Defence of Quebec.
Phips on the St. Lawrence ? Phips at Quebec ? A Flag of Truce1 ? Scene at the Chateau2 ? The Summons and the Answer ? Plan of Attack ? Landing of the English ? The Cannonade ? The Ships repulsed5 ? The Land Attack ? Retreat of Phips ? Condition of Quebec ? Rejoicings of the French ? Distress7 at Boston.
The delay at Boston, waiting aid from England that never came, was not propitious8 to Phips; nor were the wind and the waves. The voyage to the St. Lawrence was a long one; and when he began, without a pilot, to grope his way up the unknown river, the weather seemed in league with his enemies. He appears, moreover, to have wasted time. What was most vital to his success was rapidity of movement; yet, whether by his fault or his misfortune, he remained three weeks within three days' sail of Quebec. [1] While anchored off Tadoussac, with the wind ahead, he passed the idle hours in holding councils of war and framing rules for the government of his men; and, when at length the wind veered9 to the east, it is doubtful if he made the best use of his opportunity. [2]
[1] Journal of Major Walley, in Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., I. 470.
[2] "Ils ne profitèrent pas du vent10 favorable pour nous surprendre comme ils auroient pu faire." Juchereau, 320.
263 He presently captured a small vessel11, commanded by Granville, an officer whom Prévost had sent to watch his movements. He had already captured, near Tadoussac, another vessel, having on board Madame Lalande and Madame Joliet, the wife and the mother-in-law of the discoverer of the Mississippi. [3] When questioned as to the condition of Quebec, they told him that it was imperfectly fortified13, that its cannon4 were dismounted, and that it had not two hundred men to defend it. Phips was greatly elated, thinking that, like Port Royal, the capital of Canada would fall without a blow. The statement of the two prisoners was true, for the most part, when it was made; but the energy of Prévost soon wrought15 a change.
[3] "Les Demoiselles Lalande et Joliet." The title of madame was at this time restricted to married women of rank. The wives of the bourgeois16, and even of the lesser17 nobles, were called demoiselles.
Phips imagined that the Canadians would offer little resistance to the Puritan invasion; for some of the Acadians had felt the influence of their New England neighbors, and shown an inclination18 to them. It was far otherwise in Canada, where the English heretics were regarded with abhorrence19. Whenever the invaders20 tried to land at the settlements along the shore, they were met by a rebuff. At the river Ouelle, Francheville, the curé put on a cap and capote, took a musket21, led his parishioners to the river, and hid with them in the bushes. As the English boats approached their ambuscade, they gave the foremost a volley, which killed nearly every man on board; upon which the rest sheared22 off. It was the same when 264 the fleet neared Quebec. Bands of militia23, vigilant24, agile25, and well commanded, followed it along the shore, and repelled26 with showers of bullets every attempt of the enemy to touch Canadian soil.
When, after his protracted27 voyage, Phips sailed into the Basin of Quebec, one of the grandest scenes on the western continent opened upon his sight: the wide expanse of waters, the lofty promontory28 beyond, and the opposing heights of Levi; the cataract29 of Montmorenci, the distant range of the Laurentian Mountains, the warlike rock with its diadem30 of walls and towers, the roofs of the Lower Town clustering on the strand31 beneath, the Chateau St. Louis perched at the brink32 of the cliff, and over it the white banner, spangled with fleurs-de-lis, flaunting33 defiance34 in the clear autumnal air. Perhaps, as he gazed, a suspicion seized him that the task he had undertaken was less easy than he had thought; but he had conquered once by a simple summons to surrender, and he resolved to try its virtue35 again.
The fleet anchored a little below Quebec; and towards ten o'clock the French saw a boat put out from the admiral's ship, bearing a flag of truce. Four canoes went from the Lower Town, and met it midway. It brought a subaltern officer, who announced himself as the bearer of a letter from Sir William Phips to the French commander. He was taken into one of the canoes and paddled to the quay36, after being completely blindfolded37 by a bandage which covered half his face. Prévost received him as he landed, and ordered two sergeants38 265 to take him by the arms and lead him to the governor. His progress was neither rapid nor direct. They drew him hither and thither39, delighting to make him clamber in the dark over every possible obstruction40; while a noisy crowd hustled41 him, and laughing women called him Colin Maillard, the name of the chief player in blindman's buff. [4] Amid a prodigious42 hubbub43, intended to bewilder him and impress him with a sense of immense warlike preparation, they dragged him over the three barricades44 of Mountain Street, and brought him at last into a large room of the chateau. Here they took the bandage from his eyes. He stood for a moment with an air of astonishment45 and some confusion. The governor stood before him, haughty46 and stern, surrounded by French and Canadian officers, Maricourt, Sainte-Hélène, Longueuil, Villebon, Valrenne, Bienville, and many more, bedecked with gold lace and silver lace, perukes and powder, plumes47 and ribbons, and all the martial48 foppery in which they took delight, and regarding the envoy49 with keen, defiant50 eyes. [5] After a moment, he recovered his breath and his composure, saluted51 Frontenac, and, expressing a wish that the duty assigned him had been of a more agreeable nature, handed him the letter of Phips. Frontenac gave it to an interpreter, who read it aloud in French that all might hear. It ran thus:—
[4] Juchereau, 323.
