Frontenac attacks the Onondagas.
March of Frontenac ? Flight of the Enemy ? An Iroquois Stoic1 ? Relief for the Onondagas ? Boasts of Frontenac ? His Complaints ? His Enemies ? Parties in Canada ? Views of Frontenac and the King ? Frontenac prevails ? Peace of Ryswick ? Frontenac and Bellomont ? Schuyler at Quebec ? Festivities ? A Last Defiance3.
On the fourth of July, Frontenac left Montreal, at the head of about twenty-two hundred men. On the nineteenth he reached Fort Frontenac, and on the twenty-sixth he crossed to the southern shore of Lake Ontario. A swarm4 of Indian canoes led the way; next followed two battalions5 of regulars, in bateaux, commanded by Callières; then more bateaux, laden6 with cannon7, mortars8, and rockets; then Frontenac himself, surrounded by the canoes of his staff and his guard; then eight hundred Canadians, under Ramesay; while more regulars and more Indians, all commanded by Vaudreuil, brought up the rear. In two days they reached the mouth of the Oswego; strong scouting-parties were sent out to scour9 the forests in front; while the expedition slowly and painfully worked its way up the stream. Most of the troops and Canadians 411 marched through the matted woods along the banks; while the bateaux and canoes were pushed, rowed, paddled, or dragged forward against the current. On the evening of the thirtieth, they reached the falls, where the river plunged10 over ledges11 of rock which completely stopped the way. The work of "carrying" was begun at once. The Indians and Canadians carried the canoes to the navigable water above, and gangs of men dragged the bateaux up the portage-path on rollers. Night soon came, and the work was continued till ten o'clock by torchlight. Frontenac would have passed on foot like the rest, but the Indians would not have it so. They lifted him in his canoe upon their shoulders, and bore him in triumph, singing and yelling, through the forest and along the margin12 of the rapids, the blaze of the torches lighting13 the strange procession, where plumes14 of officers and uniforms of the governor's guard mingled15 with the feathers and scalp-locks of naked savages16.
When the falls were passed, the troops pushed on as before along the narrow stream, and through the tangled17 labyrinths18 on either side; till, on the first of August, they reached Lake Onondaga, and, with sails set, the whole flotilla glided19 before the wind, and landed the motley army on a rising ground half a league from the salt springs of Salina. The next day was spent in building a fort to protect the canoes, bateaux, and stores; and, as evening closed, a ruddy glow above the southern forest told them that the town of Onondaga was on fire.
412 The Marquis de Crisasy was left, with a detachment, to hold the fort; and, at sunrise on the fourth, the army moved forward in order of battle. It was formed in two lines, regulars on the right and left, and Canadians in the centre. Callières commanded the first line, and Vaudreuil the second. Frontenac was between them, surrounded by his staff officers and his guard, and followed by the artillery20, which relays of Canadians dragged and lifted forward with inconceivable labor21. The governor, enfeebled by age, was carried in an arm-chair; while Callières, disabled by gout, was mounted on a horse, brought for the purpose in one of the bateaux. To Subercase fell the hard task of directing the march among the dense22 columns of the primeval forest, by hill and hollow, over rocks and fallen trees, through swamps, brooks23, and gullies, among thickets24, brambles, and vines. It was but eight or nine miles to Onondaga; but they were all day in reaching it, and evening was near when they emerged from the shadows of the forest into the broad light of the Indian clearing. The maize25-fields stretched before them for miles, and in the midst lay the charred26 and smoking ruins of the Iroquois capital. Not an enemy was to be seen, but they found the dead bodies of two murdered French prisoners. Scouts27 were sent out, guards were set, and the disappointed troops encamped on the maize-fields.
Onondaga, formerly28 an open town, had been fortified29 by the English, who had enclosed it with a double range of strong palisades, forming a rectangle, 413 flanked by bastions at the four corners, and surrounded by an outer fence of tall poles. The place was not defensible against cannon and mortars; and the four hundred warriors30 belonging to it had been but slightly reinforced from the other tribes of the confederacy, each of which feared that the French attack might be directed against itself. On the approach of an enemy of five times their number, they had burned their town, and retreated southward into distant forests.
