Le Moyne d'Iberville ? His Exploits in Newfoundland ? In Hudson's Bay ? The Great Prize ? The Competitors ? Fatal Policy of the King ? The Iroquois Question ? Negotiation2 ? Firmness of Frontenac ? English Intervention3 ? War renewed ? State of the West ? Indian Diplomacy4 ? Cruel Measures ? A Perilous5 Crisis ? Audacity6 of Frontenac.
No Canadian, under the French rule, stands in a more conspicuous7 or more deserved eminence8 than Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville. In the seventeenth century, most of those who acted a prominent part in the colony were born in Old France; but Iberville was a true son of the soil. He and his brothers, Longueuil, Serigny, Assigny, Maricourt, Sainte-Hélène, the two Chateauguays, and the two Bienvilles, were, one and all, children worthy11 of their father, Charles Le Moyne of Montreal, and favorable types of that Canadian noblesse, to whose adventurous12 hardihood half the continent bears witness. Iberville was trained in the French navy, and was already among its most able commanders. The capture of Pemaquid was, for him, but the beginning of greater things; and, though the exploits that followed were outside the main theatre 389 of action, they were too remarkable13 to be passed in silence.
The French had but one post of any consequence on the Island of Newfoundland, the fort and village at Placentia Bay; while the English fishermen had formed a line of settlements two or three hundred miles along the eastern coast. Iberville had represented to the court the necessity of checking their growth, and to that end a plan was settled, in connection with the expedition against Pemaquid. The ships of the king were to transport the men; while Iberville and others associated with him were to pay them, and divide the plunder14 as their compensation. The chronicles of the time show various similar bargains between the great king and his subjects.
Pemaquid was no sooner destroyed, than Iberville sailed for Newfoundland, with the eighty men he had taken at Quebec; and, on arriving, he was joined by as many more, sent him from the same place. He found Brouillan, governor of Placentia, with a squadron formed largely of privateers from St. Malo, engaged in a vain attempt to seize St. John, the chief post of the English. Brouillan was a man of harsh, jealous, and impracticable temper; and it was with the utmost difficulty that he and Iberville could act in concert. They came at last to an agreement, made a combined attack on St. John, took it, and burned it to the ground. Then followed a new dispute about the division of the spoils. At length it was settled. Brouillan went back to Placentia, and Iberville and his men were left to pursue their conquests alone.
390 There were no British soldiers on the island. The settlers were rude fishermen without commanders, and, according to the French accounts, without religion or morals. In fact, they are described as "worse than Indians." Iberville now had with him a hundred and twenty-five soldiers and Canadians, besides a few Abenakis from Acadia. 1 It was mid-winter when he began his march. For two months he led his hardy15 band through frost and snow, from hamlet to hamlet, along those forlorn and desolate16 coasts, attacking each in turn and carrying havoc17 everywhere. Nothing could exceed the hardships of the way, or the vigor18 with which they were met and conquered. The chaplain Baudoin gives an example of them in his diary. "January 18th. The roads are so bad that we can find only twelve men strong enough to beat the path. Our snow-shoes break on the crust, and against the rocks and fallen trees hidden under the snow, which catch and trip us; but, for all that, we cannot help laughing to see now one, and now another, fall headlong. The Sieur de Martigny fell into a river, and left his gun and his sword there to save his life."
[1] The reinforcement sent him from Quebec consisted of fifty soldiers, thirty Canadians, and three officers. Frontenac au Ministre, 28 Oct., 1696.