[5] "Tous ces Officiers s'étoient habillés le plus proprement qu'ils p?rent, les galons d'or et d'argent, les rubans, les plumets, la poudre, et la frisure, rien ne manquoit," etc. Ibid.
266 "Sir William Phips, Knight52, General and Commander-in-chief in and over their Majesties53' Forces of New England, by Sea and Land, to Count Frontenac, Lieutenant54-General and Governour for the French King at Canada; or, in his absence, to his Deputy, or him or them in chief command at Quebeck:
"The war between the crowns of England and France doth not only sufficiently55 warrant, but the destruction made by the French and Indians, under your command and encouragement, upon the persons and estates of their Majesties' subjects of New England, without provocation56 on their part, hath put them under the necessity of this expedition for their own security and satisfaction. And although the cruelties and barbarities used against them by the French and Indians might, upon the present opportunity, prompt unto a severe revenge, yet, being desirous to avoid all inhumane and unchristian-like actions, and to prevent shedding of blood as much as may be,
"I, the aforesaid William Phips, Knight, do hereby, in the name and in the behalf of their most excellent Majesties, William and Mary, King and Queen of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defenders58 of the Faith, and by order of their said Majesties' government of the Massachuset-colony in New England, demand a present surrender of your forts and castles, undemolished, and the King's and other stores, unimbezzled, with a seasonable delivery of all captives; together with a surrender of all your persons and estates to my dispose: upon the doing whereof, you may expect mercy from me, as a Christian57, according to what shall be found for their Majesties' service and the subjects' security. Which, if you refuse forthwith to do, I am come provided, and am resolved, by the help of God, in whom I trust, by force of arms to revenge all wrongs and injuries offered, and bring you under subjection to the Crown of England, and, when too late, make you wish you had accepted of the favour tendered.
"Your answer positive in an hour, returned by your own trumpet60, with the return of mine, is required upon the peril61 that will ensue." [6]
[6] See the Letter in Mather, Magnalia, I. 186. The French kept a copy of it, which, with an accurate translation, in parallel columns, was sent to Versailles, and is still preserved in the Archives de la Marine62. The text answers perfectly12 to that given by Mather.
267 When the reading was finished, the Englishman pulled his watch from his pocket, and handed it to the governor. Frontenac could not, or pretended that he could not, see the hour. The messenger thereupon told him that it was ten o'clock, and that he must have his answer before eleven. A general cry of indignation arose; and Valrenne called out that Phips was nothing but a pirate, and that his man ought to be hanged. Frontenac contained himself for a moment, and then said to the envoy:—
"I will not keep you waiting so long. Tell your general that I do not recognize King William; and that the Prince of Orange, who so styles himself, is a usurper63, who has violated the most sacred laws of blood in attempting to dethrone his father-in-law. I know no king of England but King James. Your general ought not to be surprised at the hostilities64 which he says that the French have carried on in the colony of Massachusetts; for, as the king my master has taken the king of England under his protection, and is about to replace him on his throne by force of arms, he might have expected that his Majesty65 would order me to make war on a people who have rebelled against their lawful66 prince." Then, turning with a smile to the officers about him: "Even if your general offered me conditions a little more gracious, and if I had a mind to accept them, does he suppose that these brave gentlemen would give their consent, and advise me to trust a man who broke his agreement with the governor of Port Royal, or a rebel 268 who has failed in his duty to his king, and forgotten all the favors he had received from him, to follow a prince who pretends to be the liberator67 of England and the defender59 of the faith, and yet destroys the laws and privileges of the kingdom and overthrows68 its religion? The divine justice which your general invokes69 in his letter will not fail to punish such acts severely70."
The messenger seemed astonished and startled; but he presently asked if the governor would give him his answer in writing.
