Massachusetts attacks Quebec.
English Schemes ? Capture of Port Royal ? Acadia reduced ? Conduct of Phips ? His History and Character ? Boston in Arms ? A Puritan Crusade ? The March from Albany ? Frontenac and the Council ? Frontenac at Montreal ? His War Dance ? An Abortive2 Expedition ? An English Raid ? Frontenac at Quebec ? Defences of the Town ? The Enemy arrives.
When Frontenac sent his war-parties against New York and New England, it was in the hope not only of reanimating the Canadians, but also of teaching the Iroquois that they could not safely rely on English aid, and of inciting4 the Abenakis to renew their attacks on the border settlements. He imagined, too, that the British colonies could be chastised5 into prudence6 and taught a policy of conciliation7 towards their Canadian neighbors; but he mistook the character of these bold and vigorous though not martial8 communities. The plan of a combined attack on Canada seems to have been first proposed by the Iroquois; and New York and the several governments of New England, smarting under French and Indian attacks, hastened to embrace it. Early in May, a congress of their delegates was held in the city of New York. It 236 was agreed that the colony of that name should furnish four hundred men, and Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut three hundred and fifty-five jointly9; while the Iroquois afterwards added their worthless pledge to join the expedition with nearly all their warriors11. The colonial militia12 were to rendezvous13 at Albany, and thence advance upon Montreal by way of Lake Champlain. Mutual14 jealousies15 made it difficult to agree upon a commander; but Winthrop of Connecticut was at length placed at the head of the feeble and discordant16 band.
While Montreal was thus assailed17 by land, Massachusetts and the other New England colonies were invited to attack Quebec by sea; a task formidable in difficulty and in cost, and one that imposed on them an inordinate18 share in the burden of the war. Massachusetts hesitated. She had no money, and she was already engaged in a less remote and less critical enterprise. During the winter, her commerce had suffered from French cruisers, which found convenient harborage at Port Royal, whence also the hostile Indians were believed to draw supplies. Seven vessels20, with two hundred and eighty-eight sailors, were impressed, and from four to five hundred militia-men were drafted for the service. [1] That rugged21 son of New England, Sir William Phips, was appointed to the command. He sailed from Nantasket at the end of April, reached Port Royal 237 on the eleventh of May, landed his militia, and summoned Meneval, the governor, to surrender. The fort, though garrisoned22 by about seventy soldiers, was scarcely in condition to repel23 an assault; and Meneval yielded without resistance, first stipulating24, according to French accounts, that private property should be respected, the church left untouched, and the troops sent to Quebec or to France. [2] It was found, however, that during the parley25 a quantity of goods, belonging partly to the king and partly to merchants of the place, had been carried off and hidden in the woods. [3] Phips thought this a sufficient pretext26 for plundering28 the merchants, imprisoning29 the troops, and desecrating30 the church. "We cut down the cross," writes one of his followers31, "rifled their church, pulled down their high altar, and broke their images." [4] The houses of the two priests were also pillaged32. The people were promised security to life, liberty, and property, on condition of swearing allegiance to King William and Queen Mary; "which," says the journalist, "they did with great acclamation," and thereupon they were left unmolested. [5] The lawful33 portion 238 of the booty included twenty-one pieces of cannon34, with a considerable sum of money belonging to the king. The smaller articles, many of which were taken from the merchants and from such of the settlers as refused the oath, were packed in hogsheads and sent on board the ships. Phips took no measures to secure his conquest, though he commissioned a president and six councillors, chosen from the inhabitants, to govern the settlement till farther orders from the crown or from the authorities of Massachusetts. The president was directed to constrain35 nobody in the matter of religion; and he was assured of protection and support so long as he remained "faithful to our government," that is, the government of Massachusetts. [6] The little Puritan commonwealth36 already gave itself airs of sovereignty.
[1] Summary of Muster37 Roll, appended to A Journal of the Expedition from Boston against Port Royal, among the papers of George Chalmers in the Library of Harvard College.
[3] Journal of the Expedition from Boston against Port Royal.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Relation de Monseignat. Nevertheless, a considerable number seem to have refused the oath, and to have been pillaged. The Relation de la Prise du Port Royal par les Anglois de Baston, written on the spot immediately after the event, says that, except that nobody was killed, the place was treated as if taken by assault. Meneval also says that the inhabitants were pillaged. Meneval au Ministre, 29 Mai, 1690; also Rapport38 de Champigny, Oct., 1690. Meneval describes the New England men as excessively irritated at the late slaughter39 of settlers at Salmon40 Falls and elsewhere.
[6] Journal of the Expedition, etc.
Phips now sent Captain Alden, who had already taken possession of Saint-Castin's post at Penobscot, to seize upon La Hêve, Chedabucto, and other stations on the southern coast. Then, after providing for the reduction of the settlements at the head of the Bay of Fundy, he sailed, with the rest of the fleet, for Boston, where he arrived triumphant41 on the thirtieth of May, bringing with him, as prisoners, the French governor, fifty-nine soldiers, and the two priests, Petit and Trouvé. Massachusetts had made an easy conquest of all Acadia; a conquest, however, which she had neither 239 the men nor the money to secure by sufficient garrisons42.
