SEBASTIEN RALE.
Boundary Disputes.—Outposts of Canada.—The Earlier and Later Jesuits.—Religion and Politics.—The Norridgewocks and their Missionary2.—A Hollow Peace.—Disputed Land Claims.—Council at Georgetown.—Attitude of Rale.—Minister and Jesuit.—The Indians waver.—An Outbreak.—Covert War.—Indignation against Rale.—War declared.—Governor and Assembly.—Speech of Samuel Sewall.—Penobscots attack Fort St. George.—Reprisal.—Attack on Norridgewock.—Death of Rale.
[Pg 212]Before the Treaty of Utrecht, the present Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and a part of Maine were collectively called Acadia by the French; but after the treaty gave Acadia to England, they insisted that the name meant only Nova Scotia. The English on their part claimed that the cession4 of Acadia made them owners, not only of the Nova Scotian peninsula, but of all the country north of it to the St. Lawrence, or at least to the dividing ridge1 or height of land.
This and other disputed questions of boundary were to be settled by commissioners5 of the two powers; but their meeting was put off for forty years, and then their discussions ended in the Seven Years'[Pg 213] War. The claims of the rival nations were in fact so discordant6 that any attempt to reconcile them must needs produce a fresh quarrel. The treaty had left a choice of evils. To discuss the boundary question meant to renew the war; to leave it unsettled was a source of constant irritation7; and while delay staved off a great war, it quickly produced a small one.
The river Kennebec, which was generally admitted by the French to be the dividing line between their possessions and New England,[228] was regarded by them with the most watchful8 jealousy9. Its headwaters approached those of the Canadian river Chaudière, the mouth of which is near Quebec; and by ascending10 the former stream and crossing to the headwaters of the latter, through an intricacy of forests, hills, ponds, and marshes11, it was possible for a small band of hardy12 men, unencumbered by cannon13, to reach the Canadian capital,—as was done long after by the followers14 of Benedict Arnold. Hence it was thought a matter of the last importance to close the Kennebec against such an attempt. The Norridgewock band of the Abenakis, who lived on the banks of that river, were used to serve this purpose and to form a sort of advance-guard to the French colony, while other kindred bands on the Penobscot, the St. Croix, and the St. John were expected to aid in opposing a living barrier to English[Pg 214] intrusion. Missionaries15 were stationed among all these Indians to keep them true to Church and King. The most important station, that of the Norridgewocks, was in charge of Father Sebastien Rale, the most conspicuous16 and interesting figure among the later French-American Jesuits.
Since the middle of the seventeenth century a change had come over the Jesuit missions of New France. Nothing is more striking or more admirable than the self-devoted17 apostleship of the earlier period.[229] The movement in Western Europe known as the Renaissance18 was far more than a revival20 of arts and letters,—it was an awakening21 of intellectual, moral, and religious life; the offspring of causes long in action, and the parent of other movements in action to this day. The Protestant Reformation was a part of it. That revolt against Rome produced a counter Renaissance in the bosom22 of the ancient Church herself. In presence of that peril23 she woke from sloth24 and corruption25, and girded herself to beat back the invading heresies26, by force or by craft, by inquisitorial fires, by the arms of princely and imperial allies, and by the self-sacrificing enthusiasm of her saints and martyrs27. That time of danger produced the exalted28 zeal29 of Xavier and the intense, thoughtful, organizing zeal of Loyola. After a century had passed, the flame still burned, and it never shone with a purer or brighter radiance than in the early missions of New France.
[Pg 215]Such ardors cannot be permanent; they must subside30, from the law of their nature. If the great Western mission had been a success, the enthusiasm of its founders31 might have maintained itself for some time longer; but that mission was extinguished in blood. Its martyrs died in vain, and the burning faith that had created it was rudely tried. Canada ceased to be a mission. The civil and military powers grew strong, and the Church no longer ruled with undivided sway. The times changed, and the men changed with them. It is a characteristic of the Jesuit Order, and one of the sources of its strength, that it chooses the workman for his work, studies the qualities of its members, and gives to each the task for which he is fitted best. When its aim was to convert savage32 hordes33 and build up another Paraguay in the Northern wilderness35, it sent a Jogues, a Brébeuf, a Charles Garnier, and a Gabriel Lalemant, like a forlorn hope, to storm the stronghold of heathendom. In later times it sent other men to meet other needs and accomplish other purposes.