The troops were busied for two days in hacking32 down the maize, digging up the caches, or hidden stores of food, and destroying their contents. The neighboring tribe of the Oneidas sent a messenger to beg peace. Frontenac replied that he would grant it, on condition that they all should migrate to Canada, and settle there; and Vaudreuil, with seven hundred men, was sent to enforce the demand. Meanwhile, a few Onondaga stragglers had been found; and among them, hidden in a hollow tree, a withered33 warrior31, eighty years old, and nearly blind. Frontenac would have spared him; but the Indian allies, Christians34 from the mission villages, were so eager to burn him that it was thought inexpedient to refuse them. They tied him to the stake, and tried to shake his constancy by every torture that fire could inflict36; but not a cry nor a murmur37 escaped him. He defied them to do their worst, till, enraged38 at his taunts39, one of them gave him a mortal stab. "I thank you," said the old Stoic, with his last breath; "but you ought to have finished as you began, and killed me by fire. Learn from me, 414 you dogs of Frenchmen, how to endure pain; and you, dogs of dogs, their Indian allies, think what you will do when you are burned like me." [1]
[1] Relation de ce qui s'est passé, etc., 1695, 1696; La Potherie, III. 279. Callières and the author of the Relation of 1682-1712 also speak of the extraordinary fortitude40 of the victim. The Jesuits say that it was not the Christian35 Indians who insisted on burning him, but the French themselves, "qui voulurent absolument qu'il f?t brulé à petit feu, ce qu'ils executèrent eux-mêmes. Un Jesuite le confessa et l'assista à la mort, l'encourageant à souffrir courageusement et chrétiennement les tourmens." Relation de 1696 (Shea), 10. This writer adds that, when Frontenac heard of it, he ordered him to be spared; but it was too late. Charlevoix misquotes the old Stoic's last words, which were, according to the official Relation of 1695-6: "Je te remercie mais tu aurais bien d? achever de me faire mourir par2 le feu. Apprenez, chiens de Fran?ois, à souffrir, et vous sauvages leurs allies, qui êtes les chiens des chiens, souvenez vous de ce que vous devez faire quand vous serez en pareil état que moi."
Vaudreuil and his detachment returned within three days, after destroying Oneida, with all the growing corn, and seizing a number of chiefs as hostages for the fulfilment of the demands of Frontenac. There was some thought of marching on Cayuga, but the governor judged it to be inexpedient; and, as it would be useless to chase the fugitive41 Onondagas, nothing remained but to return home. [2]
[2] On the expedition against the Onondagas, Callières au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1696; Frontenac au Ministre, 25 Oct., 1696; Frontenac et Champigny au Ministre (lettre commune) 26 Oct., 1696; Relation de ce qui s'est passé, etc., 1695, 1696; Relation, 1682-1712; Relation des Jesuites, 1696 (Shea); Doc. Hist. N. Y., I. 323-355; La Potherie, III. 270-282; N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. 242.
Charlevoix charges Frontenac on this occasion with failing to pursue his advantage, lest others, and especially Callières, should get more honor than he. The accusation42 seems absolutely groundless. His many enemies were silent about it at the time; for the king warmly commends his conduct on the expedition, and Callières himself, writing immediately after, gives him nothing but praise.
While Frontenac was on his march, Governor 415 Fletcher had heard of his approach, and called the council at New York to consider what should be done. They resolved that "it will be very grievous to take the people from their labour; and there is likewise no money to answer the charge thereof." Money was, however, advanced by Colonel Cortlandt and others; and the governor wrote to Connecticut and New Jersey43 for their contingents44 of men; but they thought the matter no concern of theirs, and did not respond. Fletcher went to Albany with the few men he could gather at the moment, and heard on his arrival that the French were gone. Then he convoked45 the chiefs, condoled46 with them, and made them presents. Corn was sent to the Onondagas and Oneidas to support them through the winter, and prevent the famine which the French hoped would prove their destruction.
What Frontenac feared had come to pass. The enemy had saved themselves by flight; and his expedition, like that of Denonville, was but half successful. He took care, however, to announce it to the king as a triumph.