The conduct of the New England commander in this affair does him no credit. It is true that no blood was spilt, and no revenge taken for the repeated butcheries of unoffending and defenceless settlers. It is true, also, that the French appear to have acted in bad faith. But Phips, on the other hand, displayed a scandalous rapacity44. Charlevoix says that he robbed Meneval of all his money; but Meneval himself affirms that he gave it to the English commander for safe keeping, and that Phips and his wife would return neither the money nor various other articles belonging to the captive governor, whereof the following are specified45: "Six silver spoons, six silver forks, one silver cup in the shape of a gondola46, a pair of pistols, three new wigs47, a gray vest, four pair of silk garters, two dozen of shirts, six vests of dimity, four nightcaps with lace edgings, all my table service of fine tin, all my kitchen linen," and many other items which give an amusing insight into Meneval's housekeeping. [7]
[7] An Account of the Silver and Effects which Mr. Phips keeps back from Mr. Meneval, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 115.
Monseignat and La Potherie describe briefly48 this expedition against Port Royal. In the archives of Massachusetts are various papers concerning it, among which are Governor Bradstreet's instructions to Phips, and a complete invoice49 of the plunder27. Extracts will be found in Professor Bowen's Life of Phips, in Sparks's American Biography, VII. There is also an order of council, "Whereas the French soldiers lately brought to this place from Port Royal did surrender on capitulation," they shall be set at liberty. Meneval, Lettre au Ministre, 29 Mai, 1690, says that there was a capitulation, and that Phips broke it. Perrot, former governor of Acadia, accuses both Meneval and the priest Petit of being 240 in collusion with the English. Perrot à de Chevry, 2 Juin, 1690. The same charge is made as regards Petit in Mémoire sur l'Acadie, 1691.
Charlevoix's account of this affair is inaccurate50. He ascribes to Phips acts which took place weeks after his return, such as the capture of Chedabucto.
Meneval, with the two priests, was confined in a house at Boston, under guard. He says that he petitioned the governor and council for redress51; "but, as they have little authority and stand in fear of Phips, who is supported by the rabble52, to which he himself once belonged, and of which he is now the chief, they would do nothing for me." [8] This statement of Meneval is not quite correct: for an order of the council is on record, requiring Phips to restore his chest and clothes; and, as the order received no attention, Governor Bradstreet wrote to the refractory53 commander a note, enjoining54 him to obey it at once. [9] Phips thereupon gave up some of the money and the worst part of the clothing, still keeping the rest. [10] After long delay, the council released Meneval: upon which, Phips and the populace whom he controlled demanded that he should be again imprisoned55; but the "honest people" of the town took his part, his persecutor56 was forced to desist, and he set sail covertly57 for France. [11] This, at least, is his own account of the affair.
[8] Mémoire présenté à M. de Ponchartrain par M. de Meneval, 6 Avril, 1691.
[9] This note, dated 7 Jan., 1691, is cited by Bowen in his Life of Phips, Sparks's American Biography, VII.
[10] Mémoire de Meneval.
[11] Ibid.
As Phips was to play a conspicuous58 part in the events that immediately followed, some notice of 241 him will not be amiss. He is said to have been one of twenty-six children, all of the same mother, and was born in 1650 at a rude border settlement, since called Woolwich, on the Kennebec. His parents were ignorant and poor; and till eighteen years of age he was employed in keeping sheep. Such a life ill suited his active and ambitious nature. To better his condition, he learned the trade of ship-carpenter, and, in the exercise of it, came to Boston, where he married a widow with some property, beyond him in years, and much above him in station. About this time, he learned to read and write, though not too well, for his signature is like that of a peasant. Still aspiring59 to greater things, he promised his wife that he would one day command a king's ship and own a "fair brick house in the Green Lane of North Boston," a quarter then occupied by citizens of the better class. He kept his word at both points. Fortune was inauspicious to him for several years; till at length, under the pressure of reverses, he conceived the idea of conquering fame and wealth at one stroke, by fishing up the treasure said to be stored in a Spanish galleon61 wrecked62 fifty years before somewhere in the West Indian seas. Full of this project, he went to England, where, through influences which do not plainly appear, he gained a hearing from persons in high places, and induced the admiralty to adopt his scheme. A frigate64 was given him, and he sailed for the West Indies; whence, after a long search, he returned unsuccessful, though not without adventures which proved his mettle65. It 242 was the epoch66 of the buccaneers; and his crew, tired of a vain and toilsome search, came to the quarterdeck, armed with cutlasses, and demanded of their captain that he should turn pirate with them. Phips, a tall and powerful man, instantly fell upon them with his fists, knocked down the ringleaders, and awed68 them all into submission69. Not long after, there was a more formidable mutiny; but, with great courage and address, he quelled70 it for a time, and held his crew to their duty till he had brought the ship into Jamaica, and exchanged them for better men.