"No," returned Frontenac, "I will answer your general only by the mouths of my cannon, that he may learn that a man like me is not to be summoned after this fashion. Let him do his best, and I will do mine;" and he dismissed the Englishman abruptly71. He was again blindfolded, led over the barricades, and sent back to the fleet by the boat that brought him. [7]
[7] Lettre de Sir William Phips à M. de Frontenac, avec sa Réponse verbale; Relation de ce qui s'est passé à la Descente des Anglois à Québec au mois d'Octobre, 1690. Compare Monseignat, Relation. The English accounts, though more brief, confirm those of the French.
Phips had often given proof of personal courage, but for the past three weeks his conduct seems that of a man conscious that he is charged with a work too large for his capacity. He had spent a good part of his time in holding councils of war; and now, when he heard the answer of Frontenac, he called another to consider what should be done. A plan of attack was at length arranged. The militia were to be landed on the shore of Beauport, which was just below Quebec, though separated 269 from it by the St. Charles. They were then to cross this river by a ford72 practicable at low water, climb the heights of St. Geneviève, and gain the rear of the town. The small vessels73 of the fleet were to aid the movement by ascending74 the St. Charles as far as the ford, holding the enemy in check by their fire, and carrying provisions, ammunition75, and intrenching tools, for the use of the land troops. When these had crossed and were ready to attack Quebec in the rear, Phips was to cannonade it in front, and land two hundred men under cover of his guns to effect a diversion by storming the barricades. Some of the French prisoners, from whom their captors appear to have received a great deal of correct information, told the admiral that there was a place a mile or two above the town where the heights might be scaled and the rear of the fortifications reached from a direction opposite to that proposed. This was precisely76 the movement by which Wolfe afterwards gained his memorable77 victory; but Phips chose to abide78 by the original plan. [8]
[8] Journal of Major Walley; Savage79, Account of the Late Action of the New Englanders (Lond. 1691).
While the plan was debated, the opportunity for accomplishing it ebbed80 away. It was still early when the messenger returned from Quebec; but, before Phips was ready to act, the day was on the wane81 and the tide was against him. He lay quietly at his moorings when, in the evening, a great shouting, mingled82 with the roll of drums and the sound of fifes, was heard from the Upper Town. The 270 English officers asked their prisoner, Granville, what it meant. "Ma foi, Messieurs," he replied, "you have lost the game. It is the governor of Montreal with the people from the country above. There is nothing for you now but to pack and go home." In fact, Callières had arrived with seven or eight hundred men, many of them regulars. With these were bands of coureurs de bois and other young Canadians, all full of fight, singing and whooping84 with martial glee as they passed the western gate and trooped down St. Louis Street. [9]
[9] Juchereau, 325, 326.
The next day was gusty85 and blustering86; and still Phips lay quiet, waiting on the winds and the waves. A small vessel, with sixty men on board, under Captain Ephraim Savage, ran in towards the shore of Beauport to examine the landing, and stuck fast in the mud. The Canadians plied83 her with bullets, and brought a cannon to bear on her. They might have waded87 out and boarded her, but Savage and his men kept up so hot a fire that they forbore the attempt; and, when the tide rose, she floated again.
There was another night of tranquillity88; but at about eleven on Wednesday morning the French heard the English fifes and drums in full action, while repeated shouts of "God save King William!" rose from all the vessels. This lasted an hour or more; after which a great number of boats, loaded with men, put out from the fleet and rowed rapidly towards the shore of Beauport. The tide was low, and the boats grounded before reaching the landing-place. 271 The French on the rock could see the troops through telescopes, looking in the distance like a swarm89 of black ants, as they waded through mud and water, and formed in companies along the strand. They were some thirteen hundred in number, and were commanded by Major Walley. [10] Frontenac had sent three hundred sharpshooters, under Sainte-Hélène, to meet them and hold them in check. A battalion90 of troops followed; but, long before they could reach the spot, Sainte-Hélène's men, with a few militia from the neighboring parishes, and a band of Huron warriors91 from Lorette, threw themselves into the thickets92 along the front of the English, and opened a distant but galling93 fire upon the compact bodies of the enemy. Walley ordered a charge. The New England men rushed, in a disorderly manner, but with great impetuosity, up the rising ground; received two volleys, which failed to check them; and drove back the assailants in some confusion. They turned, however, and fought in Indian fashion with courage and address, leaping and dodging95 among trees, rocks, and bushes, firing as they retreated, and inflicting96 more harm than they received. Towards evening they disappeared; and Walley, whose men had been much scattered97 in the desultory98 fight, drew them together as well as he could, and advanced towards the St. Charles, in order to meet the vessels which were to aid him in passing the ford. 272 Here he posted sentinels, and encamped for the night. He had lost four killed and about sixty wounded, and imagined that he had killed twenty or thirty of the enemy. In fact, however, their loss was much less, though among the killed was a valuable officer, the Chevalier de Clermont, and among the wounded the veteran captain of Beauport, Juchereau de Saint-Denis, more than sixty-four years of age. In the evening, a deserter came to the English camp, and brought the unwelcome intelligence that there were three thousand armed men in Quebec. [11]
[10] "Between 12 and 1,300 men." Walley, Journal. "About 1,200 men." Savage, Account of the Late Action. Savage was second in command of the militia. Mather says, 1,400. Most of the French accounts say, 1,500. Some say, 2,000; and La Hontan raises the number to 3,000.
