LOUISBOURG AND ACADIA.
Peace of Utrecht.—Perilous Questions.—Louisbourg founded.—Annapolis attacked.—Position of the Acadians.—Weakness of the British Garrison2.—Apathy3 of the Ministry4.—French Intrigue5.—Clerical Politicians.—The Oath of Allegiance.—Acadians refuse it: their Expulsion proposed; they take the Oath.
[Pg 183]The great European war was drawing to an end, and with it the American war, which was but its echo. An avalanche6 of defeat and disaster had fallen upon the old age of Louis XIV., and France was burdened with an insupportable load of debt. The political changes in England came to her relief. Fifty years later, when the elder Pitt went out of office and Bute came in, France had cause to be grateful; for the peace of 1763 was far more favorable to her than it would have been under the imperious war minister. It was the same in 1712. The Whigs who had fallen from power would have wrung7 every advantage from France; the triumphant8 Tories were eager to close with her on any terms not so easy as to excite popular indignation. The result[Pg 184] was the Treaty of Utrecht, which satisfied none of the allies of England, and gave to France conditions more favorable than she had herself proposed two years before. The fall of Godolphin and the disgrace of Marlborough were a godsend to her.
Yet in America Louis XIV. made important concessions10. The Five Nations of the Iroquois were acknowledged to be British subjects; and this became in future the preposterous12 foundation for vast territorial13 claims of England. Hudson Bay, Newfoundland, and Acadia, "according to its ancient limits," were also given over by France to her successful rival; though the King parted from Acadia with a reluctance14 shown by the great offers he made for permission to retain it.[185]
But while the Treaty of Utrecht seemed to yield so much, and yielded so much in fact, it staved off the settlement of questions absolutely necessary for future peace. The limits of Acadia, the boundary line between Canada and the British colonies, and the boundary between those colonies and the great western wilderness15 claimed by France, were all left unsettled, since the attempt to settle them would have rekindled17 the war. The peace left the embers of war still smouldering, sure, when the time should come, to burst into flame. The next thirty years were years of chronic19, smothered20 war, disguised,[Pg 185] but never quite at rest. The standing21 subjects of dispute were three, very different in importance. First, the question of Acadia: whether the treaty gave England a vast country, or only a strip of seacoast. Next, that of northern New England and the Abenaki Indians, many of whom French policy still left within the borders of Maine, and whom both powers claimed as subjects or allies. Last and greatest was the question whether France or England should hold the valleys of the Mississippi and the Great Lakes, and with them the virtual control of the continent. This was the triple problem that tormented22 the northern English colonies for more than a generation, till it found a solution at last in the Seven Years' War.
Louis XIV. had deeply at heart the recovery of Acadia. Yet the old and infirm King, whose sun was setting in clouds after half a century of unrivalled splendor23, felt that peace was a controlling necessity, and he wrote as follows to his plenipotentiaries at Utrecht: "It is so important to prevent the breaking off of the negotiations25 that the King will give up both Acadia and Cape26 Breton, if necessary for peace; but the plenipotentiaries will yield this point only in the last extremity27, for by this double cession11 Canada will become useless, the access to it will be closed, the fisheries will come to an end, and the French marine28 be utterly29 destroyed."[186] And he adds that if the English will restore Acadia, he, the King, will[Pg 186] give them, not only St. Christopher, but also the islands of St. Martin and St. Bartholomew.
The plenipotentiaries replied that the offer was refused, and that the best they could do without endangering the peace was to bargain that Cape Breton should belong to France.[187] On this, the King bid higher still for the coveted30 province, and promised that if Acadia were returned to him, the fortifications of Placentia should be given up untouched, the cannon31 in the forts of Hudson Bay abandoned to the English, and the Newfoundland fisheries debarred to Frenchmen,[188]—a remarkable32 concession9; for France had fished on the banks of Newfoundland for two centuries, and they were invaluable33 to her as a nursery of sailors. Even these offers were rejected, and England would not resign Acadia.
Cape Breton was left to the French. This large island, henceforth called by its owners Isle35 Royale, lies east of Acadia, and is separated from it only by the narrow Strait of Canseau. From its position, it commands the chief entrance of the gulf36 and river of St. Lawrence. Some years before, the intendant Raudot had sent to the court an able paper, in which he urged its occupation and settlement, chiefly on commercial and industrial grounds. The war was then at its height; the plan was not carried into[Pg 187] effect, and Isle Royale was still a wilderness. It was now proposed to occupy it for military and political reasons. One of its many harbors, well fortified37 and garrisoned38, would guard the approaches of Canada, and in the next war furnish a base for attacking New England and recovering Acadia.
