1694-1704.
DETROIT.
Michilimackinac.—La Mothe-Cadillac: his Disputes with the Jesuits.—Opposing Views.—Plans of Cadillac: his Memorial to the Court; his Opponents.—Detroit founded. The New Company.—Detroit changes Hands.—Strange Act of the Five Nations.
[Pg 17]In the few years of doubtful peace that preceded Queen Anne's War, an enterprise was begun, which, nowise in accord with the wishes and expectations of those engaged in it, was destined1 to produce as its last result an American city.
Antoine de La Mothe-Cadillac commanded at Michilimackinac, whither Frontenac had sent him in 1694. This old mission of the Jesuits, where they had gathered the remnants of the lake tribes dispersed2 by the Iroquois at the middle of the seventeenth century, now savored3 little of its apostolic beginnings. It was the centre of the western fur-trade and the favorite haunt of the coureurs de bois. Brandy and squaws abounded4, and according to the Jesuit Carheil, the spot where Marquette had labored5 was now a witness of scenes the most unedifying.[15]
[Pg 18]At Michilimackinac was seen a curious survival of Huron-Iroquois customs. The villages of the Hurons and Ottawas, which were side by side, separated only by a fence, were surrounded by a common enclosure of triple palisades, which, with the addition of loopholes for musketry, were precisely7 like those seen by Cartier at Hochelaga, and by Champlain in the Onondaga country. The dwellings8 which these defences enclosed were also after the old Huron-Iroquois pattern,—those long arched structures covered with bark which Brébeuf found by the shores of Matchedash Bay, and Jogues on the banks of the Mohawk. Besides the Indians, there was a French colony at the place, chiefly of fur-traders, lodged9 in log-cabins, roofed with cedar10 bark, and forming a street along the shore close to the palisaded villages of the Hurons and Ottawas. The fort, known as Fort Buade, stood at the head of the little bay.[16]
The Hurons and Ottawas were thorough savages12, though the Hurons retained the forms of Roman Catholic Christianity. This tribe, writes Cadillac, "are reduced to a very small number; and it is well for us that they are, for they are ill-disposed and mischievous14, with a turn for intrigue15 and a capacity for large undertakings16. Luckily, their power is not great; but as they cannot play the lion, they play the fox, and do their best to make trouble between us and our allies."
[Pg 19]La Mothe-Cadillac[17] was a captain in the colony troops, and an admirer of the late governor, Frontenac, to whose policy he adhered, and whose prejudices he shared. He was amply gifted with the kind of intelligence that consists in quick observation, sharpened by an inveterate17 spirit of sarcasm18, was energetic, enterprising, well instructed, and a bold and sometimes a visionary schemer, with a restless spirit, a nimble and biting wit, a Gascon impetuosity of temperament19, and as much devotion as an officer of the King was forced to profess20, coupled with small love of priests and an aversion to Jesuits.[18] Carheil and Marest, missionaries21 of that order at Michilimackinac, were objects of his especial antipathy22, which they fully23 returned. The two priests were impatient of a military commandant to whose authority they were in some small measure subjected; and[Pg 20] they imputed24 to him the disorders25 which he did not, and perhaps could not, prevent. They were opposed also to the traffic in brandy, which was favored by Cadillac on the usual ground that it attracted the Indians, and so prevented the English from getting control of the fur-trade,—an argument which he reinforced by sanitary26 considerations based on the supposed unwholesomeness of the fish and smoked meat which formed the chief diet of Michilimackinac. "A little brandy after the meal," he says, with the solemnity of the learned Purgon, "seems necessary to cook the bilious27 meats and the crudities they leave in the stomach."[19]
Cadillac calls Carheil, superior of the mission, the most passionate28 and domineering man he ever knew, and further declares that the Jesuit tried to provoke him to acts of violence, in order to make matter of accusation29 against him. If this was Carheil's aim, he was near succeeding. Once, in a dispute with the commandant on the brandy-trade, he upbraided30 him sharply for permitting it; to which Cadillac replied that he only obeyed the orders of the court. The Jesuit rejoined that he ought to obey God, and not man,—"on which," says the commandant, "I told him that his talk smelt31 of sedition32 a hundred yards off, and begged that he would amend33 it. He told me that I gave myself airs that did not belong to me, holding his fist before my nose at the same time. I confess I almost forgot that he was a priest, and[Pg 21] felt for a moment like knocking his jaw34 out of joint35; but, thank God, I contented36 myself with taking him by the arm, pushing him out, and ordering him not to come back."[20]
Such being the relations of the commandant and the Father Superior, it is not surprising to find the one complaining that he cannot get absolved37 from his sins, and the other painting the morals and manners of Michilimackinac in the blackest colors.