A panic seized the settlers, many of whom were without arms as well as without leaders. They imagined the Canadians to be savages19, who scalped and butchered like the Iroquois. Their resistance was feeble and incoherent, and Iberville carried all before him. Every hamlet was pillaged20 and burned; 391 and, according to the incredible report of the French writers, two hundred persons were killed and seven hundred captured, though it is admitted that most of the prisoners escaped. When spring opened, all the English settlements were destroyed, except the post of Bonavista and the Island of Carbonnière, a natural fortress22 in the sea. Iberville returned to Placentia, to prepare for completing his conquest, when his plans were broken by the arrival of his brother Serigny, with orders to proceed at once against the English at Hudson's Bay. [2]
[2] On the Newfoundland expedition, the best authority is the long diary of the chaplain Baudoin, Journal du Voyage que j'ai fait avec M. d'Iberville; also, Mémoire sur l'Entreprise de Terreneuve, 1696. Compare La Potherie, I. 24-52. A deposition23 of one Phillips, one Roberts, and several others, preserved in the Public Record Office of London, and quoted by Brown in his History of Cape21 Breton, makes the French force much greater than the statements of the French writers. The deposition also says that at the attack of St. John's "the French took one William Brew24, an inhabitant, a prisoner, and cut all round his scalp, and then, by strength of hands, stript his skin from the forehead to the crown, and so sent him into the fortifications, assuring the inhabitants that they would serve them all in like manner if they did not surrender."
St. John's was soon after reoccupied by the English.
Baudoin was one of those Acadian priests who are praised for services "en empeschant les sauvages de faire la paix avec les Anglois, ayant mesme esté en guerre avec eux." Champigny au Ministre, 24 Oct., 1694.
It was the nineteenth of May, when Serigny appeared with five ships of war, the "Pelican25," the "Palmier," the "Wesp," the "Profond," and the "Violent." The important trading-post of Fort Nelson, called Fort Bourbon by the French, was the destined26 object of attack. Iberville and Serigny had captured it three years before, but the English had retaken it during the past summer, and, as it commanded the fur-trade of a vast interior 392 region, a strong effort was now to be made for its recovery. Iberville took command of the "Pelican," and his brother of the "Palmier." They sailed from Placentia early in July, followed by two other ships of the squadron, and a vessel27 carrying stores. Before the end of the month they entered the bay, where they were soon caught among masses of floating ice. The store-ship was crushed and lost, and the rest were in extreme danger. The "Pelican" at last extricated28 herself, and sailed into the open sea; but her three consorts29 were nowhere to be seen. Iberville steered30 for Fort Nelson, which was several hundred miles distant, on the western shore of this dismal31 inland sea. He had nearly reached it, when three sail hove in sight; and he did not doubt that they were his missing ships. They proved, however, to be English armed merchantmen: the "Hampshire" of fifty-two guns, and the "Daring" and the "Hudson's Bay" of thirty-six and thirty-two. The "Pelican" carried but forty-four, and she was alone. A desperate battle followed, and from half past nine to one o'clock the cannonade was incessant33. Iberville kept the advantage of the wind, and, coming at length to close quarters with the "Hampshire," gave her repeated broadsides between wind and water, with such effect that she sank with all on board. He next closed with the "Hudson's Bay," which soon struck her flag; while the "Daring" made sail, and escaped. The "Pelican" was badly damaged in hull34, masts, and rigging; and the increasing fury of a gale35 from 393 the east made her position more critical every hour. She anchored, to escape being driven ashore36; but the cables parted, and she was stranded37 about two leagues from the fort. Here, racked by the waves and the tide, she split amidships; but most of the crew reached land with their weapons and ammunition38. The northern winter had already begun, and the snow lay a foot deep in the forest. Some of them died from cold and exhaustion39, and the rest built huts and kindled40 fires to warm and dry themselves. Food was so scarce that their only hope of escape from famishing seemed to lie in a desperate effort to carry the fort by storm, but now fortune interposed. The three ships they had left behind in the ice arrived with all the needed succors41. Men, cannon32, and mortars42 were sent ashore, and the attack began.
Fort Nelson was a palisade work, garrisoned43 by traders and other civilians44 in the employ of the English fur company, and commanded by one of its agents, named Bailey. Though it had a considerable number of small cannon, it was incapable45 of defence against any thing but musketry; and the French bombs soon made it untenable. After being three times summoned, Bailey lowered his flag, though not till he had obtained honorable terms; and he and his men marched out with arms and baggage, drums beating and colors flying.