Though the leaky condition of the frigate compelled him to abandon the search, it was not till he had gained information which he thought would lead to success; and, on his return, he inspired such confidence that the Duke of Albemarle, with other noblemen and gentlemen, gave him a fresh outfit71, and despatched him again on his Quixotic errand. This time he succeeded, found the wreck63, and took from it gold, silver, and jewels to the value of three hundred thousand pounds sterling72. The crew now leagued together to seize the ship and divide the prize; and Phips, pushed to extremity73, was compelled to promise that every man of them should have a share in the treasure, even if he paid it himself. On reaching England, he kept his pledge so well that, after redeeming74 it, only sixteen thousand pounds was left as his portion, which, however, was an ample fortune in the New England of that day. He gained, too, what he valued almost as much, the honor of knighthood. 243 Tempting75 offers were made him of employment in the royal service; but he had an ardent76 love for his own country, and thither77 he presently returned.
Phips was a rude sailor, bluff78, prompt, and choleric79. He never gave proof of intellectual capacity; and such of his success in life as he did not owe to good luck was due probably to an energetic and adventurous80 spirit, aided by a blunt frankness of address that pleased the great, and commended him to their favor. Two years after the expedition to Port Royal, the king, under the new charter, made him governor of Massachusetts, a post for which, though totally unfit, he had been recommended by the elder Mather, who, like his son Cotton, expected to make use of him. He carried his old habits into his new office, cudgelled Brinton, the collector of the port, and belabored81 Captain Short of the royal navy with his cane67. Far from trying to hide the obscurity of his origin, he leaned to the opposite foible, and was apt to boast of it, delighting to exhibit himself as a self-made man. New England writers describe him as honest in private dealings; but, in accordance with his coarse nature, he seems to have thought that any thing is fair in war. On the other hand, he was warmly patriotic82, and was almost as ready to serve New England as to serve himself. [12]
[12] An excellent account of Phips will be found in Professor Bowen's biographical notice, already cited. His Life by Cotton Mather is excessively eulogistic83.
When he returned from Port Royal, he found 244 Boston alive with martial preparation. A bold enterprise was afoot. Massachusetts of her own motion had resolved to attempt the conquest of Quebec. She and her sister colonies had not yet recovered from the exhaustion84 of Philip's war, and still less from the disorders85 that attended the expulsion of the royal governor and his adherents86. The public treasury87 was empty, and the recent expeditions against the eastern Indians had been supported by private subscription88. Worse yet, New England had no competent military commander. The Puritan gentlemen of the original emigration, some of whom were as well fitted for military as for civil leadership, had passed from the stage; and, by a tendency which circumstances made inevitable89, they had left none behind them equally qualified90. The great Indian conflict of fifteen years before had, it is true, formed good partisan91 chiefs, and proved that the New England yeoman, defending his family and his hearth92, was not to be surpassed in stubborn fighting; but, since Andros and his soldiers had been driven out, there was scarcely a single man in the colony of the slightest training or experience in regular war. Up to this moment, New England had never asked help of the mother country. When thousands of savages93 burst on her defenceless settlements, she had conquered safety and peace with her own blood and her own slender resources; but now, as the proposed capture of Quebec would inure95 to the profit of the British crown, Bradstreet and his council thought it not unfitting to ask for a supply 245 of arms and ammunition96, of which they were in great need. [13] The request was refused, and no aid of any kind came from the English government, whose resources were engrossed97 by the Irish war.
[13] Bradstreet and Council to the Earl of Shrewsbury, 29 Mar1., 1690; Danforth to Sir H. Ashurst, 1 April, 1690.
While waiting for the reply, the colonial authorities urged on their preparations, in the hope that the plunder of Quebec would pay the expenses of its conquest. Humility98 was not among the New England virtues99, and it was thought a sin to doubt that God would give his chosen people the victory over papists and idolaters; yet no pains were spared to ensure the divine favor. A proclamation was issued, calling the people to repentance100; a day of fasting was ordained101; and, as Mather expresses it, "the wheel of prayer was kept in continual motion." [14] The chief difficulty was to provide funds. An attempt was made to collect a part of the money by private subscription; [15] but, as this plan failed, the provisional government, already in debt, strained its credit yet farther, and borrowed the needful sums. Thirty-two trading and fishing vessels, great and small, were impressed for the service. The largest was a ship called the "Six Friends," engaged in the dangerous West India trade, and carrying forty-four guns. A call was made for volunteers, and many enrolled102 themselves; but, as more were wanted, a press was ordered to complete the number. So rigorously was it applied103 246 that, what with voluntary and enforced enlistment104, one town, that of Gloucester, was deprived of two-thirds of its fencible men. [16] There was not a moment of doubt as to the choice of a commander, for Phips was imagined to be the very man for the work. One John Walley, a respectable citizen of Barnstable, was made second in command with the modest rank of major; and a sufficient number of ship-masters, merchants, master mechanics, and substantial farmers, were commissioned as subordinate officers. About the middle of July, the committee charged with the preparations reported that all was ready. Still there was a long delay. The vessel19 sent early in spring to ask aid from England had not returned. Phips waited for her as long as he dared, and the best of the season was over when he resolved to put to sea. The rustic105 warriors, duly formed into companies, were sent on board; and the fleet sailed from Nantasket on the ninth of August. Including sailors, it carried twenty-two hundred men, with provisions for four months, but insufficient106 ammunition and no pilot for the St. Lawrence. [17]
[14] Mass. Colonial Records, 12 Mar., 1690; Mather, Life of Phips.