I have spoken elsewhere of the two opposing policies that divided Canada,—the policies of concentration and of expansion, on the one hand leaving the west to the keeping of the Jesuits, and confining the population to the borders of the St. Lawrence; on the other, the occupation of the interior of the continent by posts of war and trade.[21] Through the force of events the latter view had prevailed; yet while the military chiefs of Canada could not but favor it, the Jesuits were unwilling39 to accept it, and various interests in the colony still opposed it openly or secretly. Frontenac had been its strongest champion, and Cadillac followed in his steps. It seemed[Pg 22] to him that the time had come for securing the west for France.
The strait—détroit—which connects Lake Huron with Lake Erie was the most important of all the western passes. It was the key of the three upper lakes, with the vast countries watered by their tributaries40, and it gave Canada her readiest access to the valley of the Mississippi. If the French held it, the English would be shut out from the northwest; if, as seemed likely, the English should seize it, the Canadian fur-trade would be ruined.[22] The possession of it by the French would be a constant curb41 and menace to the Five Nations, as well as a barrier between those still formidable tribes and the western Indians, allies of Canada; and when the intended French establishment at the mouth of the Mississippi should be made, Detroit would be an indispensable link of communication between Canada and Louisiana.
Denonville had recognized the importance of the position, and it was by his orders that Greysolon Du Lhut, in 1686, had occupied it for a time, and built a picket42 fort near the site of Fort Gratiot.[23]
It would be idle to imagine that the motives43 of Cadillac were wholly patriotic44. Fur-trading interests were deeply involved in his plans, and bitter opposition45 was certain. The fur-trade, in its nature, was a constant breeder of discord46. The people of Montreal[Pg 23] would have the tribes come down every summer from the west and northwest and hold a fair under the palisades of their town. It is said that more than four hundred French families lived wholly or in part by this home trade, and therefore regarded with deep jealousy47 the establishment of interior posts, which would forestall48 it. Again, every new western post would draw away trade from those already established, and every trading license49 granted to a company or an individual would rouse the animosity of those who had been licensed50 before. The prosperity of Detroit would be the ruin of Michilimackinac, and those whose interests centred at the latter post angrily opposed the scheme of Cadillac.
He laid his plans before Count de Maurepas by a characteristic memorial, apparently51 written in 1699. In this he proposed to gather all the tribes of the lakes at Detroit, civilize52 them and teach them French, "insomuch that from pagans they would become children of the Church, and therefore good subjects of the King." They will form, he continues, a considerable settlement, "strong enough to bring the English and the Iroquois to reason, or, with help from Montreal, to destroy both of them." Detroit, he adds, should be the seat of trade, which should not be permitted in the countries beyond it. By this regulation the intolerable glut53 of beaver54-skins, which spoils the market, may be prevented. This proposed restriction55 of the beaver-trade to Detroit was enough in itself to raise a tempest against the whole scheme.[Pg 24] "Cadillac well knows that he has enemies," pursues the memorial, "but he keeps on his way without turning or stopping for the noise of the puppies who bark after him."[24]
Among the essential features of his plan was a well-garrisoned fort, and a church, served not by Jesuits alone, but also by Récollet friars and priests of the Missions étrangères. The idea of this ecclesiastical partnership57 was odious58 to the Jesuits, who felt that the west was their proper field, and that only they had a right there. Another part of Cadillac's proposal pleased them no better. This was his plan of civilizing59 the Indians and teaching them to speak French; for it was the reproach of the Jesuit missions that they left the savage11 a savage still, and asked little of him but the practice of certain rites13 and the passive acceptance of dogmas to him incomprehensible.