[11] On this affair, Walley, Journal; Savage, Account of the Late Action (in a letter to his brother); Monseignat, Relation; Relation de la Descente des Anglois; Relation de 1682-1712; La Hontan, I. 213. "M. le comte de Frontenac se trouva avec 3,000 hommes." Belmont, Histoire du Canada, A.D. 1690. The prisoner Captain Sylvanus Davis, in his diary, says, as already mentioned, that on the day before Phips's arrival so many regulars and militia arrived that, with those who came with Frontenac, there were about 2,700. This was before the arrival of Callières, who, according to Davis, brought but 300. Thus the three accounts of the deserter, Belmont, and Davis, tally100 exactly as to the sum total.
An enemy of Frontenac writes, "Ce n'est pas sa présence qui fit prendre la fuite aux Anglois, mais le grand nombre de Fran?ois auxquels ils virent bien que celuy de leurs guerriers n'étoit pas capable de faire tête." Remarques sur l'Oraison Funèbre de feu M. de Frontenac.
Meanwhile, Phips, whose fault hitherto had not been an excess of promptitude, grew impatient, and made a premature101 movement inconsistent with the preconcerted plan. He left his moorings, anchored his largest ships before the town, and prepared to cannonade it; but the fiery102 veteran, who watched him from the Chateau St. Louis, anticipated him, and gave him the first shot. Phips replied furiously, opening fire with every gun that he could bring to bear; while the rock paid him back in kind, 273 and belched103 flame and smoke from all its batteries. So fierce and rapid was the firing, that La Hontan compares it to volleys of musketry; and old officers, who had seen many sieges, declared that they had never known the like. [12] The din3 was prodigious, reverberated104 from the surrounding heights, and rolled back from the distant mountains in one continuous roar. On the part of the English, however, surprisingly little was accomplished105 beside noise and smoke. The practice of their gunners was so bad that many of their shot struck harmlessly against the face of the cliff. Their guns, too, were very light, and appear to have been charged with a view to the most rigid106 economy of gunpowder107; for the balls failed to pierce the stone walls of the buildings, and did so little damage that, as the French boasted, twenty crowns would have repaired it all. [13] Night came at length, and the turmoil108 ceased.
[12] La Hontan, I. 216; Juchereau, 326.
[13] Père Germain, Relation de la Défaite des Anglois.
Phips lay quiet till daybreak, when Frontenac sent a shot to waken him, and the cannonade began again. Sainte-Hélène had returned from Beauport; and he, with his brother Maricourt, took charge of the two batteries of the Lower Town, aiming the guns in person, and throwing balls of eighteen and twenty-four pounds with excellent precision against the four largest ships of the fleet. One of their shots cut the flagstaff of the admiral, and the cross of St. George fell into the river. It drifted with the tide towards the north shore; whereupon several 274 Canadians paddled out in a birch canoe, secured it, and brought it back in triumph. On the spire109 of the cathedral in the Upper Town had been hung a picture of the Holy Family, as an invocation of divine aid. The Puritan gunners wasted their ammunition in vain attempts to knock it down. That it escaped their malice110 was ascribed to miracle, but the miracle would have been greater if they had hit it.
At length, one of the ships, which had suffered most, hauled off and abandoned the fight. That of the admiral had fared little better, and now her condition grew desperate. With her rigging torn, her mainmast half cut through, her mizzen-mast splintered, her cabin pierced, and her hull111 riddled112 with shot, another volley seemed likely to sink her, when Phips ordered her to be cut loose from her moorings, and she drifted out of fire, leaving cable and anchor behind. The remaining ships soon gave over the conflict, and withdrew to stations where they could neither do harm nor suffer it. [14]
[14] Besides authorities before cited, Le Clercq, établissement de la Foy, II. 434; La Potherie, III. 118; Rapport113 de Champigny, Oct., 1690; Laval, Lettre à———, 20 Nov., 1690.
