EVE OF WAR.
The Spanish Succession.—Influence of Louis XIV. on History.—French Schemes of Conquest in America.—New York.—Unfitness of the Colonies for War.—The Five Nations.—Doubt and Vacillation1.—The Western Indians.—Trade and Politics.
[Pg 3]The war which in the British colonies was called Queen Anne's War, and in England the War of the Spanish Succession, was the second of a series of four conflicts which ended in giving to Great Britain a maritime3 and colonial preponderance over France and Spain. So far as concerns the colonies and the sea, these several wars may be regarded as a single protracted4 one, broken by intervals5 of truce6. The three earlier of them, it is true, were European contests, begun and waged on European disputes. Their American part was incidental and apparently7 subordinate, yet it involved questions of prime importance in the history of the world.
[Pg 4]The War of the Spanish Succession sprang from the ambition of Louis XIV. We are apt to regard the story of that gorgeous monarch8 as a tale that is told; but his influence shapes the life of nations to this day. At the beginning of his reign9 two roads lay before him, and it was a momentous10 question for posterity11, as for his own age, which one of them he would choose,—whether he would follow the wholesome12 policy of his great minister Colbert, or obey his own vanity and arrogance13, and plunge14 France into exhausting wars; whether he would hold to the principle of tolerance15 embodied16 in the Edict of Nantes, or do the work of fanaticism17 and priestly ambition. The one course meant prosperity, progress, and the rise of a middle class; the other meant bankruptcy18 and the Dragonades,—and this was the King's choice. Crushing taxation19, misery20, and ruin followed, till France burst out at last in a frenzy21, drunk with the wild dreams of Rousseau. Then came the Terror and the Napoleonic wars, and reaction on reaction, revolution on revolution, down to our own day.
Louis placed his grandson on the throne of Spain, and insulted England by acknowledging as her rightful King the son of James II., whom she had deposed22. Then England declared war. Canada and the northern British colonies had had but a short breathing time since the Peace of Ryswick; both were tired of slaughtering23 each other, and both needed rest. Yet before the declaration of war, the Canadian officers of the Crown prepared, with their usual energy, to meet[Pg 5] the expected crisis. One of them wrote: "If war be declared, it is certain that the King can very easily conquer and ruin New England." The French of Canada often use the name "New England" as applying to the British colonies in general. They are twice as populous24 as Canada, he goes on to say; but the people are great cowards, totally undisciplined, and ignorant of war, while the Canadians are brave, hardy25, and well trained. We have, besides, twenty-eight companies of regulars, and could raise six thousand warriors26 from our Indian allies. Four thousand men could easily lay waste all the northern English colonies, to which end we must have five ships of war, with one thousand troops on board, who must land at Penobscot, where they must be joined by two thousand regulars, militia27, and Indians, sent from Canada by way of the Chaudière and the Kennebec. Then the whole force must go to Portsmouth, take it by assault, leave a garrison28 there, and march to Boston, laying waste all the towns and villages by the way; after destroying Boston, the army must march for New York, while the fleet follows along the coast. "Nothing could be easier," says the writer, "for the road is good, and there is plenty of horses and carriages. The troops would ruin everything as they advanced, and New York would quickly be destroyed and burned."[1]
Another plan, scarcely less absurd, was proposed[Pg 6] about the same time by the celebrated29 Le Moyne d'Iberville. The essential point, he says, is to get possession of Boston; but there are difficulties and risks in the way. Nothing, he adds, referring to the other plan, seems difficult to persons without experience; but unless we are prepared to raise a great and costly30 armament, our only hope is in surprise. We should make it in winter, when the seafaring population, which is the chief strength of the place, is absent on long voyages. A thousand Canadians, four hundred regulars, and as many Indians should leave Quebec in November, ascend31 the Chaudière, then descend32 the Kennebec, approach Boston under cover of the forest, and carry it by a night attack. Apparently he did not know that but for its lean neck—then but a few yards wide—Boston was an island, and that all around for many leagues the forest that was to have covered his approach had already been devoured33 by numerous busy settlements. He offers to lead the expedition, and declares that if he is honored with the command, he will warrant that the New England capital will be forced to submit to King Louis, after which New York can be seized in its turn.[2]