Before the end of the seventeenth century the functions of the Canadian Jesuit had become as much political as religious; but if the fires of his apostolic zeal burned less high, his devotion to the Order in which he had merged36 his personality was as intense as before. While in constant friction37 with the civil and military powers, he tried to make himself necessary to them, and in good measure he suc[Pg 216]ceeded. Nobody was so able to manage the Indian tribes and keep them in the interest of France. "Religion," says Charlevoix, "is the chief bond by which the savages38 are attached to us;" and it was the Jesuit above all others who was charged to keep this bond firm.
The Christianity that was made to serve this useful end did not strike a deep root. While humanity is in the savage state, it can only be Christianized on the surface; and the convert of the Jesuits remained a savage still. They did not even try to civilize40 him. They taught him to repeat a catechism which he could not understand, and practise rites41 of which the spiritual significance was incomprehensible to him. He saw the symbols of his new faith in much the same light as the superstitions42 that had once enchained him. To his eyes the crucifix was a fetich of surpassing power, and the mass a beneficent "medicine," or occult influence, of supreme43 efficacy. Yet he would not forget his old rooted beliefs, and it needed the constant presence of the missionary to prevent him from returning to them.
Since the Iroquois had ceased to be a danger to Canada, the active alliance of the Western Indians had become less important to the colony. Hence the missions among them had received less attention, and most of these tribes had relapsed into heathenism. The chief danger had shifted eastward44, and was, or was supposed to be, in the direction of New England. Therefore the Eastern missions were cultivated with[Pg 217] diligence,—whether those within or adjoining the settled limits of Canada, like the Iroquois mission of Caughnawaga, the Abenaki missions of St. Francis and Becancour, and the Huron mission of Lorette, or those that served as outposts and advance-guards of the colony, like the Norridgewock Abenakis of the Kennebec, or the Penobscot Abenakis of the Penobscot. The priests at all these stations were in close correspondence with the government, to which their influence over their converts was invaluable45. In the wilderness dens46 of the Hurons or the Iroquois, the early Jesuit was a marvel47 of self-sacrificing zeal; his successor, half missionary and half agent of the King, had thought for this world as well as the next.
Sebastien Rale,[230] born in Franche-Comté in 1657, was sent to the American missions in 1689 at the age of thirty-two. After spending two years among the Abenakis of Canada, then settled near the mouth of the Chaudière, he was sent for two years more to the Illinois, and thence to the Abenakis of the Kennebec, where he was to end his days.
Near where the town of Norridgewock now stands, the Kennebec curved round a broad tongue of meadow land, in the midst of a picturesque48 wilderness of hills and forests. On this tongue of land, on ground a few feet above the general level, stood the village of[Pg 218] the Norridgewocks, fenced with a stockade49 of round logs nine feet high. The enclosure was square; each of its four sides measured one hundred and sixty feet, and each had its gate. From the four gates ran two streets, or lanes, which crossed each other in the middle of the village. There were twenty-six Indian houses, or cabins, within the stockade, described as "built much after the English manner," though probably of logs. The church was outside the enclosure, about twenty paces from the east gate.[231]
Such was the mission village of Norridgewock in 1716. It had risen from its ashes since Colonel Hilton destroyed it in 1705, and the church had been rebuilt by New England workmen hired for the purpose.[232] A small bell, which is still preserved at Brunswick, rang for mass at early morning, and for vespers at sunset. Rale's leisure hours were few. He preached, exhorted51, catechised the young converts, counselled their seniors for this world and the next, nursed them in sickness, composed their quarrels,[Pg 219] tilled his own garden, cut his own firewood, cooked his own food, which was of Indian corn, or, at a pinch, of roots and acorns52, worked at his Abenaki vocabulary, and, being expert at handicraft, made ornaments53 for the church, or moulded candles from the fruit of the bayberry, or wax-myrtle.[233] Twice a year, summer and winter, he followed his flock to the sea-shore and the islands, where they lived at their ease on fish and seals, clams54, oysters55, and seafowl.