Phips had thrown away nearly all his ammunition in this futile114 and disastrous115 attack, which should have been deferred116 till the moment when Walley, with his land force, had gained the rear of the town. Walley lay in his camp, his men wet, shivering with cold, famished118, and sickening with the small-pox. Food, and all other supplies, were to have been brought him by the small vessels, which 275 should have entered the mouth of the St. Charles and aided him to cross it. But he waited for them in vain. Every vessel that carried a gun had busied itself in cannonading, and the rest did not move. There appears to have been insubordination among the masters of these small craft, some of whom, being owners or part-owners of the vessels they commanded, were probably unwilling119 to run them into danger. Walley was no soldier; but he saw that to attempt the passage of the river without aid, under the batteries of the town and in the face of forces twice as numerous as his own, was not an easy task. Frontenac, on his part, says that he wished him to do so, knowing that the attempt would ruin him. [15] The New England men were eager to push on; but the night of Thursday, the day of Phips's repulse6, was so cold that ice formed more than an inch in thickness, and the half-starved militia suffered intensely. Six field-pieces, with their ammunition, had been sent ashore120; but they were nearly useless, as there were no means of moving them. Half a barrel of musket powder, and one biscuit for each man, were also landed; and with this meagre aid Walley was left to capture Quebec. He might, had he dared, have made a dash across the ford on the morning of Thursday, and assaulted the town in the rear while Phips was cannonading it in front; but his courage was not equal to so desperate a venture. The firing ceased, and the possible opportunity was lost. The citizen soldier despaired of success; and, on the morning of Friday, he went 276 on board the admiral's ship to explain his situation. While he was gone, his men put themselves in motion, and advanced along the borders of the St. Charles towards the ford. Frontenac, with three battalions121 of regular troops, went to receive them at the crossing; while Sainte-Hélène, with his brother Longueuil, passed the ford with a body of Canadians, and opened fire on them from the neighboring thickets. Their advance parties were driven in, and there was a hot skirmish, the chief loss falling on the New England men, who were fully122 exposed. On the side of the French, Sainte-Hélène was mortally wounded, and his brother was hurt by a spent ball. Towards evening, the Canadians withdrew, and the English encamped for the night. Their commander presently rejoined them. The admiral had given him leave to withdraw them to the fleet, and boats were accordingly sent to bring them off; but, as these did not arrive till about daybreak, it was necessary to defer117 the embarkation123 till the next night.
[15] Frontenac au Ministre, 12 et 19 Nov., 1690.
At dawn, Quebec was all astir with the beating of drums and the ringing of bells. The New England drums replied; and Walley drew up his men under arms, expecting an attack, for the town was so near that the hubbub of voices from within could plainly be heard. The noise gradually died away; and, except a few shots from the ramparts, the invaders were left undisturbed. Walley sent two or three companies to beat up the neighboring thickets, where he suspected that the enemy was lurking124. On the way, they had the good luck to 277 find and kill a number of cattle, which they cooked and ate on the spot; whereupon, being greatly refreshed and invigorated, they dashed forward in complete disorder94, and were soon met by the fire of the ambushed125 Canadians. Several more companies were sent to their support, and the skirmishing became lively. Three detachments from Quebec had crossed the river; and the militia of Beauport and Beaupré had hastened to join them. They fought like Indians, hiding behind trees or throwing themselves flat among the bushes, and laying repeated ambuscades as they slowly fell back. At length, they all made a stand on a hill behind the buildings and fences of a farm; and here they held their ground till night, while the New England men taunted126 them as cowards who would never fight except under cover. [16]
[16] Relation de la Descente des Anglois.
Walley, who with his main body had stood in arms all day, now called in the skirmishers, and fell back to the landing-place, where, as soon as it grew dark, the boats arrived from the fleet. The sick men, of whom there were many, were sent on board, and then, amid floods of rain, the whole force embarked127 in noisy confusion, leaving behind them in the mud five of their cannon. Hasty as was their parting, their conduct on the whole had been creditable; and La Hontan, who was in Quebec at the time, says of them, "They fought vigorously, though as ill-disciplined as men gathered together at random128 could be; for they did not lack courage, and, if they failed, it was by reason 278 of their entire ignorance of discipline, and because they were exhausted129 by the fatigues130 of the voyage." Of Phips he speaks with contempt, and says that he could not have served the French better if they had bribed131 him to stand all the while with his arms folded. Some allowance should, nevertheless, be made him for the unmanageable character of the force under his command, the constitution of which was fatal to military subordination.
On Sunday, the morning after the re-embarkation, Phips called a council of officers, and it was resolved that the men should rest for a day or two, that there should be a meeting for prayer, and that, if ammunition enough could be found, another landing should be attempted; but the rough weather prevented the prayer-meeting, and the plan of a new attack was fortunately abandoned.