"It is essential," says the memorial, "that in this matter of teaching the Indians our language the missionaries should act in good faith, and that his Majesty60 should have the goodness to impose his strictest orders upon them; for which there are several good reasons. The first and most stringent61 is that when members of religious orders or other ecclesiastics62 undertake anything, they never let it go. The second is that by not teaching French to[Pg 25] the Indians they make themselves necessary [as interpreters] to the King and the governor. The third is that if all Indians spoke38 French, all kinds of ecclesiastics would be able to instruct them. This might cause them [the Jesuits] to lose some of the presents they get; for though these Reverend Fathers come here only for the glory of God, yet the one thing does not prevent the other,"—meaning that God and Mammon may be served at once. "Nobody can deny that the priests own three quarters of Canada. From St. Paul's Bay to Quebec, there is nothing but the seigniory of Beauport that belongs to a private person. All the rest, which is the best part, belongs to the Jesuits or other ecclesiastics. The Upper Town of Quebec is composed of six or seven superb palaces belonging to Hospital Nuns63, Ursulines, Jesuits, Récollets, Seminary priests, and the bishop64. There may be some forty private houses, and even these pay rent to the ecclesiastics, which shows that the one thing does not prevent the other." From this it will be seen that, in the words of one of his enemies, Cadillac "was not quite in the odor of sanctity."
"One may as well knock one's head against a wall," concludes the memorial, "as hope to convert the Indians in any other way [than that of civilizing them]; for thus far all the fruits of the missions consist in the baptism of infants who die before reaching the age of reason."[25] This was not literally65 true, though the results of the Jesuit missions in the west had been meagre and transient to a surprising degree.
[Pg 26]Cadillac's plan of a settlement at Detroit was not at first received with favor by Callières, the governor; while the intendant Champigny, a fast friend of the Jesuits, strongly opposed it. By their order the chief inhabitants of Quebec met at the Chateau66 St. Louis,—Callières, Champigny, and Cadillac himself being present. There was a heated debate on the beaver-trade, after which the intendant commanded silence, explained the projects of Cadillac, and proceeded to oppose them. His first point was that the natives should not be taught French, because the Indian girls brought up at the Ursuline Convent led looser lives than the young squaws who had received no instruction, while it was much the same with the boys brought up at the Seminary.
"M. de Champigny," returned the sarcastic67 Cadillac, "does great honor to the Ursulines and the Seminary. It is true that some Indian women who have learned our language have lived viciously; but that is because their teachers were too stiff with them, and tried to make them nuns."[26]
Champigny's position, as stated by his adversary68, was that "all intimacy69 of the Indians with the French is dangerous and corrupting70 to their morals," and that their only safety lies in keeping them at a distance from the settlements. This was the view of[Pg 27] the Jesuits, and there is much to be said in its favor; but it remains71 not the less true that conversion72 must go hand in hand with civilization, or it is a failure and a fraud.
Cadillac was not satisfied with the results of the meeting at the Chateau St. Louis, and he wrote to the minister: "You can never hope that this business will succeed if it is discussed here on the spot. Canada is a country of cabals73 and intrigues74, and it is impossible to reconcile so many different interests."[27] He sailed for France, apparently in the autumn of 1699, to urge his scheme at court. Here he had an interview with the colonial minister, Ponchartrain, to whom he represented the military and political expediency75 of his proposed establishment;[28] and in a letter which seems to be addressed to La Touche, chief clerk in the Department of Marine76 and Colonies, he promised that the execution of his plan would insure the safety of Canada and the ruin of the British colonies.[29] He asked for fifty soldiers and fifty Canadians to begin the work, to be followed in the next year by twenty or thirty families and by two hundred picked men of various trades, sent out at the King's charge, along with priests of several communities, and nuns to attend the sick and teach the Indian girls. "I cannot tell you," continues Cadillac,[Pg 28] "the efforts my enemies have made to deprive me of the honor of executing my project; but so soon as M. de Ponchartrain decides in its favor, the whole country will applaud it."