After some hesitation39 the harbor called Port à l'Anglois was chosen for the proposed establishment, to which the name of Louisbourg was given, in honor of the King. It lies near the southeastern point of the island, where an opening in the ironbound coast, at once easily accessible and easily defended, gives entrance to a deep and sheltered basin, where a fleet of war-ships may find good anchorage. The proposed fortress40 was to be placed on the tongue of land that lies between this basin and the sea. The place, well chosen from the point of view of the soldier or the fisherman, was unfit for an agricultural colony, its surroundings being barren hills studded with spruce and fir, and broad marshes41 buried in moss42.
In spite of the losses and humiliations of the war, great expectations were formed from the new scheme. Several years earlier, when the proposals of Raudot were before the Marine Council, it was confidently declared that a strong fortress on Cape Breton would make the King master of North America. The details of the establishment were settled in advance. The King was to build the fortifications, supply them with cannon, send out eight companies of soldiers,[Pg 188] besides all the usual officers of government, establish a well-endowed hospital, conducted by nuns43, as at Quebec, provide Jesuits and Récollets as chaplains, besides Filles de la Congrégation to teach girls, send families to the spot, support them for two years, and furnish a good number of young women to marry the soldiers.[189]
This plan, or something much like it, was carried into effect. Louisbourg was purely44 and solely45 the offspring of the Crown and its ally, the Church. In time it grew into a compact fishing town of about four thousand inhabitants, with a strong garrison and a circuit of formidable ramparts and batteries. It became by far the strongest fortress on the Atlantic coast, and so famous as a resort of privateers that it was known as the Dunquerque of America.
What concerns us now is its weak and troubled infancy46. It was to be peopled in good part from the two lost provinces of Acadia and Newfoundland, whose inhabitants were to be transported to Louisbourg or other parts of Isle Royale, which would thus be made at once and at the least possible cost a dangerous neighbor to the newly acquired possessions of England. The Micmacs of Acadia, and even some of the Abenakis, were to be included in this scheme of immigration.
In the autumn, the commandant of Plaisance, or Placentia,—the French stronghold in Newfoundland,—received the following mandate47 from the King:[Pg 189]—
Monsieur de Costebelle,—I have caused my orders to be given you to evacuate48 the town and forts of Plaisance and the other places of your government of Newfoundland, ceded49 to my dear sister the Queen of Great Britain. I have given my orders for the equipment of the vessels50 necessary to make the evacuation and transport you, with the officers, garrison, and inhabitants of Plaisance and other places of Newfoundland, to my Isle Royale, vulgarly called Cape Breton; but as the season is so far advanced that this cannot be done without exposing my troops and my subjects to perishing from cold and misery52, and placing my vessels in evident peril1 of wreck53, I have judged it proper to defer54 the transportation till the next spring.[190]
The inhabitants of Placentia consisted only of twenty-five or thirty poor fishermen, with their families,[191] and some of them would gladly have become English subjects and stayed where they were; but no choice was given them. "Nothing," writes Costebelle, "can cure them of the error, to which they obstinately55 cling, that they are free to stay or go, as best suits their interest."[192] They and their fishing-boats were in due time transported to Isle Royale, where for a while their sufferings were extreme.
Attempts were made to induce the Indians of Acadia to move to the new colony; but they refused, and to compel them was out of the question. But[Pg 190] by far the most desirable accession to the establishment of Isle Royale would be that of the Acadian French, who were too numerous to be transported in the summary manner practised in the case of the fishermen of Placentia. It was necessary to persuade rather than compel them to migrate, and to this end great reliance was placed on their priests, especially Fathers Pain and Dominique. Ponchartrain himself wrote to the former on the subject. The priest declares that he read the letter to his flock, who answered that they wished to stay in Acadia; and he adds that the other Acadians were of the same mind, being unwilling56 to leave their rich farms and risk starvation on a wild and barren island.[193] "Nevertheless," he concludes, "we shall fulfil the intentions of his Majesty57 by often holding before their eyes that religion for which they ought to make every sacrifice." He and his brother priests kept their word. Freedom of worship was pledged on certain conditions to the Acadians by the Treaty of Utrecht, and no attempt was ever made to deprive them of it; yet the continual declaration of their missionaries58 that their souls were in danger under English rule was the strongest spur to impel59 them to migrate.
The condition of the English in Acadia since it fell into their hands had been a critical one. Port Royal, thenceforth called Annapolis Royal, or simply Annapolis, had been left, as before mentioned, in[Pg 191] charge of Colonel Vetch, with a heterogeneous60 garrison of four hundred and fifty men.[194] The Acadians of the banlieue—a term defined as covering a space of three miles round the fort—had been included in the capitulation, and had taken an oath of allegiance to Queen Anne, binding61 so long as they remained in the province. Some of them worked, for the garrison and helped to repair the fort, which was in a ruinous condition. Meanwhile the Micmac Indians remained fiercely hostile to the English; and in June, 1711, aided by a band of Penobscots, they ambuscaded and killed or captured nearly seventy of them. This completely changed the attitude of the Acadians. They broke their oath, rose against their new masters, and with their Indian friends, invested the fort to the number of five or six hundred. Disease, desertion, and the ambuscade had reduced the garrison to about two hundred effective men, and the defences of the place were still in bad condition.[195] The assailants, on the other hand, had no better leader than the priest, Gaulin, missionary63 of the Micmacs[Pg 192] and prime mover in the rising. He presently sailed for Placentia to beg for munitions64 and a commander; but his errand failed, the siege came to nought65, and the besiegers dispersed66. Vaudreuil, from whom the Acadians had begged help, was about to send it when news of the approach of Walker's fleet forced him to keep all his strength for his own defence.