Iberville had triumphed over the storms, the icebergs47, and the English. The north had seen his prowess, and another fame awaited him in the regions of the sun; for he became the father of 394 Louisiana, and his brother Bienville founded New Orleans. [3]
[3] On the capture of Fort Nelson, Iberville au Ministre, 8 Nov., 1697; Jérémie, Relation de la Baye de Hudson; La Potherie, I. 85-109. All these writers were present at the attack.
These northern conflicts were but episodes. In Hudson's Bay, Newfoundland, and Acadia, the issues of the war were unimportant, compared with the momentous48 question whether France or England should be mistress of the west; that is to say, of the whole interior of the continent. There was a strange contrast in the attitude of the rival colonies towards this supreme49 prize: the one was inert50, and seemingly indifferent; the other, intensely active. The reason is obvious enough. The English colonies were separate, jealous of the crown and of each other, and incapable as yet of acting51 in concert. Living by agriculture and trade, they could prosper52 within limited areas, and had no present need of spreading beyond the Alleghanies. Each of them was an aggregate53 of persons, busied with their own affairs, and giving little heed54 to matters which did not immediately concern them. Their rulers, whether chosen by themselves or appointed in England, could not compel them to become the instruments of enterprises in which the sacrifice was present, and the advantage remote. The neglect in which the English court left them, though wholesome56 in most respects, made them unfit for aggressive action; for they had neither troops, commanders, political union, military organization, nor military habits. In 395 communities so busy, and governments so popular, much could not be done, in war, till the people were roused to the necessity of doing it; and that awakening57 was still far distant. Even New York, the only exposed colony, except Massachusetts and New Hampshire, regarded the war merely as a nuisance to be held at arm's length. [4]
[4] See note at the end of the chapter.
In Canada, all was different. Living by the fur trade, she needed free range and indefinite space. Her geographical58 position determined59 the nature of her pursuits; and her pursuits developed the roving and adventurous character of her people, who, living under a military rule, could be directed at will to such ends as their rulers saw fit. The grand French scheme of territorial60 extension was not born at court, but sprang from Canadian soil, and was developed by the chiefs of the colony, who, being on the ground, saw the possibilities and requirements of the situation, and generally had a personal interest in realizing them. The rival colonies had two different laws of growth. The one increased by slow extension, rooting firmly as it spread; the other shot offshoots, with few or no roots, far out into the wilderness61. It was the nature of French colonization62 to seize upon detached strategic points, and hold them by the bayonet, forming no agricultural basis, but attracting the Indians by trade, and holding them by conversion63. A musket46, a rosary, and a pack of beaver64 skins may serve to represent it, and in fact it consisted of little else.
396 Whence came the numerical weakness of New France, and the real though latent strength of her rivals? Because, it is answered, the French were not an emigrating people; but, at the end of the seventeenth century, this was only half true. The French people were divided into two parts, one eager to emigrate, and the other reluctant. The one consisted of the persecuted65 Huguenots, the other of the favored Catholics. The government chose to construct its colonies, not of those who wished to go, but of those who wished to stay at home. From the hour when the edict of Nantes was revoked66, hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen would have hailed as a boon67 the permission to transport themselves, their families, and their property to the New World. The permission was fiercely refused, and the persecuted sect68 was denied even a refuge in the wilderness. Had it been granted them, the valleys of the west would have swarmed69 with a laborious70 and virtuous71 population, trained in adversity, and possessing the essential qualities of self-government. Another France would have grown beyond the Alleghanies, strong with the same kind of strength that made the future greatness of the British colonies. British America was an asylum72 for the oppressed and the suffering of all creeds73 and nations, and population poured into her by the force of a natural tendency. France, like England, might have been great in two hemispheres, if she had placed herself in accord with this tendency, instead of opposing it; but despotism was consistent with itself, and a mighty74 opportunity was for ever lost.
397 As soon could the Ethiopian change his skin as the priest-ridden king change his fatal policy of exclusion75. Canada must be bound to the papacy, even if it blasted her. The contest for the west must be waged by the means which Bourbon policy ordained76, and which, it must be admitted, had some great advantages of their own, when controlled by a man like Frontenac. The result hung, for the present, on the relations of the French with the Iroquois and the tribes of the lakes, the Illinois, and the valley of the Ohio, but, above all, on their relations with the Iroquois; for, could they be conquered or won over, it would be easy to deal with the rest.