Ponchartrain accepted the plan, and Cadillac returned to Canada commissioned to execute it. Early in June, 1701, he left La Chine with a hundred men in twenty-five canoes loaded with provisions, goods, munitions77, and tools. He was accompanied by Alphonse de Tonty, brother of Henri de Tonty, the companion of La Salle, and by two half-pay lieutenants78, Dugué and Chacornacle, together with a Jesuit and a Récollet.[30] Following the difficult route of the Ottawa and Lake Huron, they reached their destination on the twenty-fourth of July, and built a picket fort sixty yards square, which by order of the governor they named Fort Ponchartrain.[31] It stood near the west bank of the strait, about forty paces from the water.[32] Thus was planted the germ of the city of Detroit.
Cadillac sent back Chacornacle with the report of what he had done, and a description of the country written in a strain of swelling80 and gushing81 rhetoric82 in singular contrast with his usual sarcastic utterances83. "None but enemies of the truth," his letter concludes, "are enemies of this establishment, so[Pg 29] necessary to the glory of the King, the progress of religion, and the destruction of the throne of Baal."[33]
What he had, perhaps, still more at heart was making money out of it by the fur-trade. By command of the King a radical84 change had lately been made in this chief commerce of Canada, and the entire control of it had been placed in the hands of a company in which all Canadians might take shares. But as the risks were great and the conditions ill-defined, the number of subscribers was not much above one hundred and fifty; and the rest of the colony found themselves shut out from the trade,—to the ruin of some, and the injury of all.[34]
All trade in furs was restricted to Detroit and Fort Frontenac, both of which were granted to the company, subject to be resumed by the King at his pleasure.[35] The company was to repay the eighty thousand francs which the expedition to Detroit had cost; and to this were added various other burdens. The King, however, was to maintain the garrison56.
All the affairs of the company were placed in the hands of seven directors, who began immediately to complain that their burdens were too heavy, and to beg for more privileges; while an outcry against the privileges already granted rose from those who had not taken shares in the enterprise. Both in the company[Pg 30] and out of it there was nothing but discontent. None were worse pleased than the two Jesuits Carheil and Marest, who saw their flocks at Michilimackinac, both Hurons and Ottawas, lured85 away to a new home at Detroit. Cadillac took a peculiar86 satisfaction in depriving Carheil of his converts, and in 1703 we find him writing to the minister Ponchartrain, that only twenty-five Hurons are left at Michilimackinac; and "I hope," he adds, "that in the autumn I shall pluck this last feather from his wing; and I am convinced that this obstinate87 priest will die in his parish without one parishioner to bury him."[36]
If the Indians came to Detroit, the French would not come. Cadillac had asked for five or six families as the modest beginning of a settlement; but not one had appeared. The Indians, too, were angry because the company asked too much for its goods; while the company complained that a forbidden trade, fatal to its interests, went on through all the region of the upper lakes. It was easy to ordain88 a monopoly, but impossible to enforce it. The prospects89 of the new establishment were deplorable; and Cadillac lost no time in presenting his views of the situation to the court. "Detroit is good, or it is bad," he writes to[Pg 31] Ponchartrain. "If it is good, it ought to be sustained, without allowing the people of Canada to deliberate any more about it. If it is bad, the court ought to make up its mind concerning it as soon as may be. I have said what I think. I have explained the situation. You have felt the need of Detroit, and its utility for the glory of God, the progress of religion, and the good of the colony. Nothing is left me to do but to imitate the governor of the Holy City,—take water, and wash my hands of it." His aim now appears. He says that if Detroit were made a separate government, and he were put at the head of it, its prospects would improve. "You may well believe that the company cares for nothing but to make a profit out of it. It only wants to have a storehouse and clerks; no officers, no troops, no inhabitants. Take this business in hand, Monseigneur, and I promise that in two years your Detroit shall be established of itself." He then informs the minister that as the company complain of losing money, he has told them that if they will make over their rights to him, he will pay them back all their past outlays90. "I promise you," he informs Ponchartrain, "that if they accept my proposal and you approve it, I will make our Detroit flourish. Judge if it is agreeable to me to have to answer for my actions to five or six merchants [the directors of the company], who not long ago were blacking their masters' boots." He is scarcely more reserved as to the Jesuits. "I do what I can to make them my[Pg 32] friends, but, impiety91 apart, one had better sin against God than against them; for in that case one gets one's pardon, whereas in the other the offence is never forgiven in this world, and perhaps never would be in the other, if their credit were as great there as it is here."[37]
The letters of Cadillac to the court are unique. No governor of New France, not even the audacious Frontenac, ever wrote to a minister of Louis XIV. with such off-hand freedom of language as this singular personage,—a mere92 captain in the colony troops; and to a more stable and balanced character it would have been impossible.