"Sire, the benedictions47 which Heaven has ever showered upon your Majesty48's arms have extended even to this New World; whereof we have had visible proof in the expedition I have just made against the Onondagas, the principal nation of the Iroquois. I had long projected this enterprise, but the difficulties and risks which attended it made me regard it as imprudent; and I should never have resolved to undertake it, if I had not last year established 416 an entrep?t (Fort Frontenac), which made my communications more easy, and if I had not known, beyond all doubt, that this was absolutely the only means to prevent our allies from making peace with the Iroquois, and introducing the English into their country, by which the colony would infallibly be ruined. Nevertheless, by unexpected good fortune, the Onondagas, who pass for masters of the other Iroquois, and the terror of all the Indians of this country, fell into a sort of bewilderment, which could only have come from on High; and were so terrified to see me march against them in person, and cover their lakes and rivers with nearly four hundred sail, that, without availing themselves of passes where a hundred men might easily hold four thousand in check, they did not dare to lay a single ambuscade, but, after waiting till I was five leagues from their fort, they set it on fire with all their dwellings49, and fled, with their families, twenty leagues into the depths of the forest. It could have been wished, to make the affair more brilliant, that they had tried to hold their fort against us, for we were prepared to force it and kill a great many of them; but their ruin is not the less sure, because the famine, to which they are reduced, will destroy more than we could have killed by sword and gun.
"All the officers and men have done their duty admirably; and especially M. de Callières, who has been a great help to me. I know not if your Majesty will think that I have tried to do mine, and will hold me worthy50 of some mark of honor that 417 may enable me to pass the short remainder of my life in some little distinction; but, whether this be so or not, I most humbly51 pray your Majesty to believe that I will sacrifice the rest of my days to your Majesty's service with the same ardor52 I have always felt." [3]
[3] Frontenac au Roy, 25 Oct., 1696.
The king highly commended him, and sent him the cross of the Military Order of St. Louis. Callières, who had deserved it less, had received it several years before; but he had not found or provoked so many defamers. Frontenac complained to the minister that his services had been slightly and tardily53 requited54. This was true, and it was due largely to the complaints excited by his own perversity55 and violence. These complaints still continued; but the fault was not all on one side, and Frontenac himself had often just reason to retort them. He wrote to Ponchartrain: "If you will not be so good as to look closely into the true state of things here, I shall always be exposed to detraction56, and forced to make new apologies, which is very hard for a person so full of zeal57 and uprightness as I am. My secretary, who is going to France, will tell you all the ugly intrigues58 used to defeat my plans for the service of the king, and the growth of the colony. I have long tried to combat these artifices59, but I confess that I no longer feel strength to resist them, and must succumb60 at last, if you will not have the goodness to give me strong support." [4]
[4] Frontenac au Ministre, 25 Oct., 1696.
418 He still continued to provoke the detraction which he deprecated, till he drew, at last, a sharp remonstrance61 from the minister. "The dispute you have had with M. de Champigny is without cause, and I confess I cannot comprehend how you could have acted as you have done. If you do things of this sort, you must expect disagreeable consequences, which all the desire I have to oblige you cannot prevent. It is deplorable, both for you and for me, that, instead of using my good-will to gain favors from his Majesty, you compel me to make excuses for a violence which answers no purpose, and in which you indulge wantonly, nobody can tell why." [5]
[5] Le Ministre à Frontenac, 21 Mai, 1698.
Most of these quarrels, however trivial in themselves, had a solid foundation, and were closely connected with the great question of the control of the west. As to the measures to be taken, two parties divided the colony; one consisting of the governor and his friends, and the other of the intendant, the Jesuits, and such of the merchants as were not in favor with Frontenac. His policy was to protect the Indian allies at all risks, to repel62 by force, if necessary, every attempt of the English to encroach on the territory in dispute, and to occupy it by forts which should be at once posts of war and commerce and places of rendezvous63 for traders and voyageurs. Champigny and his party denounced this system; urged that the forest posts should be abandoned, that both garrisons64 and traders should be recalled, that the French should 419 not go to the Indians, but that the Indians should come to the French, that the fur trade of the interior should be carried on at Montreal, and that no Frenchman should be allowed to leave the settled limits of the colony, except the Jesuits and persons in their service, who, as Champigny insisted, would be able to keep the Indians in the French interest without the help of soldiers.