Quebec remained in agitation132 and alarm till Tuesday, when Phips weighed anchor and disappeared, with all his fleet, behind the Island of Orleans. He did not go far, as indeed he could not, but stopped four leagues below to mend rigging, fortify133 wounded masts, and stop shot-holes. Subercase had gone with a detachment to watch the retiring enemy; and Phips was repeatedly seen among his men, on a scaffold at the side of his ship, exercising his old trade of carpenter. This delay was turned to good use by an exchange of prisoners. Chief among those in the hands of the French was Captain Davis, late commander at Casco Bay; and there were also two young daughters 279 of Lieutenant Clark, who had been killed at the same place. Frontenac himself had humanely134 ransomed135 these children from the Indians; and Madame de Champigny, wife of the intendant, had, with equal kindness, bought from them a little girl named Sarah Gerrish, and placed her in charge of the nuns136 at the H?tel-Dieu, who had become greatly attached to her, while she, on her part, left them with reluctance137. The French had the better in these exchanges, receiving able-bodied men, and returning, with the exception of Davis, only women and children.
The heretics were gone, and Quebec breathed freely again. Her escape had been a narrow one; not that three thousand men, in part regular troops, defending one of the strongest positions on the continent, and commanded by Frontenac, could not defy the attacks of two thousand raw fishermen and farmers, led by an ignorant civilian138, but the numbers which were a source of strength were at the same time a source of weakness. [17] Nearly all the adult males of Canada were gathered at Quebec, and there was imminent139 danger of starvation. Cattle from the neighboring parishes had been hastily driven into the town; but there was little other provision, and before Phips retreated the pinch of famine had begun. Had he come a week earlier or stayed a week later, the French themselves 280 believed that Quebec would have fallen, in the one case for want of men, and in the other for want of food.
[17] The small-pox had left probably less than 2,000 effective men in the fleet when it arrived before Quebec. The number of regular troops in Canada by the roll of 1689 was 1,418. Nothing had since occurred to greatly diminish the number. Callières left about fifty in Montreal, and perhaps also a few in the neighboring forts. The rest were in Quebec.
The Lower Town had been abandoned by its inhabitants, who bestowed140 their families and their furniture within the solid walls of the seminary. The cellars of the Ursuline convent were filled with women and children, and many more took refuge at the H?tel-Dieu. The beans and cabbages in the garden of the nuns were all stolen by the soldiers; and their wood-pile was turned into bivouac fires. "We were more dead than alive when we heard the cannon," writes Mother Juchereau; but the Jesuit Fremin came to console them, and their prayers and their labors141 never ceased. On the day when the firing was heaviest, twenty-six balls fell into their yard and garden, and were sent to the gunners at the batteries, who returned them to their English owners. At the convent of the Ursulines, the corner of a nun's apron142 was carried off by a cannon-shot as she passed through her chamber143. The sisterhood began a novena, or nine days' devotion, to St. Joseph, St. Ann, the angels, and the souls in purgatory144; and one of their number remained day and night in prayer before the images of the Holy Family. The bishop145 came to encourage them; and his prayers and his chants were so fervent146 that they thought their last hour was come. [18]
[18] Récit d'une Réligieuse Ursuline, in Les Ursulines de Québec, I. 470.
The superior of the Jesuits, with some of the elder members of the Order, remained at their college 281 during the attack, ready, should the heretics prevail, to repair to their chapel147, and die before the altar. Rumor148 exaggerated the numbers of the enemy, and a general alarm pervaded149 the town. It was still greater at Lorette, nine miles distant. The warriors of that mission were in the first skirmish at Beauport; and two of them, running off in a fright, reported at the village that the enemy were carrying every thing before them. On this, the villagers fled to the woods, followed by Father Germain, their missionary150, to whom this hasty exodus151 suggested the flight of the Holy Family into Egypt. [19] The Jesuits were thought to have special reason to fear the Puritan soldiery, who, it was reported, meant to kill them all, after cutting off their ears to make necklaces. [20]
[19] "Il nous ressouvint alors de la fuite de Nostre Seigneur en égypte." Père Germain, Relation.
[20] Ibid.