Cadillac's proposal was accepted. The company was required to abandon Detroit to him on his paying them the expenses they had incurred93. Their monopoly was transferred to him; but as far as concerned beaver-skins, his trade was limited to twenty thousand francs a year. The governor was ordered to give him as many soldiers as he might want, permit as many persons to settle at Detroit as might choose to do so, and provide missionaries.[38] The minister exhorted94 him to quarrel no more with the Jesuits, or anybody else, to banish95 blasphemy96 and[Pg 33] bad morals from the post, and not to offend the Five Nations.
The promised era of prosperity did not come. Detroit lingered on in a weak and troubled infancy97, disturbed, as we shall see, by startling incidents. Its occupation by the French produced a noteworthy result. The Five Nations, filled with jealousy and alarm, appealed to the King of England for protection, and, the better to insure it, conveyed the whole country from Lake Ontario northward98 to Lake Superior, and westward99 as far as Chicago, "unto our souveraigne Lord King William the Third" and his heirs and successors forever. This territory is described in the deed as being about eight hundred miles long and four hundred wide, and was claimed by the Five Nations as theirs by right of conquest.[39] It of course included Detroit itself. The conveyance100 was drawn101 by the English authorities at Albany in a form to suit their purposes, and included terms of subjection and sovereignty which the signers could understand but imperfectly, if at all. The Five Nations gave away their land to no purpose. The French remained in undisturbed possession of Detroit. The English made no attempt to enforce their title, but they put the deed on file, and used it long after as the base of their claim to the region of the Lakes.
FOOTNOTES:
[15] See "Old Régime in Canada," 383.
[16] Relation de La Mothe-Cadillac, in Margry, v. 75.
[17] He wrote his name as above. It is often written La Motte, which has the advantage of conveying the pronunciation unequivocally to an unaccustomed English ear. La Mothe-Cadillac came of a good family of Languedoc. His father, Jean de La Mothe, seigneur de Cadillac et de Launay, or Laumet, was a counsellor in the Parliament of Toulouse. The date of young Cadillac's birth is uncertain. The register of his marriage places it in 1661, and that of his death in 1657. Another record, cited by Farmer in his History of Detroit, makes it 1658. In 1703 he himself declared that he was forty-seven years old. After serving as lieutenant79 in the regiment102 of Clairembault, he went to Canada about the year 1683. He became skilled in managing Indians, made himself well acquainted with the coasts of New England, and strongly urged an attack by sea on New York and Boston, as the only sure means of securing French ascendency. He was always in opposition to the clerical party.
[18] See La Mothe-Cadillac à ——, 3 Ao?t, 1695.
[19] La Mothe-Cadillac à ——, 3 Ao?t, 1695.