In contrast to those incisive34 proposals, another French officer breathed nothing but peace. Brouillan,[Pg 7] governor of Acadia, wrote to the governor of Massachusetts to suggest that, with the consent of their masters, they should make a treaty of neutrality. The English governor being dead, the letter came before the council, who received it coldly. Canada, and not Acadia, was the enemy they had to fear. Moreover, Boston merchants made good profit by supplying the Acadians with necessaries which they could get in no other way; and in time of war these profits, though lawless, were greater than in time of peace. But what chiefly influenced the council against the overtures35 of Brouillan was a passage in his letter reminding them that, by the Treaty of Ryswick, the New England people had no right to fish within sight of the Acadian coast. This they flatly denied, saying that the New England people had fished there time out of mind, and that if Brouillan should molest36 them, they would treat it as an act of war.[3]
While the New England colonies, and especially Massachusetts and New Hampshire, had most cause to deprecate a war, the prospect37 of one was also extremely unwelcome to the people of New York. The conflict lately closed had borne hard upon them[Pg 8] through the attacks of the enemy, and still more through the derangement38 of their industries. They were distracted, too, with the factions39 rising out of the recent revolution under Jacob Leisler. New York had been the bulwark40 of the colonies farther south, who, feeling themselves safe, had given their protector little help, and that little grudgingly41, seeming to regard the war as no concern of theirs. Three thousand and fifty-one pounds, provincial42 currency, was the joint43 contribution of Virginia, Maryland, East Jersey44, and Connecticut to the aid of New York during five years of the late war.[4] Massachusetts could give nothing, even if she would, her hands being full with the defence of her own borders. Colonel Quary wrote to the Board of Trade that New York could not bear alone the cost of defending herself; that the other colonies were "stuffed with commonwealth45 notions," and were "of a sour temper in opposition46 to government," so that Parliament ought to take them in hand and compel each to do its part in the common cause.[5] To this Lord Cornbury adds that Rhode Island and Connecticut are even more stubborn than the rest, hate all true subjects of the Queen, and will not give a farthing to the war so long as they can help it.[6] Each province lived in selfish isolation47, recking little of its neighbor's woes48.
[Pg 9]New York, left to fight her own battles, was in a wretched condition for defence. It is true that, unlike the other colonies, the King had sent her a few soldiers, counting at this time about one hundred and eighty, all told;[7] but they had been left so long without pay that they were in a state of scandalous destitution49. They would have been left without rations50 had not three private gentlemen—Schuyler, Livingston, and Cortlandt—advanced money for their supplies, which seems never to have been repaid.[8] They are reported to have been "without shirts, breeches, shoes, or stockings," and "in such a shameful51 condition that the women when passing them are obliged to cover their eyes." "The Indians ask," says the governor, "'Do you think us such fools as to believe that a king who cannot clothe his soldiers can protect us from the French, with their fourteen hundred men all well equipped?'"[9]
The forts were no better than their garrisons52. The governor complains that those of Albany and Schenectady "are so weak and ridiculous that they look more like pounds for cattle than forts." At Albany the rotten stockades53 were falling from their own weight.
If New York had cause to complain of those whom she sheltered, she herself gave cause of complaint to those who sheltered her. The Five Nations of the Iroquois had always been her allies against the[Pg 10] French, had guarded her borders and fought her battles. What they wanted in return were gifts, attentions, just dealings, and active aid in war; but they got them in scant54 measure. Their treatment by the province was short-sighted, if not ungrateful. New York was a mixture of races and religions not yet fused into a harmonious55 body politic2, divided in interests and torn with intestine56 disputes. Its Assembly was made up in large part of men unfitted to pursue a consistent scheme of policy, or spend the little money at their disposal on any objects but those of present and visible interest. The royal governors, even when personally competent, were hampered57 by want of means and by factious58 opposition. The Five Nations were robbed by land-speculators, cheated by traders, and feebly supported in their constant wars with the French. Spasmodically, as it were, on occasions of crisis, they were summoned to Albany, soothed59 with such presents as could be got from unwilling60 legislators, or now and then from the Crown, and exhorted61 to fight vigorously in the common cause. The case would have been far worse but for a few patriotic62 men, with Peter Schuyler at their head, who understood the character of these Indians, and labored63 strenuously64 to keep them in what was called their allegiance.