From this time to the end of the war, the chief difficulties of the governor of Acadia rose, not from the enemy, but from the British authorities at home. For more than two years he, with his starved and tattered67 garrison, were treated with absolute neglect. He received no orders, instructions, or money.[196] Acadia seemed forgotten by the ministry, till Vetch heard at last that Nicholson was appointed to succeed him.
Now followed the Treaty of Utrecht, the cession of Acadia to England, and the attempt on the part of France to induce the Acadians to remove to Isle Royale. Some of the English officials had once been of opinion that this French Catholic population should be transported to Martinique or some other distant French colony, and its place supplied by Protestant families sent from England or Ireland.[197] Since the English Revolution, Protestantism was bound up with the new political order, and Catholicism[Pg 193] with the old. No Catholic could favor the Protestant succession, and hence politics were inseparable from creed68. Vetch, who came of a race of hot and stubborn Covenanters, had been one of the most earnest for replacing the Catholic Acadians by Protestants; but after the peace he and others changed their minds. No Protestant colonists69 appeared, nor was there the smallest sign that the government would give itself the trouble to attract any. It was certain that if the Acadians removed at all, they would go, not to Martinique or any other distant colony, but to the new military establishment of Isle Royale, which would thus become a strong and dangerous neighbor to the feeble British post of Annapolis. Moreover, the labor70 of the French inhabitants was useful and sometimes necessary to the English garrison, which depended mainly on them for provisions; and if they left the province, they would leave it a desert, with the prospect71 of long remaining so.
Hence it happened that the English were for a time almost as anxious to keep the Acadians in Acadia as they were forty years later to get them out of it; nor had the Acadians themselves any inclination72 to leave their homes. But the French authorities needed them at Isle Royale, and made every effort to draw them thither73. By the fourteenth article of the Treaty of Utrecht such of them as might choose to leave Acadia were free to do so within the space of a year, carrying with them their personal[Pg 194] effects; while a letter of Queen Anne, addressed to Nicholson, then governor of Acadia, permitted the emigrants74 to sell their lands and houses.
The missionary Félix Pain had reported, as we have seen, that they were, in general, disposed to remain where they were; on which Costebelle, who now commanded at Louisbourg, sent two officers, La Ronde Denys and Pensens, with instructions to set the priests at work to persuade their flocks to move.[198] La Ronde Denys and his colleague repaired to Annapolis, where they promised the inhabitants vessels for their removal, provisions for a year, and freedom from all taxation75 for ten years. Then, having been well prepared in advance, the heads of families were formed in a circle, and in presence of the English governor, the two French officers, and the priests Justinien, Bonaventure, and Gaulin, they all signed, chiefly with crosses, a paper to the effect that they would live and die subjects of the King of France.[199] A few embarked76 at once for Isle Royale in the vessel51 "Marie-Joseph," and the rest were to follow within the year.