When news first came of the approach of Phips, the bishop was absent on a pastoral tour. Hastening back, he entered Quebec at night, by torchlight, to the great joy of its inmates152, who felt that his presence brought a benediction153. He issued a pastoral address, exhorting154 his flock to frequent and full confession155 and constant attendance at mass, as the means of insuring the success of their arms. [21] Laval, the former bishop, aided his efforts. "We appealed," he writes, "to God, his Holy Mother, to all the Angels, and to all the Saints." [22] Nor was 282 the appeal in vain: for each day seemed to bring some new token of celestial156 favor; and it is not surprising that the head-winds which delayed the approach of the enemy, the cold and the storms which hastened his departure, and, above all, his singularly innocent cannonade, which killed but two or three persons, should have been accepted as proof of divine intervention157. It was to the Holy Virgin158 that Quebec had been most lavish159 of its vows160, and to her the victory was ascribed.
[21] Lettre pastorale pour disposer les Peuples de ce Diocèse à se bien déffendre contre les Anglois (Reg. de l'évêché de Québec).
[22] Laval à———, Nov. 20, 1690.
One great anxiety still troubled the minds of the victors. Three ships, bringing large sums of money and the yearly supplies for the colony, were on their way to Quebec; and nothing was more likely than that the retiring fleet would meet and capture them. Messengers had been sent down the river, who passed the English in the dark, found the ships at St. Paul's Bay, and warned them of the danger. They turned back, and hid themselves within the mouth of the Saguenay; but not soon enough to prevent Phips from discovering their retreat. He tried to follow them; but thick fogs arose, with a persistent161 tempest of snow, which completely baffled him, and, after waiting five days, he gave over the attempt. When he was gone, the three ships emerged from their hiding-place, and sailed again for Quebec, where they were greeted with a universal jubilee162. Their deliverance was ascribed to Saint Ann, the mother of the Virgin, and also to St. Francis Xavier, whose name one of them bore.
Quebec was divided between thanksgiving and 283 rejoicing. The captured flag of Phips's ship was borne to the cathedral in triumph; the bishop sang Te Deum; and, amid the firing of cannon, the image of the Virgin was carried to each church and chapel in the place by a procession, in which priests, people, and troops all took part. The day closed with a grand bonfire in honor of Frontenac.
One of the three ships carried back the news of the victory, which was hailed with joy at Versailles; and a medal was struck to commemorate163 it. The ship carried also a despatch164 from Frontenac. "Now that the king has triumphed by land and sea," wrote the old soldier, "will he think that a few squadrons of his navy would be ill employed in punishing the insolence165 of these genuine old parliamentarians of Boston, and crushing them in their den99 and the English of New York as well? By mastering these two towns, we shall secure the whole sea-coast, besides the fisheries of the Grand Bank, which is no slight matter: and this would be the true, and perhaps the only, way of bringing the wars of Canada to an end; for, when the English are conquered, we can easily reduce the Iroquois to complete submission166." [23]
[23] Frontenac au Ministre, 9 et 12 Nov., 1690.
Phips returned crestfallen167 to Boston late in November; and one by one the rest of the fleet came straggling after him, battered168 and weather-beaten. Some did not appear till February, and three or four never came at all. The autumn and early winter were unusually stormy. Captain Rainsford, with sixty men, was wrecked169 on the 284 Island of Anticosti, where more than half their number died of cold and misery170. [24] In the other vessels, some were drowned, some frost-bitten, and above two hundred killed by small-pox and fever.
[24] Mather, Magnalia, I. 192.
At Boston, all was dismay and gloom. The Puritan bowed before "this awful frown of God," and searched his conscience for the sin that had brought upon him so stern a chastisement171. [25] Massachusetts, already impoverished172, found herself in extremity173. The war, instead of paying for itself, had burdened her with an additional debt of fifty thousand pounds. [26] The sailors and soldiers were clamorous174 for their pay; and, to satisfy them, the colony was forced for the first time in its history to issue a paper currency. It was made receivable at a premium175 for all public debts, and was also fortified by a provision for its early redemption by taxation176; a provision which was carried into effect in spite of poverty and distress. [27]
[27] The following is a literal copy of a specimen179 of this paper money, which varied180 in value from two shillings to ten pounds:—
No. (2161) 10s
This Indented181 Bill of Ten Shillings, due from the Massachusetts Colony to the Possessor, shall be in value equal to Money, and shall be accordingly accepted by the Treasurer182 and Receivers subordinate to him in all Publick Payments, and for any Stock at any time in the Treasury183 Boston in New England, December the 10th. 1690. By Order of the General Court.
Seal of
Masachu-
setts.
Peter Townsend
Adam Winthrop
Tim. Thornton } Comtee
When this paper came into the hands of the treasurer, it was burned. Nevertheless, owing to the temporary character of the provisional government, it fell for a time to the value of from fourteen to sixteen shillings in the pound.