[15] Proposals for an Expedition against Canada, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., X. 119.
[16] Rev43. John Emerson to Wait Winthrop, 26 July, 1690. Emerson was the minister of Gloucester. He begs for the release of the impressed men.
[17] Mather, Life of Phips, gives an account of the outfit. Compare the Humble107 Address of Divers108 of the Gentry109, Merchants and others inhabiting in Boston, to the King's Most Excellent Majesty110. Two officers of the expedition, Walley and Savage94, have left accounts of it, as Phips would probably have done, had his literary acquirements been equal to the task.
While Massachusetts was making ready to conquer Quebec by sea, the militia of the land expedition against Montreal had mustered111 at Albany. 247 Their strength was even less than was at first proposed; for, after the disaster at Casco, Massachusetts and Plymouth had recalled their contingents112 to defend their frontiers. The rest, decimated by dysentery and small-pox, began their march to Lake Champlain, with bands of Mohawk, Oneida, and Mohegan allies. The western Iroquois were to join them at the lake, and the combined force was then to attack the head of the colony, while Phips struck at its heart.
Frontenac was at Quebec during most of the winter and the early spring. When he had despatched the three war-parties, whose hardy113 but murderous exploits were to bring this double storm upon him, he had an interval114 of leisure, of which he made a characteristic use. The English and the Iroquois were not his only enemies. He had opponents within as well as without, and he counted as among them most of the members of the supreme115 council. Here was the bishop116, representing that clerical power which had clashed so often with the civil rule; here was that ally of the Jesuits, the intendant Champigny, who, when Frontenac arrived, had written mournfully to Versailles that he would do his best to live at peace with him; here were Villeray and Auteuil, whom the governor had once banished118, Damours, whom he had imprisoned, and others scarcely more agreeable to him. They and their clerical friends had conspired119 for his recall seven or eight years before; they had clung to Denonville, that faithful son of the Church, in spite of all his failures; and they had 248 seen with troubled minds the return of King Stork120 in the person of the haughty121 and irascible count. He on his part felt his power. The country was in deadly need of him, and looked to him for salvation122; while the king had shown him such marks of favor, that, for the moment at least, his enemies must hold their peace. Now, therefore, was the time to teach them that he was their master. Whether trivial or important the occasion mattered little. What he wanted was a conflict and a victory, or submission without a conflict.
The supreme council had held its usual weekly meetings since Frontenac's arrival; but as yet he had not taken his place at the board, though his presence was needed. Auteuil, the attorney-general, was thereupon deputed to invite him. He visited the count at his apartment in the chateau123, but could get from him no answer, except that the council was able to manage its own business, and that he would come when the king's service should require it. The councillors divined that he was waiting for some assurance that they would receive him with befitting ceremony; and, after debating the question, they voted to send four of their number to repeat the invitation, and beg the governor to say what form of reception would be agreeable to him. Frontenac answered that it was for them to propose the form, and that, when they did so, he would take the subject into consideration. The deputies returned, and there was another debate. A ceremony was devised, which it was thought must needs be acceptable to the count; and the 249 first councillor, Villeray, repaired to the chateau to submit it to him. After making him an harangue124 of compliment, and protesting the anxiety of himself and his colleagues to receive him with all possible honor, he explained the plan, and assured Frontenac that, if not wholly satisfactory, it should be changed to suit his pleasure. "To which," says the record, "Monsieur the governor only answered that the council could consult the bishop and other persons acquainted with such matters." The bishop was consulted, but pleaded ignorance. Another debate followed; and the first councillor was again despatched to the chateau, with proposals still more deferential125 than the last, and full power to yield, in addition, whatever the governor might desire. Frontenac replied that, though they had made proposals for his reception when he should present himself at the council for the first time, they had not informed him what ceremony they meant to observe when he should come to the subsequent sessions. This point also having been thoroughly126 debated, Villeray went again to the count, and with great deference127 laid before him the following plan: That, whenever it should be his pleasure to make his first visit to the council, four of its number should repair to the chateau, and accompany him, with every mark of honor, to the palace of the intendant, where the sessions were held; and that, on his subsequent visits, two councillors should meet him at the head of the stairs, and conduct him to his seat. The envoy128 farther protested that, if this failed to meet his approval, the council would conform itself to 250 all his wishes on the subject. Frontenac now demanded to see the register in which the proceedings129 on the question at issue were recorded. Villeray was directed to carry it to him. The records had been cautiously made; and, after studying them carefully, he could find nothing at which to cavil130.