This result was due partly to the promises of La Ronde Denys, and still more to a pastoral letter from the Bishop77 of Quebec, supporting the assurances of the missionaries that the heretics would rob them of the ministrations of the Church. This was not[Pg 195] all. The Acadians about Annapolis had been alienated78 by the conduct of the English authorities, which was not conciliating, and on the part of the governor was sometimes outrageous79.[200] Yet those of the banlieue had no right to complain, since they had made themselves liable to the penalties of treason by first taking an oath of allegiance to Queen Anne, and then breaking it by trying to seize her fort.[201]
Governor Nicholson, like his predecessor80, was resolved to keep the Acadians in the province if he could. This personage, able, energetic, perverse81, headstrong, and unscrupulous, conducted himself, even towards the English officers and soldiers, in a manner that seems unaccountable, and that kindled18 their utmost indignation.[202] Towards the Acadians his behavior was still worse. As Costebelle did not keep his promise to send vessels to bring them to Isle Royale, they built small ones for themselves, and the French authorities at Louisbourg sent them the necessary rigging. Nicholson ordered it back, forbade the sale of their lands and houses,—a needless stretch of power, as there was nobody to buy,—and would not let them sell even their personal[Pg 196] effects, coolly setting at nought both the Treaty of Utrecht and the letter of the Queen.[203]
Nicholson was but a short time at Annapolis, leaving the government, during most of his term, to his deputies, Caulfield and afterwards Doucette, both of whom roundly denounce their principal for his general conduct; while both, in one degree or another, followed his example in preventing so far as they could the emigration of the Acadians. Some of them, however, got away, and twelve or fifteen families who settled at Port Toulouse, on Isle Royale, were near perishing from cold and hunger.[204]
From Annapolis the French agents, La Ronde Denys and Pensens, proceeded to the settlements about Chignecto and the Basin of Mines,—the most populous82 and prosperous parts of Acadia. Here they were less successful than before. The people were doubtful and vacillating,—ready enough to promise, but slow to perform. While declaring with perfect sincerity83 their devotion to "our invincible84 monarch85," as they called King Louis, who had just been compelled to surrender their country, they clung tenaciously86 to the abodes87 of their fathers. If they had wished to emigrate, the English governor had no power to stop them. From Baye Verte, on the isthmus88, they had frequent and easy communication[Pg 197] with the French at Louisbourg, which the English did not and could not interrupt. They were armed, and they far outnumbered the English garrison; while at a word they could bring to their aid the Micmac warriors89, who had been taught to detest90 the English heretics as foes91 of God and man. To say that they wished to leave Acadia, but were prevented from doing so by a petty garrison at the other end of the province, so feeble that it could hardly hold Annapolis itself, is an unjust reproach upon a people who, though ignorant and weak of purpose, were not wanting in physical courage. The truth is that from this time to their forced expatriation in 1755, all the Acadians, except those of Annapolis and its immediate92 neighborhood, were free to go or stay at will. Those of the eastern parts of the province especially, who formed the greater part of the population, were completely their own masters. This was well known to the French authorities. The governor of Louisbourg complains of the apathy of the Acadians.[205] Saint-Ovide declares that they do not want to fulfil the intentions of the King and remove to Isle Royale. Costebelle makes the same complaint; and again, after three years of vain attempts to overcome their reluctance, he writes that every effort has failed to induce them to migrate.
From this time forward the state of affairs in Acadia was a peculiar93 one. By the Treaty of Utrecht it was a British province, and the nominal94 sovereignty[Pg 198] resided at Annapolis, in the keeping of the miserable95 little fort and the puny96 garrison, which as late as 1743 consisted of but five companies, counting, when the ranks were full, thirty-one men each.[206] More troops were often asked for, and once or twice were promised; but they were never sent. "This has been hitherto no more than a mock government, its authority never yet having extended beyond cannon-shot of the fort," wrote Governor Philipps in 1720. "It would be more for the honour of the Crown, and profit also, to give back the country to the French, than to be contented97 with the name only of government."[207] Philipps repaired the fort, which, as the engineer Mascarene says, "had lain tumbling down" before his arrival; but Annapolis and the whole province remained totally neglected and almost forgotten by England till the middle of the century. At one time the soldiers were in so ragged98 a plight99 that Lieutenant-Colonel Armstrong was forced to clothe them at his own expense.[208]
While this seat of British sovereignty remained in unchanging feebleness for more than forty years, the French Acadians were multiplying apace. Before[Pg 199] 1749 they were the only white inhabitants of the province, except ten or twelve English families who, about the year 1720, lived under the guns of Annapolis. At the time of the cession the French population seems not to have exceeded two thousand souls, about five hundred of whom lived within the banlieue of Annapolis, and were therefore more or less under English control. They were all alike a simple and ignorant peasantry, prosperous in their humble100 way, and happy when rival masters ceased from troubling, though vexed101 with incessant102 quarrels among themselves, arising from the unsettled boundaries of their lands, which had never been properly surveyed. Their mental horizon was of the narrowest, their wants were few, no military service was asked of them by the English authorities, and they paid no taxes to the government. They could even indulge their strong appetite for litigation free of cost; for when, as often happened, they brought their land disputes before the Council at Annapolis, the cases were settled and the litigants103 paid no fees. Their communication with the English officials was carried on through deputies chosen by themselves, and often as ignorant as their constituents104, for a remarkable equality prevailed through this primitive105 little society.
Except the standing garrison at Annapolis, Acadia was as completely let alone by the British government as Rhode Island or Connecticut. Unfortunately, the traditional British policy of inaction[Pg 200] towards her colonies was not applicable in the case of a newly conquered province with a disaffected106 population and active, enterprising, and martial107 neighbors bent108 on recovering what they had lost. Yet it might be supposed that a neglect so invigorating in other cases might have developed among the Acadians habits of self-reliance and faculties109 of self-care. The reverse took place; for if England neglected Acadia, France did not; and though she had renounced111 her title to it, she still did her best to master it and make it hers again. The chief instrument of her aggressive policy was the governor of Isle Royale, whose station was the fortress of Louisbourg, and who was charged with the management of Acadian affairs. At all the Acadian settlements he had zealous112 and efficient agents in the missionary priests, who were sent into the province by the Bishop of Quebec, or in a few cases by their immediate ecclesiastical superiors in Isle Royale.