Frontenac was meditating77 a grand effort to inflict78 such castigation79 as would bring them to reason, when one of their chiefs, named Tareha, came to Quebec with overtures80 of peace. The Iroquois had lost many of their best warriors81. The arrival of troops from France had discouraged them; the war had interrupted their hunting; and, having no furs to barter82 with the English, they were in want of arms, ammunition, and all the necessaries of life. Moreover, Father Milet, nominally83 a prisoner among them, but really an adopted chief, had used all his influence to bring about a peace; and the mission of Tareha was the result. Frontenac received him kindly84. "My Iroquois children have been drunk; but I will give them an opportunity to repent85. Let each of your five nations send me two deputies, and I will listen to what they have to say." They would not come, but sent him instead 398 an invitation to meet them and their friends, the English, in a general council at Albany; a proposal which he rejected with contempt. Then they sent another deputation, partly to him and partly to their Christian86 countrymen of the Saut and the Mountain, inviting87 all alike to come and treat with them at Onondaga. Frontenac, adopting the Indian fashion, kicked away their wampum belts, rebuked88 them for tampering89 with the mission Indians, and told them that they were rebels, bribed90 by the English; adding that, if a suitable deputation should be sent to Quebec to treat squarely of peace, he still would listen, but that, if they came back with any more such proposals as they had just made, they should be roasted alive.
A few weeks later, the deputation appeared. It consisted of two chiefs of each nation, headed by the renowned91 orator92 Decanisora, or, as the French wrote the name, Tegannisorens. The council was held in the hall of the supreme council at Quebec. The dignitaries of the colony were present, with priests, Jesuits, Récollets, officers, and the Christian chiefs of the Saut and the Mountain. The appearance of the ambassadors bespoke93 their destitute94 plight95; for they were all dressed in shabby deerskins and old blankets, except Decanisora, who was attired96 in a scarlet97 coat laced with gold, given him by the governor of New York. Colden, who knew him in his old age, describes him as a tall, well-formed man, with a face not unlike the busts98 of Cicero. "He spoke," says the French reporter, "with as perfect a grace as is vouchsafed99 to an 399 uncivilized people;" buried the hatchet100, covered the blood that had been spilled, opened the roads, and cleared the clouds from the sun. In other words, he offered peace; but he demanded at the same time that it should include the English. Frontenac replied, in substance: "My children are right to come submissive and repentant101. I am ready to forgive the past, and hang up the hatchet; but the peace must include all my other children, far and near. Shut your ears to English poison. The war with the English has nothing to do with you, and only the great kings across the sea have power to stop it. You must give up all your prisoners, both French and Indian, without one exception. I will then return mine, and make peace with you, but not before." He then entertained them at his own table, gave them a feast described as "magnificent," and bestowed102 gifts so liberally, that the tattered103 ambassadors went home in embroidered104 coats, laced shirts, and plumed105 hats. They were pledged to return with the prisoners before the end of the season, and they left two hostages as security. [5]
[5] On these negotiations106, and their antecedents, Callières, Relation de ce qui s'est passé de plus remarquable en Canada depuis Sept., 1692, jusqu'au Départ des Vaisseaux en 1693; La Motte-Cadillac, Mémoire des Negociations avec les Iroquois, 1694; Callières au Ministre, 19 Oct., 1694; La Potherie, III. 200-220; Colden, Five Nations, chap. x.; N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. 85.