He received the next deputation with great affability, told them that he was glad to find that the council had not forgotten the consideration due to his office and his person, and assured them, with urbane131 irony132, that, had they offered to accord him marks of distinction greater than they felt were due, he would not have permitted them thus to compromise their dignity, having too much regard for the honor of a body of which he himself was the head. Then, after thanking them collectively and severally, he graciously dismissed them, saying that he would come to the council after Easter, or in about two months. [18] During four successive Mondays, he had forced the chief dignitaries of the colony to march in deputations up and down the rugged road from the intendant's palace to the 251 chamber133 of the chateau where he sat in solitary134 state. A disinterested135 spectator might see the humor of the situation; but the council felt only its vexations. Frontenac had gained his point: the enemy had surrendered unconditionally136.
[18] "M. le Gouverneur luy a répondu qu'il avoit reconnu avec plaisir que la Compagnie (le Conseil) conservoit la considération qu'elle avoit pour son caractère et pour sa personne, et qu'elle pouvoit bien s'assurer qu'encore qu'elle luy eust fait des propositions au delà de ce qu'elle auroit cru devoir faire pour sa reception au Conseil, il ne les auroit pas acceptées, l'honneur de la Compagnie luy estant d'autant plus considérable, qu'en estant le chef, il n'auroit rien voulu souffrir qui peust estre contraire à sa dignité." Registre du Conseil Souverain, séance du 13 Mars, 1690. The affair had occupied the preceding sessions of 20 and 27 February and 6 March. The submission of the councillors did not prevent them from complaining to the minister. Champigny au Ministre, 10 Mai, 1691; Mémoire instructif sur le Canada, 1691.
Having settled this important matter to his satisfaction, he again addressed himself to saving the country. During the winter, he had employed gangs of men in cutting timber in the forests, hewing137 it into palisades, and dragging it to Quebec. Nature had fortified138 the Upper Town on two sides by cliffs almost inaccessible139, but it was open to attack in the rear; and Frontenac, with a happy prevision of approaching danger, gave his first thoughts to strengthening this, its only weak side. The work began as soon as the frost was out of the ground, and before midsummer it was well advanced. At the same time, he took every precaution for the safety of the settlements in the upper parts of the colony, stationed detachments of regulars at the stockade140 forts, which Denonville had built in all the parishes above Three Rivers, and kept strong scouting142 parties in continual movement in all the quarters most exposed to attack. Troops were detailed143 to guard the settlers at their work in the fields, and officers and men were enjoined144 to use the utmost vigilance. Nevertheless, the Iroquois war-parties broke in at various points, burning and butchering, and spreading such terror that in some districts the fields were left untilled and the prospects145 of the harvest ruined.
Towards the end of July, Frontenac left Major 252 Prévost to finish the fortifications, and, with the intendant Champigny, went up to Montreal, the chief point of danger. Here he arrived on the thirty-first; and, a few days after, the officer commanding the fort at La Chine sent him a messenger in hot haste with the startling news that Lake St. Louis was "all covered with canoes." [19] Nobody doubted that the Iroquois were upon them again. Cannon were fired to call in the troops from the detached posts; when alarm was suddenly turned to joy by the arrival of other messengers to announce that the new comers were not enemies, but friends. They were the Indians of the upper lakes descending147 from Michillimackinac to trade at Montreal. Nothing so auspicious60 had happened since Frontenac's return. The messages he had sent them in the spring by Louvigny and Perrot, reinforced by the news of the victory on the Ottawa and the capture of Schenectady, had had the desired effect; and the Iroquois prisoner whom their missionary148 had persuaded them to torture had not been sacrificed in vain. Despairing of an English market for their beaver149 skins, they had come as of old to seek one from the French.
On the next day, they all came down the rapids, and landed near the town. There were fully117 five hundred of them, Hurons, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawatamies, Crees, and Nipissings, with a hundred and ten canoes laden151 with beaver skins to the value of nearly a hundred thousand crowns. Nor was 253 this all; for, a few days after, La Durantaye, late commander at Michillimackinac, arrived with fifty-five more canoes, manned by French traders, and filled with valuable furs. The stream of wealth dammed back so long was flowing upon the colony at the moment when it was most needed. Never had Canada known a more prosperous trade than now in the midst of her danger and tribulation152. It was a triumph for Frontenac. If his policy had failed with the Iroquois, it had found a crowning success among the tribes of the lakes.
Having painted, greased, and befeathered themselves, the Indians mustered for the grand council which always preceded the opening of the market. The Ottawa orator153 spoke154 of nothing but trade, and, with a regretful memory of the cheapness of English goods, begged that the French would sell them at the same rate. The Huron touched upon politics and war, declaring that he and his people had come to visit their old father and listen to his voice, being well assured that he would never abandon them, as others had done, nor fool away his time, like Denonville, in shameful155 negotiations156 for peace; and he exhorted157 Frontenac to fight, not the English only, but the Iroquois also, till they were brought to reason. "If this is not done," he said, "my father and I shall both perish; but, come what may, we will perish together." [20] "I answered," writes Frontenac, "that I would fight the Iroquois till they came to beg for peace, 254 and that I would grant them no peace that did not include all my children, both white and red, for I was the father of both alike."