The Treaty of Utrecht secured freedom of worship to the Acadians under certain conditions. These were that they should accept the sovereignty of the British Crown, and that they and their pastors114 should keep within the limits of British law.[209] Even supposing that by swearing allegiance to Queen Anne the Acadians had acquired the freedom of[Pg 201] worship which the treaty gave them on condition of their becoming British subjects, it would have been an abuse of this freedom to use it for subverting115 the power that had granted it. Yet this is what the missionaries did. They were not only priests of the Roman Church, they were also agents of the King of France; and from first to last they labored116 against the British government in the country that France had ceded to the British Crown. So confident were they, and with so much reason, of the weakness of their opponents that they openly avowed117 that their object was to keep the Acadians faithful to King Louis. When two of their number, Saint-Poncy and Chevereaux, were summoned before the Council at Annapolis, they answered, with great contempt, "We are here on the business of the King of France." They were ordered to leave Acadia. One of them stopped among the Indians at Cape Sable118; the other, in defiance119 of the Council, was sent back to Annapolis by the Governor of Isle Royale.[210] Apparently120 he was again ordered away; for four years later the French governor, in expectation of speedy war, sent him to Chignecto with orders secretly to prepare the Acadians for an attack on Annapolis.[211]
The political work of the missionaries began with the cession of the colony, and continued with increasing activity till 1755, kindling121 the impotent wrath122 of[Pg 202] the British officials, and drawing forth34 the bitter complaints of every successive governor. For this world and the next, the priests were fathers of their flocks, generally commanding their attachment123, and always their obedience124. Except in questions of disputed boundaries, where the Council alone could settle the title, the ecclesiastics125 took the place of judges and courts of justice, enforcing their decisions by refusal of the sacraments.[212] They often treated the British officials with open scorn. Governor Armstrong writes to the Lords of Trade: "Without some particular directions as to the insolent126 behavior of those priests, the people will never be brought to obedience, being by them incited127 to daily acts of rebellion." Another governor complains that they tell the Acadians of the destitution128 of the soldiers and the ruinous state of the fort, and assure them that the Pretender will soon be King of England, and that Acadia will then return to France.[213] "The bearer, Captain Bennett," writes Armstrong, "can further tell your Grace of the disposition129 of the French inhabitants of this province, and of the conduct of their missionary priests, who instil130 hatred131 into both Indians and French against the English."[214] As to the Indians, Governor Philipps declares that their priests hear a general confession132 from them twice a year, and give[Pg 203] them absolution on condition of always being enemies of the English.[215] The condition was easy, thanks to the neglect of the British government, which took no pains to conciliate the Micmacs, while the French governor of Isle Royale corresponded secretly with them and made them yearly presents.
In 1720 Philipps advised the recall of the French priests, and the sending of others in their place, as the only means of making British subjects of the Acadians,[216] who at that time, having constantly refused the oath of allegiance, were not entitled, under the treaty, to the exercise of their religion. Governor Armstrong wrote sixteen years after: "By some of the above papers your Grace will be informed how high the French government carries its pretensions133 over its priests' obedience; and how to prevent the evil consequences I know not, unless we could have missionaries from places independent of that Crown."[217] He expresses a well-grounded doubt whether the home government will be at the trouble and expense of such a change, though he adds that there is not a missionary among either Acadians or Indians who is not in the pay of France.[218] Gaulin,[Pg 204] missionary of the Micmacs, received a "gratification" of fifteen hundred livres, besides an annual allowance of five hundred, and is described in the order granting it as a "brave man, capable even of leading these savages134 on an expedition."[219] In 1726 he was brought before the Council at Annapolis charged with incendiary conduct among both Indians and Acadians; but on asking pardon and promising135 nevermore to busy himself with affairs of government, he was allowed to remain in the province, and even to act as curé of the Mines.[220] No evidence appears that the British authorities ever molested136 a priest, except when detected in practices alien to his proper functions and injurious to the government. On one occasion when two cures were vacant, one through sedition137 and the other apparently through illness or death, Lieutenant-Governor Armstrong requested the governor of Isle Royale to send two priests "of known probity138" to fill them.[221]
Who were answerable for the anomalous139 state of affairs in the province,—the imperium in imperio where the inner power waxed and strengthened every day, and the outer relatively140 pined and dwindled141? It[Pg 205] was not mainly the Crown of France nor its agents, secular142 or clerical. Their action under the circumstances, though sometimes inexcusable, was natural, and might have been foreseen. Nor was it the Council at Annapolis, who had little power either for good or evil. It was mainly the neglect and apathy of the British ministers, who seemed careless as to whether they kept Acadia or lost it, apparently thinking it not worth their notice.