Meanwhile, the authorities of New York tried to prevent the threatened peace. First, Major Peter Schuyler convoked107 the chiefs at Albany, and told them that, if they went to ask peace in Canada, they would be slaves for ever. The Iroquois declared that they loved the English, but they repelled108 400 every attempt to control their action. Then Fletcher, the governor, called a general council at the same place, and told them that they should not hold councils with the French, or that, if they did so, they should hold them at Albany in presence of the English. Again they asserted their rights as an independent people. "Corlaer," said their speaker, "has held councils with our enemies, and why should not we hold councils with his?" Yet they were strong in assurances of friendship, and declared themselves "one head, one heart, one blood, and one soul, with the English." Their speaker continued: "Our only reason for sending deputies to the French is that we are brought so low, and none of our neighbors help us, but leave us to bear all the burden of the war. Our brothers of New England, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, all of their own accord took hold of the covenant109 chain, and called themselves our allies; but they have done nothing to help us, and we cannot fight the French alone, because they are always receiving soldiers from beyond the Great Lake. Speak from your heart, brother: will you and your neighbors join with us, and make strong war against the French? If you will, we will break off all treaties, and fight them as hotly as ever; but, if you will not help us, we must make peace."
Nothing could be more just than these reproaches; and, if the English governor had answered by a vigorous attack on the French forts south of the St. Lawrence, the Iroquois warriors would have raised the hatchet again with one accord. But 401 Fletcher was busy with other matters; and he had besides no force at his disposal but four companies, the only British regulars on the continent, defective110 in numbers, ill-appointed, and mutinous111. Therefore he answered not with acts, but with words. The negotiation with the French went on, and Fletcher called another council. It left him in a worse position than before. The Iroquois again asked for help: he could not promise it, but was forced to yield the point, and tell them that he consented to their making peace with Onontio.
[6] Fletcher is, however, charged with gross misconduct in regard to the four companies, which he is said to have kept at about half their complement112, in order to keep the balance of their pay for himself.
It is certain that they wanted peace, but equally certain that they did not want it to be lasting113, and sought nothing more than a breathing time to regain114 their strength. Even now some of them were for continuing the war; and at the great council at Onondaga, where the matter was debated, the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks spurned115 the French proposals, and refused to give up their prisoners. The Cayugas and some of the Senecas were of another mind, and agreed to a partial compliance116 with Frontenac's demands. The rest seem to have stood passive in the hope of gaining time.
They were disappointed. In vain the Seneca and Cayuga deputies buried the hatchet at Montreal, and promised that the other nations would soon do likewise. Frontenac was not to be deceived. He would accept nothing but the frank fulfilment of his conditions, refused the proffered117 402 peace, and told his Indian allies to wage war to the knife. There was a dog-feast and a war-dance, and the strife118 began anew.
In all these conferences, the Iroquois had stood by their English allies, with a fidelity119 not too well merited. But, though they were loyal towards the English, they had acted with duplicity towards the French, and, while treating of peace with them, had attacked some of their Indian allies, and intrigued121 with others. They pursued with more persistency122 than ever the policy they had adopted in the time of La Barre, that is, to persuade or frighten the tribes of the west to abandon the French, join hands with them and the English, and send their furs to Albany instead of Montreal; for the sagacious confederates knew well that, if the trade were turned into this new channel, their local position would enable them to control it. The scheme was good; but with whatever consistency123 their chiefs and elders might pursue it, the wayward ferocity of their young warriors crossed it incessantly124, and murders alternated with intrigues125. On the other hand, the western tribes, who since the war had been but ill supplied with French goods and French brandy, knew that they could have English goods and English rum in great abundance, and at far less cost; and thus, in spite of hate and fear, the intrigue120 went on. Michillimackinac was the focus of it, but it pervaded126 all the west. The position of Frontenac was one of great difficulty, and the more so that the intestine127 quarrels of his allies excessively complicated the 403 mazes128 of forest diplomacy. This heterogeneous129 multitude, scattered130 in tribes and groups of tribes over two thousand miles of wilderness, was like a vast menagerie of wild animals; and the lynx bristled131 at the wolf, and the panther grinned fury at the bear, in spite of all his efforts to form them into a happy family under his paternal132 rule.