[20] La Potherie, III. 94; Monseignat, Relation; Frontenac au Ministre, 9 et 12 Nov., 1690.
Now ensued a curious scene. Frontenac took a hatchet158, brandished159 it in the air and sang the war-song. The principal Frenchmen present followed his example. The Christian160 Iroquois of the two neighboring missions rose and joined them, and so also did the Hurons and the Algonquins of Lake Nipissing, stamping and screeching161 like a troop of madmen; while the governor led the dance, whooping162 like the rest. His predecessor163 would have perished rather than play such a part in such company; but the punctilious164 old courtier was himself half Indian at heart, as much at home in a wigwam as in the halls of princes. Another man would have lost respect in Indian eyes by such a performance. In Frontenac, it roused his audience to enthusiasm. They snatched the proffered165 hatchet and promised war to the death. [21]
[21] "Je leur mis moy-mesme la hache à la main en chantant la chanson de guerre pour m'accommoder à leurs fa?ons de faire." Frontenac au Ministre, 9 et 12 Nov., 1690.
"Monsieur de Frontenac commen?a la Chanson de guerre, la Hache à la main, les principaux Chefs des Fran?ois se joignant a luy avec de pareilles armes, la chanterent ensemble166. Les Iroquois du Saut et de la Montagne, les Hurons et les Nipisiriniens donnerent encore le branle: l'on eut dit, Monsieur, que ces Acteurs étoient des possedez par les gestes et les contorsions qu'ils faisoient. Les Sassakouez, où les cris et les hurlemens que Mr. de Frontenac étoit obligé de faire pour se conformer à leur manière, augmentoit encore la fureur bachique." La Potherie, III. 97.
Then came a solemn war-feast. Two oxen and six large dogs had been chopped to pieces for the occasion, and boiled with a quantity of prunes167. Two 255 barrels of wine with abundant tobacco were also served out to the guests, who devoured168 the meal in a species of frenzy169. [22] All seemed eager for war except the Ottawas, who had not forgotten their late dalliance with the Iroquois. A Christian Mohawk of the Saut St. Louis called them to another council, and demanded that they should explain clearly their position. Thus pushed to the wall, they no longer hesitated, but promised like the rest to do all that their father should ask.
[22] La Potherie, III. 96, 98.
Their sincerity170 was soon put to the test. An Iroquois convert called La Plaque171, a notorious reprobate172 though a good warrior10, had gone out as a scout141 in the direction of Albany. On the day when the market opened and trade was in full activity, the buyers and sellers were suddenly startled by the sound of the death-yell. They snatched their weapons, and for a moment all was confusion; when La Plaque, who had probably meant to amuse himself at their expense, made his appearance, and explained that the yells proceeded from him. The news that he brought was, however, sufficiently173 alarming. He declared that he had been at Lake St. Sacrement, or Lake George, and had seen there a great number of men making canoes as if about to advance on Montreal. Frontenac, thereupon, sent the Chevalier de Clermont to scout as far as Lake Champlain. Clermont soon sent back one of his followers to announce that he had discovered a party of the enemy, and that they were already on their way down the Richelieu. Frontenac ordered 256 cannon to be fired to call in the troops, crossed the St. Lawrence followed by all the Indians, and encamped with twelve hundred men at La Prairie to meet the expected attack. He waited in vain. All was quiet, and the Ottawa scouts174 reported that they could find no enemy. Three days passed. The Indians grew impatient, and wished to go home. Neither English nor Iroquois had shown themselves; and Frontenac, satisfied that their strength had been exaggerated, left a small force at La Prairie, recrossed the river, and distributed the troops again among the neighboring parishes to protect the harvesters. He now gave ample presents to his departing allies, whose chiefs he had entertained at his own table, and to whom, says Charlevoix, he bade farewell "with those engaging manners which he knew so well how to assume when he wanted to gain anybody to his interest." Scarcely were they gone, when the distant cannon of La Prairie boomed a sudden alarm.