About the middle of the century they wakened from their lethargy, and warned by the signs of the times, sent troops and settlers into the province at the eleventh hour. France and her agents took alarm, and redoubled their efforts to keep their hold on a country which they had begun to regard as theirs already. The settlement of the English at Halifax startled the French into those courses of intrigue and violence which were the immediate cause of the removal of the Acadians in 1755.
At the earlier period which we are now considering, the storm was still remote. The English made no attempt either to settle the province or to secure it by sufficient garrisons143; they merely tried to bind62 the inhabitants by an oath of allegiance which the weakness of the government would constantly tempt16 them to break. When George I. came to the throne, Deputy-Governor Caulfield tried to induce the inhabitants to swear allegiance to the new monarch. The Acadians asked advice of Saint-Ovide, governor at Louisbourg, who sent them elaborate directions how[Pg 206] to answer the English demand and remain at the same time faithful children of France. Neither Caulfield nor his successor could carry their point. The Treaty of Utrecht, as we have seen, gave the Acadians a year in which to choose between remaining in the province and becoming British subjects, or leaving it as subjects of the King of France. The year had long ago expired, and most of them were still in Acadia, unwilling to leave it, yet refusing to own King George. In 1720 General Richard Philipps, the governor of the province, set himself to the task of getting the oath taken, while the missionaries and the French officers at Isle Royale strenuously144 opposed his efforts. He issued a proclamation ordering the Acadians to swear allegiance to the King of England or leave the country, without their property, within four months. In great alarm, they appealed to their priests, and begged the Récollet, Père Justinien, curé of Mines, to ask advice and help from Saint-Ovide, successor of Costebelle at Louisbourg, protesting that they would abandon all rather than renounce110 their religion and their King.[222] At the same time they prepared for a general emigration by way of the isthmus and Baye Verte, where it would have been impossible to stop them.[223]
[Pg 207]Without the influence of their spiritual and temporal advisers145, to whom they turned in all their troubles, it is clear that the Acadians would have taken the oath and remained in tranquil146 enjoyment147 of their homes; but it was then thought important to French interests that they should remove either to Isle Royale or to Isle St. Jean, now Prince Edward's Island. Hence no means were spared to prevent them from becoming British subjects, if only in name; even the Micmacs were enlisted148 in the good work, and induced to threaten them with their enmity if they should fail in allegiance to King Louis. Philipps feared that the Acadians would rise in arms if he insisted on the harsh requirements of his proclamation; in which case his position would have been difficult, as they now outnumbered his garrison about five to one. Therefore he extended indefinitely the term of four months, that he had fixed149 for their final choice, and continued to urge and persuade, without gaining a step towards the desired result. In vain he begged for aid from the British authorities. They would do nothing for him, but merely observed that while the French officers and priests had such influence over the Acadians, they would never be good subjects, and so had better be put out of the country.[224] This was easier said than done; for at this very time there were signs that the Acadians and the Micmacs would unite to put out the English garrison.[225]
[Pg 208]Philipps was succeeded by a deputy-governor, Lieutenant-Colonel Armstrong,—a person of ardent150 impulses and unstable151 disposition. He applied152 himself with great zeal113 and apparent confidence to accomplishing the task in which his principal had failed. In fact, he succeeded in 1726 in persuading the inhabitants about Annapolis to take the oath, with a proviso that they should not be called upon for military service; but the main body of the Acadians stiffly refused. In the next year he sent Ensign Wroth to Mines, Chignecto, and neighboring settlements to renew the attempt on occasion of the accession of George II. The envoy's instructions left much to his discretion153 or his indiscretion, and he came back with the signatures, or crosses, of the inhabitants attached to an oath so clogged154 with conditions that it left them free to return to their French allegiance whenever they chose.
Philipps now came back to Acadia to resume his difficult task. And here a surprise meets us. He reported a complete success. The Acadians, as he declared, swore allegiance without reserve to King George; but he does not tell us how they were brought to do so. Compulsion was out of the question. They could have cut to pieces any part of the paltry155 English garrison that might venture outside[Pg 209] the ditches of Annapolis, or they might have left Acadia, with all their goods and chattels156, with no possibility of stopping them. The taking of the oath was therefore a voluntary act.
But what was the oath? The words reported by Philipps were as follows: "I promise and swear sincerely, on the faith of a Christian157, that I will be entirely158 faithful, and will truly obey his Majesty King George the Second, whom I recognize as sovereign lord of Acadia or Nova Scotia. So help me God." To this the Acadians affixed159 their crosses, or, in exceptional cases, their names. Recently, however, evidence has appeared that, so far at least as regards the Acadians on and near Mines Basin, the effect of the oath was qualified160 by a promise on the part of Philipps that they should not be required to take up arms against either French or Indians,—they on their part promising never to take up arms against the English. This statement is made by Gaudalie, curé of the parish of Mines, and Noiville, priest at Pigiquid, or Pisiquid, now Windsor.[226] In fact, the English never had the folly161 to call on the Acadians to fight for them; and the greater part of this peace-loving people were true to their promise not to take arms against the English, though a considerable number of them did so, especially at the beginning[Pg 210] of the Seven Years' War. It was to this promise, whether kept or broken, that they owed their name of Neutral French.