La Motte-Cadillac commanded at Michillimackinac, Courtemanche was stationed at Fort Miamis, and Tonty and La Forêt at the fortified133 rock of St. Louis on the Illinois; while Nicolas Perrot roamed among the tribes of the Mississippi, striving at the risk of his life to keep them at peace with each other, and in alliance with the French. Yet a plot presently came to light, by which the Foxes, Mascontins, and Kickapoos were to join hands, renounce134 the French, and cast their fortunes with the Iroquois and the English. There was still more anxiety for the tribes of Michillimackinac, because the results of their defection would be more immediate55. This important post had at the time an Indian population of six or seven thousand souls, a Jesuit mission, a fort with two hundred soldiers, and a village of about sixty houses, occupied by traders and coureurs de bois. The Indians of the place were in relations more or less close with all the tribes of the lakes. The Huron village was divided between two rival chiefs: the Baron135, who was deep in Iroquois and English intrigue; and the Rat, who, though once the worst enemy of the French, now stood their friend. The Ottawas and other Algonquins of the adjacent villages were 404 savages of a lower grade, tossed continually between hatred136 of the Iroquois, distrust of the French, and love of English goods and English rum. [7]
[7] "Si les Outaouacs (Ottawas) et Hurons concluent la paix avec l'Iroquois sans nostre participation137, et donnent chez eux l'entrée à l'Anglois pour le commerce, la Colonie est entièrement ruinée, puisque c'est le seul (moyen) par9 lequel ce pays-cy puisse subsister, et l'on peut asseurer que si les sauvages goustent une fois du commerce de l'Anglois, ils rompront pour toujours avec les Fran?ois, parcequ'ils ne peuvent donner les marchandises qu'à un prix beaucoup plus hault." Frontenac au Ministre, 25 Oct., 1696.
La Motte-Cadillac found that the Hurons of the Baron's band were receiving messengers and peace belts from New York and her red allies, that the English had promised to build a trading house on Lake Erie, and that the Iroquois had invited the lake tribes to a grand convention at Detroit. These belts and messages were sent, in the Indian expression, "underground," that is, secretly; and the envoys138 who brought them came in the disguise of prisoners taken by the Hurons. On one occasion, seven Iroquois were brought in; and some of the French, suspecting them to be agents of the negotiation, stabbed two of them as they landed. There was a great tumult139. The Hurons took arms to defend the remaining five; but at length suffered themselves to be appeased140, and even gave one of the Iroquois, a chief, into the hands of the French, who, says La Potherie, determined to "make an example of him." They invited the Ottawas to "drink the broth10 of an Iroquois." The wretch141 was made fast to a stake, and a Frenchman began the torture by burning him with a red-hot gun-barrel. The mob of savages was soon wrought142 405 up to the required pitch of ferocity; and, after atrociously tormenting143 him, they cut him to pieces, and ate him. [8] It was clear that the more Iroquois the allies of France could be persuaded to burn, the less would be the danger that they would make peace with the confederacy. On another occasion, four were tortured at once; and La Motte-Cadillac writes, "If any more prisoners are brought me, I promise you that their fate will be no sweeter." [9]
[8] La Potherie, II. 298.
[9] La Motte-Cadillac à———, 3 Aug., 1695. A translation of this letter will be found in Sheldon, Early History of Michigan.
The same cruel measures were practised when the Ottawas came to trade at Montreal. Frontenac once invited a band of them to "roast an Iroquois," newly caught by the soldiers; but as they had hamstrung him, to prevent his escape, he bled to death before the torture began. [10] In the next spring, the revolting tragedy of Michillimackinac was repeated at Montreal, where four more Iroquois were burned by the soldiers, inhabitants, and Indian allies. "It was the mission of Canada," says a Canadian writer, "to propagate Christianity and civilization." [11]
[10] Relation de ce qui s'est passé de plus remarquable entre les Fran?ois et les Iroquois durant la présente année, 1695. There is a translation in N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. Compare La Potherie, who misplaces the incident as to date.
[11] This last execution was an act of reprisal144: "J'abandonnay les 4 prisonniers aux soldats, habitants, et sauvages, qui les bruslerent par représailles de deux du Sault que cette nation avoit traitté de la mesme manière." Callières au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1696.