This Kennebec mission had been begun more than half a century before; yet the conjurers, or "medicine men,"—natural enemies of the missionary,—still remained obdurate56 and looked on the father askance, though the body of the tribe were constant at mass and confession57, and regarded him with loving reverence58. He always attended their councils, and, as he tells us, his advice always prevailed; but he was less fortunate when he told them to practise no needless cruelty in their wars, on which point they were often disobedient children.[234]
Rale was of a strong, enduring frame, and a keen, vehement59, caustic60 spirit. He had the gift of tongues, and was as familiar with the Abenaki and several[Pg 220] other Indian languages as he was with Latin.[235] Of the genuineness of his zeal there is no doubt, nor of his earnest and lively interest in the fortunes of the wilderness flock of which he was the shepherd for half his life. The situation was critical for them and for him. The English settlements were but a short distance below, while those of the French could be reached only by a hard journey of twelve or fourteen days.
With two intervals61 of uneasy peace, the borders of Maine had been harried62 by war-parties for thirty-eight years; and since 1689 these raids had been prompted and aided by the French. Thus it happened that extensive tracts63, which before Philip's War were dotted with farmhouses65 and fishing hamlets, had been abandoned, and cultivated fields were turning again to forests. The village of Wells had become the eastern frontier. But now the Treaty of Utrecht gave promise of lasting66 tranquillity67. The Abenakis, hearing that they were to be backed no longer by the French, became alarmed, sent messengers to Casco, and asked for peace. In July there was a convention at Portsmouth, when delegates of the Norridgewocks, Penobscots, Malicites, and other Abenaki bands met Governor Dudley and the councillors[Pg 221] of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. A paper was read to them by sworn interpreters, in which they confessed that they had broken former treaties, begged pardon for "past rebellions, hostilities68, and violations69 of promises," declared themselves subjects of Queen Anne, pledged firm friendship with the English, and promised them that they might re-enter without molestation70 on all their former possessions. Eight of the principal Abenaki chiefs signed this document with their totemic marks, and the rest did so, after similar interpretation71, at another convention in the next year.[236] Indians when in trouble can waive72 their pride, and lavish73 professions and promises; but when they called themselves subjects of Queen Anne, it is safe to say that they did not know what the words meant.
Peace with the Indians was no sooner concluded than a stream of settlers began to move eastward to reoccupy the lands that they owned or claimed in the region of the lower Kennebec. Much of this country was held in extensive tracts, under old grants of the last century, and the proprietors74 offered great inducements to attract emigrants75. The government of[Pg 222] Massachusetts, though impoverished76 by three wars, of which it had borne the chief burden, added what encouragements it could. The hamlets of Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, and Georgetown rose from their ashes; mills were built on the streams, old farms were retilled, and new ones cleared. A certain Dr. Noyes, who had established a sturgeon fishery on the Kennebec, built at his own charge a stone fort at Cushnoc, or Augusta; and it is said that as early as 1714 a blockhouse was built many miles above, near the mouth of the Sebasticook.[237] In the next year Fort George was built at the lower falls of the Androscoggin, and some years later Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec, at the site of the present town of Richmond.[238]
Some of the claims to these Kennebec lands were based on old Crown patents, some on mere77 prescription78, some on Indian titles, good or bad. Rale says that an Englishman would give an Indian a bottle of rum, and get from him in return a large tract64 of land.[239] Something like this may have happened; though in other cases the titles were as good as Indian titles usually are, the deeds being in regular form and signed by the principal chiefs for a consideration[Pg 223] which they thought sufficient. The lands of Indians, however, are owned, so far as owned at all, by the whole community; and in the case of the Algonquin tribes the chiefs had no real authority to alienate79 them without the consent of the tribesmen. Even supposing this consent to have been given, the Norridgewocks would not have been satisfied; for Rale taught them that they could not part with their lands, because they held them in trust for their children, to whom their country belonged as much as to themselves.