Strong personal interests were active on both sides, and gave bitterness to the strife65. Frontenac, who always stood by his friends, had placed Tonty, La Forêt, La Motte-Cadillac, and others of their number, in charge of the forest posts, where they made good profit by trade. Moreover, the licenses66 for trading expeditions into the interior were now, as before, used largely for the benefit of his favorites. The Jesuits also declared, and with some truth, that the forest posts were centres of debauchery, and that the licenses for the western trade were the ruin of innumerable young men. All these reasons were laid before the king. In vain Frontenac represented that to abandon the forest posts would be to resign to the English the trade of the interior country, and at last the country itself. The royal ear was open to his opponents, and the royal instincts reinforced their arguments. The king, enamoured of subordination and order, wished to govern Canada as he governed a province of France; and this could be done only by keeping the population within prescribed bounds. Therefore, he commanded that licenses for the forest trade should cease, that the 420 forest posts should be abandoned and destroyed, that all Frenchmen should be ordered back to the settlements, and that none should return under pain of the galleys67. An exception was made in favor of the Jesuits, who were allowed to continue their western missions, subject to restrictions68 designed to prevent them from becoming a cover to illicit69 fur trade. Frontenac was also directed to make peace with the Iroquois, even, if necessary, without including the western allies of France; that is, he was authorized70 by Louis XIV. to pursue the course which had discredited71 and imperilled the colony under the rule of Denonville. [6]
[6] Mémoire du Roy pour Frontenac et Champigny, 26 Mai, 1696; Ibid., 27 Avril, 1697; Registres du Conseil Supérieur, Edit du 21 Mai, 1696.
"Ce qui vous avez mandé de l'accommodement des Sauvages alliés avec les Irocois n'a pas permis à Sa Majesté d'entrer dans la discution de la manière de faire l'abandonnement des postes des Fran?ois dans la profondeur des terres, particulièrement à Missilimackinac … En tout72 cas vous ne devez pas manquer de donner ordre pour ruiner les forts et tous les édifices qui pourront y avoir esté faits." Le Ministre à Frontenac, 26 Mai, 1696.
Besides the above, many other letters and despatches on both sides have been examined in relation to these questions.
The intentions of the king did not take effect. The policy of Frontenac was the true one, whatever motives73 may have entered into his advocacy of it. In view of the geographical74, social, political, and commercial conditions of Canada, the policy of his opponents was impracticable, and nothing less than a perpetual cordon75 of troops could have prevented the Canadians from escaping to the backwoods. In spite of all the evils that attended the forest posts, it would have been a blunder to abandon them. This quickly became apparent. 421 Champigny himself saw the necessity of compromise. The instructions of the king were scarcely given before they were partially76 withdrawn77, and they soon became a dead letter. Even Fort Frontenac was retained after repeated directions to abandon it. The policy of the governor prevailed; the colony returned to its normal methods of growth, and so continued to the end.
Now came the question of peace with the Iroquois, to whose mercy Frontenac was authorized to leave his western allies. He was the last man to accept such permission. Since the burning of Onondaga, the Iroquois negotiations78 with the western tribes had been broken off, and several fights had occurred, in which the confederates had suffered loss and been roused to vengeance79. This was what Frontenac wanted, but at the same time it promised him fresh trouble; for, while he was determined80 to prevent the Iroquois from making peace with the allies without his authority, he was equally determined to compel them to do so with it. There must be peace, though not till he could control its conditions.
The Onondaga campaign, unsatisfactory as it was, had had its effect. Several Iroquois chiefs came to Quebec with overtures81 of peace. They brought no prisoners, but promised to bring them in the spring; and one of them remained as a hostage that the promise should be kept. It was nevertheless broken under English influence; and, instead of a solemn embassy, the council of Onondaga sent a messenger with a wampum belt to tell 422 Frontenac that they were all so engrossed82 in bewailing the recent death of Black Kettle, a famous war chief, that they had no strength to travel; and they begged that Onontio would return the hostage, and send to them for the French prisoners. The messenger farther declared that, though they would make peace with Onontio, they would not make it with his allies. Frontenac threw back the peace-belt into his face. "Tell the chiefs that, if they must needs stay at home to cry about a trifle, I will give them something to cry for. Let them bring me every prisoner, French and Indian, and make a treaty that shall include all my children, or they shall feel my tomahawk again." Then, turning to a number of Ottawas who were present: "You see that I can make peace for myself when I please. If I continue the war, it is only for your sake. I will never make a treaty without including you, and recovering your prisoners like my own."