Every effort was vain. La Motte-Cadillac wrote that matters grew worse and worse, and that the 406 Ottawas had been made to believe that the French neither would nor could protect them, but meant to leave them to their fate. They thought that they had no hope except in peace with the Iroquois, and had actually gone to meet them at an appointed rendezvous145. One course alone was now left to Frontenac, and this was to strike the Iroquois with a blow heavy enough to humble146 them, and teach the wavering hordes147 of the west that he was, in truth, their father and their defender148. Nobody knew so well as he the difficulties of the attempt; and, deceived perhaps by his own energy, he feared that, in his absence on a distant expedition, the governor of New York would attack Montreal. Therefore, he had begged for more troops. About three hundred were sent him, and with these he was forced to content himself.
He had waited, also, for another reason. In his belief, the re-establishment of Fort Frontenac, abandoned in a panic by Denonville, was necessary to the success of a campaign against the Iroquois. A party in the colony vehemently150 opposed the measure, on the ground that the fort would be used by the friends of Frontenac for purposes of trade. It was, nevertheless, very important, if not essential, for holding the Iroquois in check. They themselves felt it to be so; and, when they heard that the French intended to occupy it again, they appealed to the governor of New York, who told them that, if the plan were carried into effect, he would march to their aid with all the power of 407 his government. He did not, and perhaps could not, keep his word. [12]
[12] Colden, 178. Fletcher could get no men from his own or neighboring governments. See note, at the end of the chapter.
In the question of Fort Frontenac, as in every thing else, the opposition151 to the governor, always busy and vehement149, found its chief representative in the intendant, who told the minister that the policy of Frontenac was all wrong; that the public good was not its object; that he disobeyed or evaded152 the orders of the king; and that he had suffered the Iroquois to delude153 him by false overtures of peace. The representations of the intendant and his faction154 had such effect, that Ponchartrain wrote to the governor that the plan of re-establishing Fort Frontenac "must absolutely be abandoned." Frontenac, bent155 on accomplishing his purpose, and doubly so because his enemies opposed it, had anticipated the orders of the minister, and sent seven hundred men to Lake Ontario to repair the fort. The day after they left Montreal, the letter of Ponchartrain arrived. The intendant demanded their recall. Frontenac refused. The fort was repaired, garrisoned, and victualled for a year.
A successful campaign was now doubly necessary to the governor, for by this alone could he hope to avert156 the consequences of his audacity. He waited no longer, but mustered157 troops, militia158, and Indians, and marched to attack the Iroquois. [13]
[13] The above is drawn159 from the correspondence of Frontenac, Champigny, La Motte-Cadillac, and Callières, on one hand, and the king and the minister on the other. The letters are too numerous to specify160. Also, from the official Relation de ce qui s'est passé de plus remarquable en Canada, 1694, 1695, and Ibid., 1695, 1696; Mémoire soumis au Ministre de ce qui résulte 408 des Avis re?us du Canada en 1695; Champigny, Mémoire concernant le Fort de Cataracouy; La Potherie, II. 284-302, IV. 1-80; Colden, chaps. x., xi.
Military Inefficiency161 of the British Colonies—"His Majesty162 has subjects enough in those parts of America to drive out the French from Canada; but they are so crumbled163 into little governments, and so disunited, that they have hitherto afforded little assistance to each other, and now seem in a much worse disposition164 to do it for the future." This is the complaint of the Lords of Trade. Governor Fletcher writes bitterly: "Here every little government sets up for despotic power, and allows no appeal to the Crown, but, by a little juggling165, defeats all commands and injunctions from the King." Fletcher's complaint was not unprovoked. The Queen had named him commander-in-chief, during the war, of the militia of several of the colonies, and empowered him to call on them for contingents166 of men, not above 350 from Massachusetts, 250 from Virginia, 160 from Maryland, 120 from Connecticut, 48 from Rhode Island, and 80 from Pennsylvania. This measure excited the jealousy167 of the colonies, and several of them remonstrated168 on constitutional grounds; but the attorney-general, to whom the question was referred, reported that the crown had power, under certain limitations, to appoint a commander-in-chief. Fletcher, therefore, in his character as such, called for a portion of the men; but scarcely one could he get. He was met by excuses and evasions169, which, especially in the case of Connecticut, were of a most vexatious character. At last, that colony, tired by his importunities, condescended170 to furnish him with twenty-five men. With the others, he was less fortunate, though Virginia and Maryland compounded with a sum of money. Each colony claimed the control of its own militia, and was anxious to avoid the establishment of any precedent171 which might deprive it of the right. Even in the military management of each separate colony, there was scarcely less difficulty. A requisition for troops from a royal governor was always regarded with jealousy, and the provincial172 assemblies were slow to grant money for their support. In 1692, when Fletcher came to New York, the assembly gave him 300 men, for a year; in 1693, they gave him an equal number; in 1694, they allowed him but 170, he being accused, apparently173 with truth, of not having made good use of the former levies174. He afterwards asked that the force at his disposal should be increased to 500 men, to guard the frontier; and the request was not granted. In 1697 he was recalled; and the Earl of Bellomont was commissioned 409 governor of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, and captain-general, during the war, of all the forces of those colonies, as well as of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Jersey175. The close of the war quickly ended this military authority; but there is no reason to believe that, had it continued, the earl's requisitions for men, in his character of captain-general, would have had more success than those of Fletcher. The whole affair is a striking illustration of the original isolation176 of communities, which afterwards became welded into a nation. It involved a military paralysis177 almost complete. Sixty years later, under the sense of a great danger, the British colonies were ready enough to receive a commander-in-chief, and answer his requisitions.
A great number of documents bearing upon the above subject will be found in the New York Colonial Documents, IV.
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1
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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6
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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7
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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13
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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14
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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15
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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16
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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17
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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18
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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19
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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22
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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24
brew
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| v.酿造，调制 | |
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pelican
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| n.鹈鹕，伽蓝鸟 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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27
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
consorts
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| n.配偶( consort的名词复数 )；（演奏古典音乐的）一组乐师；一组古典乐器；一起v.结伴( consort的第三人称单数 )；交往；相称；调和 | |
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30
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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31
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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32
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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34
hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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35
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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38
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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39
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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40
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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41
succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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43
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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44
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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45
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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46
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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47
icebergs
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| n.冰山，流冰( iceberg的名词复数 ) | |
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48
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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50
inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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51
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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52
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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53
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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54
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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55
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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56
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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57
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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58
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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59
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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60