In the Bibliothèque Nationale is the original draft of a remarkable184 map, by the engineer Villeneuve, of which a fac-simile is before me. It represents in detail the town and fortifications of Quebec, the surrounding country, and the positions of the English fleet and land forces, and is entitled PLAN DE QUéBEC, et de ses Environs, EN LA NOUVELLE FRANCE, ASSIéGé PAR14 LES ANGLOIS, le 16 d'Octobre 1690 jusqu'au 22 dud. mois qu'ils s'en allerent, apprès avoir esté bien battus PAR Mr. LE COMTE DE FRONTENAC, gouverneur general du Pays.
285 Massachusetts had made her usual mistake. She had confidently believed that ignorance and inexperience could match the skill of a tried veteran, and that the rude courage of her fishermen and farmers could triumph without discipline or leadership. The conditions of her material prosperity were adverse185 to efficiency in war. A trading republic, without trained officers, may win victories; but it wins them either by accident or by an extravagant186 outlay187 in money and life.
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1
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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2
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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3
din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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4
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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5
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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6
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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7
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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8
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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veered
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| v.（尤指交通工具）改变方向或路线( veer的过去式和过去分词 )；（指谈话内容、人的行为或观点）突然改变；（指风） （在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向）逐渐转向；风向顺时针转 | |
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10
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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11
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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12
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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13
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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14
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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15
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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16
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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17
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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18
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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19
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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20
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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21
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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22
sheared
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| v.剪羊毛( shear的过去式和过去分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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24
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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25
agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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26
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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27
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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28
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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29
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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30
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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31
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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32
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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33
flaunting
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| adj.招摇的，扬扬得意的，夸耀的v.炫耀，夸耀( flaunt的现在分词 )；有什么能耐就施展出来 | |
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34
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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35
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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36
quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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37
blindfolded
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| v.（尤指用布）挡住（某人）的视线( blindfold的过去式 )；蒙住（某人）的眼睛；使不理解；蒙骗 | |
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38
sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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39
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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40
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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41
hustled
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| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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42
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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43
hubbub
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| n.嘈杂；骚乱 | |
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44
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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45
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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46
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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47
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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48
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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49
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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50
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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51
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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52
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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53
majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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54
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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55
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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56
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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57
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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58
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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59
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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60
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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61
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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62
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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63
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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64
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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65
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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66
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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67
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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68
overthrows
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| n.推翻，终止，结束( overthrow的名词复数 )v.打倒，推翻( overthrow的第三人称单数 )；使终止 | |
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69
invokes
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| v.援引( invoke的第三人称单数 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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70
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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71
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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72
Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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73
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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74
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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75
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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76
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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77
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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78
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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79
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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80
ebbed
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| （指潮水）退( ebb的过去式和过去分词 )； 落； 减少； 衰落 | |
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81
wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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82
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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83
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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84
whooping
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| 发嗬嗬声的，发咳声的 | |
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85
gusty
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| adj.起大风的 | |
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86
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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87
waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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89
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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90
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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91
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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92
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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93
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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94
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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95
dodging
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| n.避开，闪过，音调改变v.闪躲( dodge的现在分词 )；回避 | |
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96
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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97
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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98
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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99
den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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100
tally
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| n.计数器，记分，一致，测量；vt.计算，记录，使一致；vi.计算，记分，一致 | |
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101
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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102
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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103
belched
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| v.打嗝( belch的过去式和过去分词 )；喷出，吐出；打（嗝）；嗳（气） | |
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104
reverberated
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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105
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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106
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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107
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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108
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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109
spire
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| n.(教堂)尖顶，尖塔，高点 | |
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110
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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111
hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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112
riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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113
rapport
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| n.和睦，意见一致 | |
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114
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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115
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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116
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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117
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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118
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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119
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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120
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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121
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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122
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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123
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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124
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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125
ambushed
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| v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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126
taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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127
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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128
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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129
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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130
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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131
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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132
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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133
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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134
humanely
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| adv.仁慈地；人道地；富人情地；慈悲地 | |
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135
ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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137
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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138
civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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139
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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140
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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142
apron
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| n.围裙；工作裙 | |
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143
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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144
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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145
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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146
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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147
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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148
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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149
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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151
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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152
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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153
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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154
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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155
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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156
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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157
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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158
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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159
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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160
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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161
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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162
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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163
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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164
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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165
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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166
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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167
crestfallen
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| adj. 挫败的，失望的，沮丧的 | |
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168
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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169
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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170
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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171
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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172
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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173
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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174
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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175
premium
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| n.加付款；赠品；adj.高级的；售价高的 | |
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176
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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177
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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178
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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179
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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180
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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181
indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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182
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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183
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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184
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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185
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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186
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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187
outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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