The proud and fierce confederates had suffered greatly in the late war. Their numbers had been reduced about one half, and they now counted little more than twelve hundred warriors. They had[Pg 11] learned a bitter and humiliating lesson, and their arrogance had changed to distrust and alarm. Though hating the French, they had learned to respect their military activity and prowess, and to look askance on the Dutch and English, who rarely struck a blow in their defence, and suffered their hereditary65 enemy to waste their fields and burn their towns. The English called the Five Nations British subjects, on which the French taunted66 them with being British slaves, and told them that the King of England had ordered the governor of New York to poison them. This invention had great effect. The Iroquois capital, Onondaga, was filled with wild rumors67. The credulous68 savages69 were tossed among doubts, suspicions, and fears. Some were in terror of poison, and some of witchcraft70. They believed that the rival European nations had leagued to destroy them and divide their lands, and that they were bewitched by sorcerers, both French and English.[10]
After the Peace of Ryswick, and even before it, the French governor kept agents among them. Some of these were soldiers, like Joncaire, Maricourt, or Longueuil, and some were Jesuits, like Bruyas, Lamberville, or Vaillant. The Jesuits showed their usual ability and skill in their difficult and perilous71 task. The Indians derived72 various advantages from their presence, which they regarded also as a flattering attention; while the English, jealous of their influence, made feeble attempts to counteract73 it by[Pg 12] sending Protestant clergymen to Onondaga. "But," writes Lord Bellomont, "it is next to impossible to prevail with the ministers to live among the Indians. They [the Indians] are so nasty as never to wash their hands, or the utensils74 they dress their victuals75 with."[11] Even had their zeal76 been proof to these afflictions, the ministers would have been no match for their astute77 opponents. In vain Bellomont assured the Indians that the Jesuits were "the greatest lyars and impostors in the world."[12] In vain he offered a hundred dollars for every one of them whom they should deliver into his hands. They would promise to expel them; but their minds were divided, and they stood in fear of one another. While one party distrusted and disliked the priests, another was begging the governor of Canada to send more. Others took a practical view of the question. "If the English sell goods cheaper than the French, we will have ministers; if the French sell them cheaper than the English, we will have priests." Others, again, wanted neither Jesuits nor ministers, "because both of you [English and French] have made us drunk with the noise of your praying."[13]
The aims of the propagandists on both sides were secular78. The French wished to keep the Five Nations neutral in the event of another war; the[Pg 13] English wished to spur them to active hostility79; but while the former pursued their purpose with energy and skill, the efforts of the latter were intermittent80 and generally feeble.
"The Nations," writes Schuyler, "are full of factions." There was a French party and an English party in every town, especially in Onondaga, the centre of intrigue81. French influence was strongest at the western end of the confederacy, among the Senecas, where the French officer Joncaire, an Iroquois by adoption82, had won many to France; and it was weakest at the eastern end, among the Mohawks, who were nearest to the English settlements. Here the Jesuits had labored long and strenuously in the work of conversion83, and from time to time they had led their numerous proselytes to remove to Canada, where they settled at St. Louis, or Caughnawaga, on the right bank of the St. Lawrence, a little above Montreal, where their descendants still remain. It is said that at the beginning of the eighteenth century two-thirds of the Mohawks had thus been persuaded to cast their lot with the French, and from enemies to become friends and allies. Some of the Oneidas and a few of the other Iroquois nations joined them and strengthened the new mission settlement; and the Caughnawagas afterwards played an important part between the rival European colonies.
The "Far Indians," or "Upper Nations," as the French called them, consisted of the tribes of the[Pg 14] Great Lakes and adjacent regions, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Sacs, Foxes, Sioux, and many more. It was from these that Canada drew the furs by which she lived. Most of them were nominal84 friends and allies of the French, who in the interest of trade strove to keep these wild-cats from tearing one another's throats, and who were in constant alarm lest they should again come to blows with their old enemies, the Five Nations, in which case they would call on Canada for help, thus imperilling those pacific relations with the Iroquois confederacy which the French were laboring85 constantly to secure.