Long years of war and mutual80 wrong had embittered81 the Norridgewocks against their English neighbors, with whom, nevertheless, they wished to be at peace, because they feared them, and because their trade was necessary to them.
The English borderers, on their part, regarded the Indians less as men than as vicious and dangerous wild animals. In fact, the benevolent82 and philanthropic view of the American savage is for those who are beyond his reach: it has never yet been held by any whose wives and children have lived in danger of his scalping-knife. In Boston and other of the older and safer settlements, the Indians had found devoted friends before Philip's War; and even now they had apologists and defenders83, prominent among whom was that relic84 of antique Puritanism, old Samuel Sewall, who was as conscientious85 and humane86 as he was prosy, narrow, and sometimes absurd, and whose benevolence87 towards the former owners of the soil[Pg 224] was trebly reinforced by his notion that they were descendants of the ten lost tribes of Israel.[240]
The intrusion of settlers, and the building of forts and blockhouses on lands which they still called their own, irritated and alarmed the Norridgewocks, and their growing resentment88 was fomented89 by Rale, both because he shared it himself, and because he was prompted by Vaudreuil. Yet, dreading91 another war with the English, the Indians kept quiet for a year or two, till at length the more reckless among them began to threaten and pilfer92 the settlers.
In 1716 Colonel Samuel Shute came out to succeed Dudley as governor; and in the next summer he called the Indians to a council at Georgetown, a settlement on Arrowsick Island, at the mouth of the Kennebec. Thither93 he went in the frigate94 "Squirrel," with the councillors of Massachusetts and New Hampshire; while the deputies of the Norridgewocks, Penobscots, Pequawkets, or Abenakis of the Saco, and Assagunticooks, or Abenakis of the Androscoggin, came in canoes to meet him, and set up their wigwams on a neighboring island. The council opened on the ninth of August, under a large tent, over which waved the British flag. The oath was administered to the interpreters by the aged96 Judge Sewall, and Shute then made the Indians a speech in which he told them that the English and they were subjects of the great, good, and wise King George; that as[Pg 225] both peoples were under the same King, he would gladly see them also of the same religion, since it was the only true one; and to this end he gave them a Bible and a minister to teach them,—pointing to Rev19. Joseph Baxter, who stood near by. And he further assured them that if any wrong should be done them, he would set it right. He then condescended97 to give his hand to the chiefs, telling them, through the interpreter, that it was to show his affection.
The Indians, after their usual custom, deferred98 their answer to the next day, when the council again met, and the Norridgewock chief, Wiwurna, addressed the governor as spokesman for his people. In defiance100 of every Indian idea of propriety101, Shute soon began to interrupt him with questions and remarks. Wiwurna remonstrated102 civilly; but Shute continued his interruptions, and the speech turned to a dialogue, which may be abridged104 thus, Shute always addressing himself, not to the Indian orator105, but to the interpreter.
The orator expressed satisfaction at the arrival of the governor, and hoped that peace and friendship would now prevail.
Governor (to the interpreter). Tell them that if they behave themselves, I shall use them kindly106.
Orator (as rendered by the interpreter). Your Excellency was pleased to say that we must obey King George. We will if we like his way of treating us.
[Pg 226]Governor. They must obey him.
Orator. We will if we are not disturbed on our lands.
Governor. Nor must they disturb the English on theirs.
Orator. We are pleased that your Excellency is ready to hear our complaints when wrong is done us.
Governor. They must not pretend to lands that belong to the English.
Orator. We beg leave to go on in order with our answer.
Governor. Tell him to go on.
Orator. If there should be any quarrel and bloodshed, we will not avenge107 ourselves, but apply to your Excellency. We will embrace in our bosoms108 the English that have come to settle on our land.
Governor. They must not call it their land, for the English have bought it of them and their ancestors.