From first to last, the Acadians remained in a child-like dependence162 on their spiritual and temporal guides. Not one of their number stands out prominently from among the rest. They seem to have been totally devoid163 of natural leaders, and, unhappily for themselves, left their fate in the hands of others. Yet they were fully164 aware of their numerical strength, and had repeatedly declared, in a manner that the English officers called insolent, that they would neither leave the country nor swear allegiance to King George. The truth probably is that those who governed them had become convinced that this simple population, which increased rapidly, and could always be kept French at heart, might be made more useful to France in Acadia than out of it, and that it was needless further to oppose the taking of an oath which would leave them in quiet possession of their farms without making any change in their feelings, and probably none in their actions. By force of natural increase Acadia would in time become the seat of a large population ardently165 French and ardently Catholic; and while officials in France sometimes complained of the reluctance of the Acadians to move to Isle Royale, those who directed them in their own country seem to have become willing that they should stay where they were, and place themselves in such relations with the English as should[Pg 211] leave them free to increase and multiply undisturbed. Deceived by the long apathy of the British government, French officials did not foresee that a time would come when it would bestir itself to make Acadia English in fact as well as in name.[227]
FOOTNOTES:
[185] Offres de la France; Demandes de l'Angleterre et Réponses de la France, in Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the Limits of Acadia.
[186] Mémoire du Roy à ses Plénipotentiaires, 20 Mars, 1712.
[187] Précis de ce qui s'est passé pendant la Négotiation de la Paix d'Utrecht au Sujet de l'Acadie; Juillet, 1711-Mai, 1712.
[188] Mémoire du Roy, 20 Avril, 1712.
[189] Mémoire sur l'Isle du Cap Breton, 1709.
[190] Le Roy à Costebelle, 29 Septembre, 1713.
[191] Recensement des Habitans de Plaisance et Iles de St. Pierre, rendus à Louisbourg avec leurs Femmes et Enfans, 5 Novembre, 1714.
[192] Costebelle au Ministre, 19 Juillet, 1713.
[193] Félix Pain à Costebelle, 23 Septembre, 1713.
[194] Vetch was styled "General and Commander-in-chief of all his Majesty's troops in these parts, and Governor of the fort of Annapolis Royal, country of l'Accady and Nova Scotia." Hence he was the first English governor of Nova Scotia after its conquest in 1710. He was appointed a second time in 1715, Nicholson having served in the interim166.
[195] Narrative167 of Paul Mascarene, addressed to Nicholson. According to French accounts, a pestilence168 at Annapolis had carried off three fourths of the garrison. Gaulin à ——, 5 Septembre, 1711; Cahouet au Ministre, 20 Juillet, 1711. In reality a little more than one hundred had died.
[197] Vetch to the Earl of Dartmouth, 22 January, 1711; Memorial of Council of War at Annapolis, 14 October, 1710.
[198] Costebelle, Instruction au Capitaine de la Ronde, 1714.
[199] écrit des Habitants d'Annapolis Royale, 25 Aoust, 1714; Mémoire de La Ronde Denys, 30 Aoust, 1714.
[200] In 1711, however, the missionary Félix Pain says, "The English have treated the Acadians with much humanity."—Père Félix à ----, 8 Septembre, 1711.
[201] This was the oath taken after the capitulation, which bound those who took it to allegiance so long as they remained in the province.
[202] "As he used to curse and Damm Governor Vetch and all his friends, he is now served himself in the same manner."—Adams to Steele, 24 January, 1715.
[203] For a great number of extracts from documents on this subject see a paper by Abbé Casgrain in Canada Fran?ais, i. 411-414; also the documentary supplement of the same publication.
[204] La Ronde Denys au Ministre, 3 Décembre, 1715.
[205] Costebelle au Ministre, 15 Janvier, 1715.
[206] Governor Mascarene to the Secretary of State, 1 December, 1743. At this time there was also a blockhouse at Canseau, where a few soldiers were stationed. These were then the only British posts in the province. In May, 1727, Philipps wrote to the Lords of Trade: "Everything there [at Annapolis] is wearing the face of ruin and decay," and the ramparts are "lying level with the ground in breaches170 sufficiently171 wide for fifty men to enter abreast172."
[207] Philipps to Secretary Craggs, 26 September, 1720.
[208] Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 18, note.