The men whom La Plaque had seen near Lake George were a part of the combined force of Connecticut and New York, destined175 to attack Montreal. They had made their way along Wood Creek176 to the point where it widens into Lake Champlain, and here they had stopped. Disputes between the men of the two colonies, intestine177 quarrels in the New York militia, who were divided between the two factions178 engendered179 by the late revolution, the want of provisions, the want of canoes, and the ravages180 of small-pox, had ruined an enterprise which had been mismanaged from the first. There 257 was no birch bark to make more canoes, and owing to the lateness of the season the bark of the elms would not peel. Such of the Iroquois as had joined them were cold and sullen181; and news came that the three western tribes of the confederacy, terrified by the small-pox, had refused to move. It was impossible to advance; and Winthrop, the commander, gave orders to return to Albany, leaving Phips to conquer Canada alone. [23] But first, that the campaign might not seem wholly futile182, he permitted Captain John Schuyler to make a raid into Canada with a band of volunteers. Schuyler left the camp at Wood Creek with twenty-nine whites and a hundred and twenty Indians, passed Lake Champlain, descended183 the Richelieu to Chambly, and fell suddenly on the settlement of La Prairie, whence Frontenac had just withdrawn184 with his forces. Soldiers and inhabitants were reaping in the wheat-fields. Schuyler and his followers killed or captured twenty-five, including several 258 women. He wished to attack the neighboring fort, but his Indians refused; and after burning houses, barns, and hay-ricks, and killing185 a great number of cattle, he seated himself with his party at dinner in the adjacent woods, while cannon answered cannon from Chambly, La Prairie, and Montreal, and the whole country was astir. "We thanked the Governor of Canada," writes Schuyler, "for his salute186 of heavy artillery187 during our meal." [24]
[23] On this expedition see the Journal of Major General Winthrop, in N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. 193; Publick Occurrences, 1690, in Historical Magazine, I. 228; and various documents in N. Y. Col. Docs., III. 727, 752, and in Doc. Hist. N. Y., II. 266, 288. Compare La Potherie, III. 126, and N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 513. These last are French statements. A Sokoki Indian brought to Canada a greatly exaggerated account of the English forces, and said that disease had been spread among them by boxes of infected clothing, which they themselves had provided in order to poison the Canadians. Bishop Laval, Lettre du 20 Nov., 1690, says that there was a quarrel between the English and their Iroquois allies, who, having plundered188 a magazine of spoiled provisions, fell ill, and thought that they were poisoned. Colden and other English writers seem to have been strangely ignorant of this expedition. The Jesuit Michel Germain declares that the force of the English alone amounted to four thousand men (Relation de la Défaite des Anglois, 1690). About one tenth of this number seem actually to have taken the field.
[24] Journal of Captain John Schuyler, in Doc. Hist. N. Y., II. 285. Compare La Potherie, III. 101, and Relation de Monseignat.
The English had little to boast in this affair, the paltry189 termination of an enterprise from which great things had been expected. Nor was it for their honor to adopt the savage and cowardly mode of warfare190 in which their enemies had led the way. The blow that had been struck was less an injury to the French than an insult; but, as such, it galled191 Frontenac excessively, and he made no mention of it in his despatches to the court. A few more Iroquois attacks and a few more murders kept Montreal in alarm till the tenth of October, when matters of deeper import engaged the governor's thoughts.
A messenger arrived in haste at three o'clock in the afternoon, and gave him a letter from Prévost, town major of Quebec. It was to the effect that an Abenaki Indian had just come over land from Acadia, with news that some of his tribe had captured an English woman near Portsmouth, who told them that a great fleet had sailed from Boston to attack Quebec. Frontenac, not easily alarmed, doubted the report. Nevertheless, he embarked192 259 at once with the intendant in a small vessel, which proved to be leaky, and was near foundering193 with all on board. He then took a canoe, and towards evening set out again for Quebec, ordering some two hundred men to follow him. On the next day, he met another canoe, bearing a fresh message from Prévost, who announced that the English fleet had been seen in the river, and that it was already above Tadoussac. Frontenac now sent back Captain de Ramsay with orders to Callières, governor of Montreal, to descend146 immediately to Quebec with all the force at his disposal, and to muster the inhabitants on the way. Then he pushed on with the utmost speed. The autumnal storms had begun, and the rain pelted194 him without ceasing; but on the morning of the fourteenth he neared the town. The rocks of Cape195 Diamond towered before him; the St. Lawrence lay beneath them, lonely and still; and the Basin of Quebec outspread its broad bosom196, a solitude197 without a sail. Frontenac had arrived in time.
He landed at the Lower Town, and the troops and the armed inhabitants came crowding to meet him. He was delighted at their ardor198. [25] Shouts, cheers, and the waving of hats greeted the old man as he climbed the steep ascent199 of Mountain Street. Fear and doubt seemed banished by his presence. Even those who hated him rejoiced at his coming, and hailed him as a deliverer. He went at once to inspect the fortifications. Since the alarm a week before, Prévost had accomplished200 wonders, and 260 not only completed the works begun in the spring, but added others to secure a place which was a natural fortress201 in itself. On two sides, the Upper Town scarcely needed defence. The cliffs along the St. Lawrence and those along the tributary202 river St. Charles had three accessible points, guarded at the present day by the Prescott Gate, the Hope Gate, and the Palace Gate. Prévost had secured them by barricades203 of heavy beams and casks filled with earth. A continuous line of palisades ran along the strand205 of the St. Charles, from the great cliff called the Saut au Matelot to the palace of the intendant. At this latter point began the line of works constructed by Frontenac to protect the rear of the town. They consisted of palisades, strengthened by a ditch and an embankment, and flanked at frequent intervals206 by square towers of stone. Passing behind the garden of the Ursulines, they extended to a windmill on a hillock called Mt. Carmel, and thence to the brink207 of the cliffs in front. Here there was a battery of eight guns near the present Public Garden; two more, each of three guns, were planted at the top of the Saut au Matelot; another at the barricade204 of the Palace Gate; and another near the windmill of Mt. Carmel; while a number of light pieces were held in reserve for such use as occasion might require. The Lower Town had no defensive208 works; but two batteries, each of three guns, eighteen and twenty-four pounders, were placed here at the edge of the river. [26]
[25] Frontenac au Ministre, 9 et 12 Nov., 1690.