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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61
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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62
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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63
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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64
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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65
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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66
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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68
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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69
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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70
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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71
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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72
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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73
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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74
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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75
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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76
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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78
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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castigation
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| n.申斥，强烈反对 | |
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80
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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81
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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82
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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84
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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85
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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86
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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88
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
tampering
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| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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92
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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93
bespoke
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| adj.（产品）订做的；专做订货的v.预定( bespeak的过去式 )；订（货）；证明；预先请求 | |
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94
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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95
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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96
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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98
busts
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| 半身雕塑像( bust的名词复数 )； 妇女的胸部； 胸围； 突击搜捕 | |
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vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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100
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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101
repentant
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| adj.对…感到悔恨的 | |
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102
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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104
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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107
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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109
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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110
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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111
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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112
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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113
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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114
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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115
spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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117
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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119
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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120
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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121
intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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122
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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123
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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124
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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125
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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126
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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128
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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129
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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130
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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131
bristled
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| adj. 直立的，多刺毛的 动词bristle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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132
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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133
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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134
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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135
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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136
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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137
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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138
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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139
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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140
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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141
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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142
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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143
tormenting
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| 使痛苦的，使苦恼的 | |
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144
reprisal
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| n.报复，报仇，报复性劫掠 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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146
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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148
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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149
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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150
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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151
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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152
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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153
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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154
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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155
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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156
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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157
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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158
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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159
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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160
specify
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| vt.指定，详细说明 | |
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161
inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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162
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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163
crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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164
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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165
juggling
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| n. 欺骗, 杂耍(=jugglery) adj. 欺骗的, 欺诈的 动词juggle的现在分词 | |
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166
contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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167
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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168
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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169
evasions
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| 逃避( evasion的名词复数 )； 回避； 遁辞； 借口 | |
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170
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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171
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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172
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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173
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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174
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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175
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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176
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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177
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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