[209] "Those who are willing to remain there [in Acadia] and to be subject to the kingdom of Great Britain, are to enjoy the free exercise of their religion according to the usage of the Church of Home, as far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the same."—Treaty of Utrecht, 14th article.
[210] Minutes of Council, 18 May, 1736. Governor Armstrong to the Secretary of State, 22 November, 1736.
[211] Minutes of Council, 18 September, 1740, in Nova Scotia Archives.
[212] Governor Mascarene to Père des Enclaves, 29 June, 1741.
[213] Deputy-Governor Doucette to the Secretary of State, 5 November, 1717.
[214] Governor Armstrong to the Secretary of State, 30 April, 1727.
[215] Governor Philipps to Secretary Craggs, 26 September, 1720.
[216] Ibid., 26 May, 1720.
[217] Armstrong to the Secretary of State, 22 November, 1736. The dismissal of French priests and the substitution of others was again recommended some time after.
[218] The motives173 for paying priests for instructing the people of a province ceded to England are given in a report of the French Marine Council. The Acadians "ne pourront jamais conserver un véritable attachement à la religion et à leur légitime souverain sans le secours d'un missionnaire" (Délibérations du Conseil de Marine, 23 Mai, 1719, in Le Canada-Fran?ais). The Intendant Bégon highly commends the efforts of the missionaries to keep the Acadians in the French interest (Bégon au Ministre, 25 Septembre, 1715), and Vaudreuil praises their zeal in the same cause (Vaudreuil au Ministre, 31 Octobre, 1717).
[219] Délibérations du Conseil de Marine, 3 Mai, 1718.
[220] Record of Council at Annapolis, 11 and 24 October, 1726.
[221] Armstrong to Saint-Ovide, 17 June, 1732.
[222] The Acadians to Saint-Ovide, 6 May, 1720, in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 25. This letter was evidently written for them,—no doubt by a missionary.
[223] "They can march off at their leisure, by way of the Baye Verte, with their effects, without danger of being molested by this garrison, which scarce suffices to secure the Fort."—Philipps to Secretary Craggs, 26 May, 1720.
[224] The Board of Trade to Philipps, 28 December, 1720.
[225] Délibérations du Conseil de Marine, Aoust, 1720. The attempt against the garrison was probably opposed by the priests, who must have seen the danger that it would rouse the ministry into sending troops to the province, which would have been disastrous174 to their plans.
[226] Certificat de Charles de la Gaudalie, prêtre, curé missionnaire de la paroisse des Mines, et No?l-Alexandre Noiville, ... curé de l'Assomption et de la Sainte Famille de Pigiguit; printed in Rameau, Une Colonie Féodale en Amérique (ed. 1889), ii. 53.
[227] The preceding chapter is based largely on two collections of documents relating to Acadia,—the Nova Scotia Archives, or Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia, printed in 1869 by the government of that province, and the mass of papers collected by Rev24. H. R. Casgrain and printed in the documentary department of Le Canada-Fran?ais, a review published under direction of Laval University at Quebec. Abbé Casgrain, with passionate175 industry, has labored to gather everything in Europe or America that could tell in favor of the French and against the English. Mr. Akins, the editor of the Nova Scotia Archives, leans to the other side, so that the two collections supplement each other. Both are copious176 and valuable. Besides these, I have made use of various documents from the archives of Paris not to be found in either of the above-named collections.
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1
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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rekindled
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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40
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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moss
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| n.苔，藓，地衣 | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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46
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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47
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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48
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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49
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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50
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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51
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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52
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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53
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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54
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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55
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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56
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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57
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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58
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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59
impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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61
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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62
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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65
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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72
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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76
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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83
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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84
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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86
tenaciously
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| 坚持地 | |
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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88
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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89
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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90
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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91
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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92
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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93
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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94
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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95
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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96
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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97
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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98
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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99
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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100
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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101
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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102
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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103
litigants
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| n.诉讼当事人( litigant的名词复数 ) | |
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104
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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105
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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106
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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107
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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108
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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109
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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110
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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111
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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112
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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113
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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114
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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115
subverting
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的现在分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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116
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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117
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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118
sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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119
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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120
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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121
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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122
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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123
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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124
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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125
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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126
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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127
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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129
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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130
instil
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| v.逐渐灌输 | |
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131
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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132
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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133
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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134
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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135
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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136
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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137
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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138
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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139
anomalous
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| adj.反常的；不规则的 | |
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140
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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141
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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143
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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144
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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145
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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146
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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147
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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148
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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149
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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150
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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151
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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152
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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153
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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154
clogged
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| （使）阻碍( clog的过去式和过去分词 )； 淤滞 | |
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155
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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156
chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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157
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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158
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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159
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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160
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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161
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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162
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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163
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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164
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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165
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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166
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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167
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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168
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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169
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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170
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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171
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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172
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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173
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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174
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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175
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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176
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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