Thus the matter stood, when a great event took place. Early in February, a party of Dutch and Indians came to Montreal with news that peace had been signed in Europe; and, at the end of May, Major Peter Schuyler, accompanied by Dellius, the minister of Albany, arrived with copies of the treaty in French and Latin. The scratch of a pen at Ryswick had ended the conflict in America, so far at least as concerned the civilized83 combatants. It was not till July that Frontenac received the official announcement from Versailles, coupled with an address from the king to the people of Canada.
423Our Faithful and Beloved,—The moment has arrived ordained84 by Heaven to reconcile the nations. The ratification85 of the treaty concluded some time ago by our ambassadors with those of the Emperor and the Empire, after having made peace with Spain, England, and Holland, has everywhere restored the tranquillity86 so much desired. Strasbourg, one of the chief ramparts of the empire of heresy87, united for ever to the Church and to our Crown; the Rhine established as the barrier between France and Germany; and, what touches us even more, the worship of the True Faith authorized by a solemn engagement with sovereigns of another religion, are the advantages secured by this last treaty. The Author of so many blessings88 manifests Himself so clearly that we cannot but recognize His goodness; and the visible impress of His all-powerful hand is as it were the seal He has affixed89 to justify90 our intent to cause all our realm to serve and obey Him, and to make our people happy. We have begun by the fulfilment of our duty in offering Him the thanks which are His due; and we have ordered the archbishops and bishops91 of our kingdom to cause Te Deum to be sung in the cathedrals of their dioceses. It is our will and our command that you be present at that which will be sung in the cathedral of our city of Quebec, on the day appointed by the Count of Frontenac, our governor and lieutenant-general in New France. Herein fail not, for such is our pleasure.
Louis.[7]
[7] Lettre du Roy pour faire chanter le Te Deum, 12 Mars, 1698.
There was peace between the two crowns; but a serious question still remained between Frontenac and the new governor of New York, the Earl of Bellomont. When Schuyler and Dellius came to Quebec, they brought with them all the French prisoners in the hands of the English of New York, together with a promise from Bellomont that he would order the Iroquois, subjects of the British crown, to deliver to him all those in their possession, and that he would then send them to Canada under 424 a safe escort. The two envoys92 demanded of Frontenac, at the same time, that he should deliver to them all the Iroquois in his hands. To give up Iroquois prisoners to Bellomont, or to receive through him French prisoners whom the Iroquois had captured, would have been an acknowledgment of British sovereignty over the five confederate tribes. Frontenac replied that the earl need give himself no trouble in the matter, as the Iroquois were rebellious94 subjects of King Louis; that they had already repented95 and begged peace; and that, if they did not soon come to conclude it, he should use force to compel them.
Bellomont wrote, in return, that he had sent arms to the Iroquois, with orders to defend themselves if attacked by the French, and to give no quarter to them or their allies; and he added that, if necessary, he would send soldiers to their aid. A few days after, he received fresh news of Frontenac's warlike intentions, and wrote in wrath96 as follows:—
Sir,—Two of our Indians, of the Nation called Onondages, came yesterday to advise me that you had sent two renegades of their Nation to them, to tell them and the other tribes, except the Mohawks, that, in case they did not come to Canada within forty days to solicit97 peace from you, they may expect your marching into their country at the head of an army to constrain98 them thereunto by force. I, on my side, do this very day send my lieutenant-governor with the king's troops to join the Indians, and to oppose any hostilities99 you will attempt; and, if needs be, I will arm every man in the Provinces under my government to repel you, and to make reprisals100 for the damage which you will commit on our Indians. This, in a few words, is the part I will 425 take, and the resolution I have adopted, whereof I have thought it proper by these presents to give you notice.
I am, Sir, yours, &c.,
Earl of Bellemont.
New York, 22d August, 1698.
To arm every man in his government would have been difficult. He did, however, what he could, and ordered Captain Nanfan, the lieutenant-governor, to repair to Albany; whence, on the first news that the French were approaching, he was to march to the relief of the Iroquois with the four shattered companies of regulars and as many of the militia101 of Albany and Ulster as he could muster102. Then the earl sent Wessels, mayor of Albany, to persuade the Iroquois to deliver their prisoners to him, and make no treaty with Frontenac. On the same day, he despatched Captain John Schuyler to carry his letters to the French governor. When Schuyler reached Quebec, and delivered the letters, Frontenac read them with marks of great displeasure. "My Lord Bellomont threatens me," he said. "Does he think that I am afraid of him? He claims the Iroquois, but they are none of his. They call me father, and they call him brother; and shall not a father chastise103 his children when he sees fit?" A conversation followed, in which Frontenac asked the envoy93 what was the strength of Bellomont's government. Schuyler parried the question by a grotesque104 exaggeration, and answered that the earl could bring about a hundred thousand men into the field. Frontenac pretended to believe him, and returned with careless gravity that he had always heard so.