[20] "Il me dit que je me donnois des airs qui ne m'appartenoient pas, en me portant le poing au nez. Je vous avoue, Monsieur, que je pensai oublier qu'il étoit prêtre, et que je vis le moment où j'allois luy démonter la machoire; mais, Dieu merci, je me contentai de le prendre par6 le bras et de le pousser dehors, avec ordre de n'y plus rentrer." Margry, v. (author's edition), Introduction, civ. This introduction, with other editorial matter, is omitted in the edition of M. Margry's valuable collection, printed under a vote of the American Congress.
[21] See "Count Frontenac," 440.
[22] Robert Livingston urged the occupation of Detroit as early as 1700. N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 650.
[23] Denonville à Du Lhut, 6 Juin, 1686. Count Frontenac, 133.
[24] "Sans se destourner et sans s'arrester au bruit103 des jappereaux qui crient après luy."—Mémoire de La Mothe-Cadillac adressé au Comte de Maurepas.
[25] Mémoire adressé au Comte de Maurepas, in Margry, v. 138.
[27] Rapport au Ministre, 1700.
[28] Cadillac's report of this interview is given in Sheldon, Early History of Michigan, 85-91.
[30] Callières au Ministre, 4 Octobre, 1701. Autre lettre du même, sans date, in Margry, v. 187, 190.
[31] Callières et Champigny au Ministre, sans date.
[32] Relation du Destroit (by the Jesuit who accompanied the expedition).
[33] Description de la Rivière du Détroit, jointe à la lettre de MM. de Callières et de Champigny, 8 Octobre, 1701.
[34] Callières au Ministre, 9 Novembre, 1700.
[35] Traité fait avec la Compagnie de la Colonie de Canada, 31 Octobre, 1701.
[36] Lamothe-Cadillac à Ponchartrain, 31 Aoust, 1703 (Margry, v. 301). On Cadillac's relations with the Jesuits, see Conseils tenus par Lamothe-Cadillac avec les Sauvages (Margry, v. 253-300); also a curious collection of Jesuit letters sent by Cadillac to the minister, with copious106 annotations107 of his own. He excepts from his strictures Father Engelran, who, he says, incurred the ill-will of the other Jesuits by favoring the establishment of Detroit, and he also has a word of commendation for Father Germain.
[37] La Mothe-Cadillac à Ponchartrain, 31 Ao?t, 1703. "Toute impiété à part, il vaudroit mieux pescher contre Dieu que contre eux, parce que d'un costé on en re?oit son pardon, et de l'autre, l'offense, mesme prétendue, n'est jamais remise dans ce monde, et ne le seroit peut-estre jamais dans l'autre, si leur crédit y estoit aussi grand qu'il est dans ce pays."
[38] Ponchartrain à La Mothe-Cadillac, 14 Juin, 1704.
[39] Deed from the Five Nations to the King of their Beaver Hunting Ground, in N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 908. It is signed by the totems of sachems of all the Nations.
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27
bilious
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| adj.胆汁过多的；易怒的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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29
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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30
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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32
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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33
amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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34
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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35
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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36
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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37
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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38
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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39
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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40
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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41
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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42
picket
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| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
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43
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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44
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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45
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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46
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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47
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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48
forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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49
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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50
licensed
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| adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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51
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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52
civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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53
glut
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| n.存货过多，供过于求；v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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54
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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55
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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56
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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57
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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58
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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59
civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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62
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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71
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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72
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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73
cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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75
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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76
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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77
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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78
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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79
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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81
gushing
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| adj.迸出的；涌出的；喷出的；过分热情的v.喷，涌( gush的现在分词 )；滔滔不绝地说话 | |
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82
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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83
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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84
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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85
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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86
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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87
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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88
ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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89
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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90
outlays
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| v.支出，费用( outlay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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91
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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92
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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93
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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94
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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96
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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97
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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98
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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99
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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100
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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101
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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102
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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103
bruit
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| v.散布；n.（听诊时所听到的）杂音；吵闹 | |
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104
rapport
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| n.和睦，意见一致 | |
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105
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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106
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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107
annotations
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| n.注释( annotation的名词复数 )；附注 | |
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