In regard to the "Far Indians," the French, the English, and the Five Iroquois Nations all had distinct and opposing interests. The French wished to engross86 their furs, either by inducing the Indians to bring them down to Montreal, or by sending traders into their country to buy them. The English, with a similar object, wished to divert the "Far Indians" from Montreal and draw them to Albany; but this did not suit the purpose of the Five Nations, who, being sharp politicians and keen traders, as well as bold and enterprising warriors, wished to act as middle-men between the beaver-hunting tribes and the Albany merchants, well knowing that good profit might thus accrue87. In this state of affairs the converted Iroquois settled at Caughnawaga played a peculiar88 part. In the province of New York, goods for the Indian trade were of excellent quality and comparatively abundant and cheap; while among the[Pg 15] French, especially in time of war, they were often scarce and dear. The Caughnawagas accordingly, whom neither the English nor the French dared offend, used their position to carry on a contraband89 trade between New York and Canada. By way of Lake Champlain and the Hudson they brought to Albany furs from the country of the "Far Indians," and exchanged them for guns, blankets, cloths, knives, beads90, and the like. These they carried to Canada and sold to the French traders, who in this way, and often in this alone, supplied themselves with the goods necessary for bartering91 furs from the "Far Indians." This lawless trade of the Caughnawagas went on even in time of war; and opposed as it was to every principle of Canadian policy, it was generally connived92 at by the French authorities as the only means of obtaining the goods necessary for keeping their Indian allies in good humor.
It was injurious to English interests; but the fur-traders of Albany and also the commissioners93 charged with Indian affairs, being Dutchmen converted by force into British subjects, were, with a few eminent94 exceptions, cool in their devotion to the British Crown; while the merchants of the port of New York, from whom the fur-traders drew their supplies, thought more of their own profits than of the public good. The trade with Canada through the Caughnawagas not only gave aid and comfort to the enemy, but continually admitted spies into the[Pg 16] colony, from whom the governor of Canada gained information touching95 English movements and designs.
The Dutch traders of Albany and the importing merchants who supplied them with Indian goods had a strong interest in preventing active hostilities96 with Canada, which would have spoiled their trade. So, too, and for similar reasons, had influential97 persons in Canada. The French authorities, moreover, thought it impolitic to harass98 the frontiers of New York by war parties, since the Five Nations might come to the aid of their Dutch and English allies, and so break the peaceful relations which the French were anxious to maintain with them. Thus it happened that, during the first six or seven years of the eighteenth century, there was a virtual truce between Canada and New York, and the whole burden of the war fell upon New England, or rather upon Massachusetts, with its outlying district of Maine and its small and weak neighbor, New Hampshire.[14]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Premier99 Projet pour L'Expédition contre la Nouvelle Angleterre, 1701. Second Projet, etc. Compare N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 725.
[2] Mémoire du Sieur d'Iberville sur Boston et ses Dépendances, 1700 (1701?). Baron100 de Saint-Castin also drew up a plan for attacking Boston in 1702 with lists of necessary munitions101 and other supplies.
[3] Brouillan à Bellomont, 10 Ao?t, 1701. Conseil de Baston à Brouillan, 22 Ao?t, 1701. Brouillan acted under royal orders, having been told, in case of war being declared, to propose a treaty with New England, unless he should find that he can "se garantir des insultes des Anglais" and do considerable harm to their trade, in which case he is to make no treaty. Mémoire du Roy au Sieur de Brouillan, 23 Mars, 1700.
[4] Schuyler, Colonial New York, i. 431, 432.
[5] Colonel Quary to the Lords of Trade, 16 June, 1703.
[6] Cornbury to the Lords of Trade, 9 September, 1703.
[7] Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 28 February, 1700.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Schuyler, Colonial New York, i. 488.
[10] N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 658.
[11] Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 17 October, 1700.
[12] Conference of Bellomont with the Indians, 26 August, 1700.
[13] Journal of Bleeker and Schuyler on their visit to Onondaga, August, September, 1701.
[14] The foregoing chapter rests on numerous documents in the Public Record Office, Archives de la Marine102, Archives Nationales, N. Y. Colonial Documents, vols. iv. v. ix., and the Second and Third Series of the Correspondance Officielle at Ottawa.
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vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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monarch
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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momentous
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posterity
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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arrogance
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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fanaticism
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bankruptcy
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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frenzy
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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populous
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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militia
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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celebrated
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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incisive
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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molest
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prospect
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derangement
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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bulwark
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grudgingly
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provincial
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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engross
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| v.使全神贯注 | |
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accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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bartering
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的现在分词 ) | |
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connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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101
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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102
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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