Upon this, we sent out to them again to know from whence they came, and if they would give us good quarter for our men, women, and children, both wounded and sound, and (to demand) that we should have liberty to march to the next English town, and have a guard for our defence and safety; then we would surrender; and also that the governour of the French should hold up his hand and swear by the great and ever living God that the several articles should be performed: all which he did solemnly swear."
The survivors of the garrison now filed through the gate, and laid down their arms. They with their women and children were thereupon abandoned to the Indians, who murdered many of them, and carried off the rest. When Davis protested against this breach164 of faith, he was told that he and his countrymen were rebels against their lawful165 king, James II. After spiking166 the cannon, burning the fort, and destroying all the neighboring settlements, the triumphant167 allies departed for their respective homes, leaving the slain168 unburied where they had fallen. [18]
On the capture of Fort Loyal, compare Monseignat and La Potherie with Mather, Magnalia, II. 603, and the Declaration of Sylvanus Davis, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 101. Davis makes curious mistakes in regard to French names, his rustic170 ear not being accustomed to the accents of the Gallic tongue. He calls Courtemanche, Monsieur Corte de March, and 232 Portneuf, Monsieur Burniffe or Burneffe. To these contemporary authorities may be added the account given by Le Clercq, établissement de la Foy, II. 393, and a letter from Governor Bradstreet of Massachusetts to Jacob Leisler in Doc. Hist. N. Y., II. 259. The French writers of course say nothing of any violation171 of faith on the part of the victors, but they admit that the Indians kept most of the prisoners. Scarcely was the fort taken, when four English vessels172 appeared in the harbor, too late to save it. Willis, in his History of Portland (ed. 1865), gives a map of Fort Loyal and the neighboring country. In the Massachusetts archives is a letter from Davis, written a few days before the attack, complaining that his fort is in wretched condition.
Davis with three or four others, more fortunate than their companions, was kept by the French, and carried to Canada. "They were kind to me," he says, "on my travels through the country. I arrived at Quebeck the 14th of June, where I was civilly treated by the gentry173, and soon carried to the fort before the governour, the Earl of Frontenack." Frontenac told him that the governor and people of New York were the cause of the war, since they had stirred up the Iroquois against Canada, and prompted them to torture French prisoners. [19] Davis replied that New York and New England were distinct and separate governments, each of which must answer for its own deeds; and that New England would gladly have remained at peace with the French, if they had not set on the Indians to attack her peaceful settlers. Frontenac admitted that the people of New England were not to be regarded in the same light with those who had stirred up the Indians against Canada; but he added that they were all rebels to their king, and that if they had been good subjects there would have been no war. "I do believe," 233 observes the captive Puritan, "that there was a popish design against the Protestant interest in New England as in other parts of the world." He told Frontenac of the pledge given by his conqueror174, and the violation of it. "We were promised good quarter," he reports himself to have said, "and a guard to conduct us to our English; but now we are made captives and slaves in the hands of the heathen. I thought I had to do with Christians that would have been careful of their engagements, and not to violate and break their oaths. Whereupon the governour shaked his head, and, as I was told, was very angry with Burniffe (Portneuf)."
[19] I am unable to discover the foundation of this last charge.
Frontenac was pleased with his prisoner, whom he calls a bonhomme. He told him in broken English to take courage, and promised him good treatment; to which Davis replied that his chief concern was not for himself, but for the captives in the hands of the Indians. Some of these were afterwards ransomed175 by the French, and treated with much kindness, as was also Davis himself, to whom the count gave lodging in the chateau176.
The triumphant success of his three war-parties produced on the Canadian people all the effect that Frontenac had expected. This effect was very apparent, even before the last two victories had become known. "You cannot believe, Monseigneur," wrote the governor, speaking of the capture of Schenectady, "the joy that this slight success has caused, and how much it contributes to raise the people from their dejection and terror."
234 One untoward177 accident damped the general joy for a moment. A party of Iroquois Christians from the Saut St. Louis had made a raid against the English borders, and were returning with prisoners. One evening, as they were praying at their camp near Lake Champlain, they were discovered by a band of Algonquins and Abenakis who were out on a similar errand, and who, mistaking them for enemies, set upon them and killed several of their number, among whom was Kryn, the great Mohawk, chief of the mission of the Saut. This mishap178 was near causing a rupture179 between the best Indian allies of the colony; but the difference was at length happily adjusted, and the relatives of the slain propitiated180 by gifts. [20]
[20] The attacking party consisted of some of the Abenakis and Algonquins who had been with Hertel, and who had left the main body after the destruction of Salmon Falls. Several of them were killed in the skirmish, and among the rest their chief, Hopehood, or Wohawa, "that memorable tygre," as Cotton Mather calls him.
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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6
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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14
hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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mittened
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| v.（使）变得潮湿，变得湿润( moisten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pouch
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| n.小袋，小包，囊状袋；vt.装...入袋中，用袋运输；vi.用袋送信件 | |
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22
sledges
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| n.雪橇，雪车( sledge的名词复数 )v.乘雪橇( sledge的第三人称单数 )；用雪橇运载 | |
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23
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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24
demurred
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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30
thaw
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| v.（使）融化，（使）变得友善；n.融化，缓和 | |
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31
waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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33
gusty
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| adj.起大风的 | |
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pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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36
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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38
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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40
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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42
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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43
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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44
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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45
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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46
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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47
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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48
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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49
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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50
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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52
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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53
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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54
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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55
screeched
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的过去式和过去分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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56
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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57
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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58
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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59
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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60
hacked
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| 生气 | |
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61
agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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62
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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63
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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64
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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65
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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66
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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67
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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68
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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69
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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70
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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71
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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72
second-hand
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| adj.用过的，旧的，二手的 | |
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73
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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74
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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75
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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76
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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77
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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78
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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79
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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80
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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81
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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82
condole
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| v.同情；慰问 | |
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83
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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84
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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85
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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86
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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87
rust
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| n.锈；v.生锈；(脑子)衰退 | |
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88
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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89
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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90
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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91
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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92
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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93
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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94
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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95
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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96
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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97
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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98
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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99
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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100
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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101
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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102
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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103
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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106
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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107
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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108
venues
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| n.聚集地点( venue的名词复数 )；会场；（尤指）体育比赛场所；犯罪地点 | |
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109
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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110
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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111
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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112
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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114
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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115
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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116
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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117
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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118
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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119
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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120
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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121
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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122
inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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123
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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124
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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125
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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126
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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127
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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128
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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129
stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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130
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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131
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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132
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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133
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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134
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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135
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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136
impelling
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| adj.迫使性的，强有力的v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的现在分词 ) | |
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137
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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138
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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139
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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140
certified
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| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
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141
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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142
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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143
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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144
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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145
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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146
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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148
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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149
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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150
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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151
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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152
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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153
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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154
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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155
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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156
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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157
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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158
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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159
besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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160
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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161
burrows
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| n.地洞( burrow的名词复数 )v.挖掘（洞穴），挖洞( burrow的第三人称单数 )；翻寻 | |
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162
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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163
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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164
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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165
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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166
spiking
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| n.尖峰形成v.加烈酒于( spike的现在分词 )；偷偷地给某人的饮料加入（更多）酒精（ 或药物）；把尖状物钉入；打乱某人的计划 | |
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167
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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168
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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169
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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170
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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171
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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172
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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173
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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174
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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175
ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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177
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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178
mishap
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| n.不幸的事，不幸；灾祸 | |
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179
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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180
propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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