[26] Relation de Monseignat; Plan de Québec, par Villeneuve, 1690; Relation du Mercure Galant, 1691. The summit of Cape Diamond, which 261 commanded the town, was not fortified till three years later, nor were any guns placed here during the English attack.
Two days passed in completing these defences under the eye of the governor. Men were flocking in from the parishes far and near; and on the evening of the fifteenth about twenty-seven hundred, regulars and militia, were gathered within the fortifications, besides the armed peasantry of Beauport and Beaupré, who were ordered to watch the river below the town, and resist the English, should they attempt to land. [27] At length, before dawn on the morning of the sixteenth, the sentinels on the Saut au Matelot could descry209 the slowly moving lights of distant vessels. At daybreak the fleet was in sight. Sail after sail passed the Point of Orleans and glided210 into the Basin of Quebec. The excited spectators on the rock counted thirty-four of them. Four were large ships, several others were of considerable size, and the rest were brigs, schooners211, and fishing craft, all thronged212 with men.
[27] Diary of Sylvanus Davis, prisoner in Quebec, in Mass. Hist. Coll. 3, I. 101. There is a difference of ten days in the French and English dates, the New Style having been adopted by the former and not by the latter.
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1
mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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stipulating
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| v.（尤指在协议或建议中）规定，约定，讲明（条件等）( stipulate的现在分词 )；规定，明确要求 | |
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parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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desecrating
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| 毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的现在分词 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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constrain
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| vt.限制，约束；克制，抑制 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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rapport
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| n.和睦，意见一致 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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gondola
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| n.威尼斯的平底轻舟；飞船的吊船 | |
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wigs
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| n.假发，法官帽( wig的名词复数 ) | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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invoice
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| vt.开发票；n.发票，装货清单 | |
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inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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54
enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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55
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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57
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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58
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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59
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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60
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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61
galleon
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| n.大帆船 | |
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62
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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63
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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66
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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68
awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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70
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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72
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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73
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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74
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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76
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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77
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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81
belabored
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| v.毒打一顿( belabor的过去式和过去分词 )；责骂；就…作过度的说明；向…唠叨 | |
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82
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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83
eulogistic
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| adj.颂扬的，颂词的 | |
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84
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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85
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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87
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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91
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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92
hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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93
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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94
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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95
inure
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| v.使惯于 | |
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96
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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97
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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98
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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99
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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100
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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101
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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102
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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103
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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104
enlistment
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| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
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105
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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106
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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107
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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108
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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109
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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110
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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111
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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112
contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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113
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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114
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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115
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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116
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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117
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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118
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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120
stork
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| n.鹳 | |
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121
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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122
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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123
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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124
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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125
deferential
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| adj. 敬意的，恭敬的 | |
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126
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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127
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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128
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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129
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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130
cavil
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| v.挑毛病，吹毛求疵 | |
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131
urbane
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| adj.温文尔雅的，懂礼的 | |
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132
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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133
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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134
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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135
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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136
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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137
hewing
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的现在分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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138
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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139
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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140
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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141
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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142
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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143
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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144
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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146
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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147
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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148
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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149
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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150
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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151
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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152
tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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153
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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154
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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155
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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156
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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157
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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159
brandished
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| v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 )；炫耀 | |
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160
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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161
screeching
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的现在分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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162
whooping
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| 发嗬嗬声的，发咳声的 | |
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163
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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164
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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165
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
ensemble
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| n.合奏(唱)组；全套服装；整体，总效果 | |
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167
prunes
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| n.西梅脯，西梅干( prune的名词复数 )v.修剪（树木等）( prune的第三人称单数 )；精简某事物，除去某事物多余的部分 | |
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168
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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169
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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170
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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171
plaque
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| n.饰板，匾，(医)血小板 | |
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172
reprobate
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| n.无赖汉；堕落的人 | |
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173
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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174
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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175
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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176
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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177
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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178
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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179
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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181
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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182
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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183
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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184
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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185
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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186
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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187
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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188
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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190
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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191
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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192
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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193
foundering
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| v.创始人( founder的现在分词 ) | |
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194
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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195
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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196
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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197
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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198
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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199
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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200
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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201
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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202
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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203
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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204
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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205
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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206
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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207
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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208
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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209
descry
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| v.远远看到；发现；责备 | |
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210
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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211
schooners
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| n.（有两个以上桅杆的）纵帆船( schooner的名词复数 ) | |
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212
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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