426 The following Sunday was the day appointed for the Te Deum ordered by the king; and all the dignitaries of the colony, with a crowd of lesser105 note, filled the cathedral. There was a dinner of ceremony at the chateau106, to which Schuyler was invited; and he found the table of the governor thronged107 with officers. Frontenac called on his guests to drink the health of King William. Schuyler replied by a toast in honor of King Louis; and the governor next gave the health of the Earl of Bellomont. The peace was then solemnly proclaimed, amid the firing of cannon from the batteries and ships; and the day closed with a bonfire and a general illumination. On the next evening, Frontenac gave Schuyler a letter in answer to the threats of the earl. He had written with trembling hand, but unshaken will and unbending pride:—
"I am determined to pursue my course without flinching108; and I request you not to try to thwart109 me by efforts which will prove useless. All the protection and aid you tell me that you have given, and will continue to give, the Iroquois, against the terms of the treaty, will not cause me much alarm, nor make me change my plans, but rather, on the contrary, engage me to pursue them still more." [8]
[8] On the questions between Bellomont and Frontenac, Relation de ce qui s'est passé, etc., 1697, 1698; Champigny au Ministre, 12 Juillet, 1698; Frontenac au Ministre, 18 Oct., 1698; Frontenac et Champigny au Ministre (lettre commune), 15 Oct., 1698; Calliéres au Ministre, même date, etc. The correspondence of Frontenac and Bellomont, the report of Peter Schuyler and Dellius, the journal of John Schuyler, and other papers on the same subjects, will be found in N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. John Schuyler was grandfather of General Schuyler of the American Revolution. Peter Schuyler and his colleague Dellius brought to Canada all the French prisoners in the hands of the English of New York, and asked for English 427 prisoners in return; but nearly all of these preferred to remain, a remarkable110 proof of the kindness with which the Canadians treated their civilized captives.
As the old soldier traced these lines, the shadow of death was upon him. Toils111 and years, passions and cares, had wasted his strength at last, and his fiery112 soul could bear him up no longer. A few weeks later he was lying calmly on his death-bed.
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stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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cannon
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mortars
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scour
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| v.搜索；擦，洗，腹泻，冲刷 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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ledges
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margin
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lighting
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plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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mingled
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savages
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tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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labyrinths
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19
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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20
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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21
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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22
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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24
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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25
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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26
charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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27
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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28
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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29
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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30
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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31
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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32
hacking
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| n.非法访问计算机系统和数据库的活动 | |
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33
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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34
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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35
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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36
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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37
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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38
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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39
taunts
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| 嘲弄的言语，嘲笑，奚落( taunt的名词复数 ) | |
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40
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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41
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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42
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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43
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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44
contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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45
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
condoled
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| v.表示同情，吊唁( condole的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
benedictions
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| n.祝福( benediction的名词复数 )；（礼拜结束时的）赐福祈祷；恩赐；（大写）（罗马天主教）祈求上帝赐福的仪式 | |
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48
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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49
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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50
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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51
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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52
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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53
tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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54
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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55
perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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56
detraction
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| n.减损；诽谤 | |
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57
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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58
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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59
artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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60
succumb
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| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
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61
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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62
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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63
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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64
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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65
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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66
licenses
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| n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
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67
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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68
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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69
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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70
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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71
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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72
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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73
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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74
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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75
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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76
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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77
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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78
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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79
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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80
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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81
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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82
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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83
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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84
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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85
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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86
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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87
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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88
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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89
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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90
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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91
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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92
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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93
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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94
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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95
repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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97
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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98
constrain
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| vt.限制，约束；克制，抑制 | |
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99
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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100
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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101
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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102
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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103
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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104
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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105
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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106
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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107
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
flinching
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| v.（因危险和痛苦）退缩，畏惧( flinch的现在分词 ) | |
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109
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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110
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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111
toils
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| 网 | |
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112
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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