Orator. We pray leave to proceed with our answer, and talk about the land afterwards.
Wiwurna, then, with much civility, begged to be excused from receiving the Bible and the minister, and ended by wishing the governor good wind and weather for his homeward voyage.
There was another meeting in the afternoon, in which the orator declared that his people were willing that the English should settle on the west side of the Kennebec as far up the river as a certain mill; on which the governor said to the interpreter: "Tell[Pg 227] them we want nothing but our own, and that that we will have;" and he ordered an old deed of sale, signed by six of their chiefs, to be shown and explained to them. Wiwurna returned that though his tribe were uneasy about their lands, they were willing that the English should keep what they had got, excepting the forts. On this point there was a sharp dialogue, and Shute said bluntly that if he saw fit, he should build a fort at every new settlement. At this all the Indians rose abruptly109 and went back to their camp, leaving behind an English flag that had been given them.
Rale was at the Indian camp, and some of them came back in the evening with a letter from him, in which he told Shute that the governor of Canada had asked the King of France whether he had ever given the Indians' land to the English, to which the King replied that he had not, and would help the Indians to repel110 any encroachment111 upon them. This cool assumption on the part of France of paramount112 right to the Abenaki country incensed113 Shute, who rejected the letter with contempt.
As between the governor and the Indian orator, the savage had shown himself by far the more mannerly; yet so unwilling114 were the Indians to break with the English that on the next morning, seeing Shute about to re-embark, they sent messengers to him to apologize for what they called their rudeness, beg that the English flag might be returned to them, and ask for another interview, saying that they[Pg 228] would appoint another spokesman instead of Wiwurna, who had given so much offence. Shute consented, and the meeting was held. The new orator presented a wampum belt, expressed a wish for peace, and said that his people wished the English to extend their settlements as far as they had formerly115 done. Shute, on his part, promised that trading-houses should be established for supplying their needs, and that they should have a smith to mend their guns, and an interpreter of their own choice. Twenty chiefs and elders then affixed116 their totemic marks to a paper, renewing the pledges made four years before at Portsmouth, and the meeting closed with a dance in honor of the governor.[241]
The Indians, as we have seen, had shown no eagerness to accept the ministrations of Rev. Joseph Baxter. The Massachusetts Assembly had absurdly tried to counteract117 the influence of Rale by offering ￡150 a year in their depreciated118 currency to any one of their ministers who would teach Calvinism to the Indians. Baxter, whom Rale, with characteristic exaggeration, calls the ablest of the Boston ministers, but who was far from being so, as he was the pastor119 of the small country village of Medfield, took up the task, and, with no experience of Indian life or knowledge of any Indian language, entered the lists[Pg 229] against an adversary120 who had spent half his days among savages, had gained the love and admiration121 of the Norridgewocks, and spoke99 their language fluently. Baxter, with the confidence of a novice122, got an interpreter and began to preach, exhort50, and launch sarcasms123 against the doctrines124 and practices of the Roman Church. Rale excommunicated such of his flock as listened to him;[242] yet some persisted in doing so, and three of these petitioned the English governor to order "a small praying-house" to be built for their use.[243]
Rale, greatly exasperated125, opened a correspondence with Baxter, and wrote a treatise126 for his benefit, in which, through a hundred pages of polemical Latin, he proved that the Church of Rome was founded on a rock. This he sent to Baxter, and challenged him to overthrow127 his reasons. Baxter sent an answer for which Rale expresses great scorn as to both manner and matter. He made a rejoinder, directed not only against his opponent's arguments, but against his Latin, in which he picked flaws with great apparent satisfaction. He says that he heard no more from Baxter for a long time, but at last got another letter, in which there was nothing to the purpose, the minister merely charging him with an irascible and censorious spirit. This letter is still preserved, and[Pg 230] it does not answer to Rale's account of it. Baxter replies to his correspondent vigorously, defends his own Latin, attacks that of Rale, and charges him with losing temper.[244]
Rale's correspondence with the New England ministers seems not to have been confined to Baxter. A paper is preserved, translated apparently129 from a Latin original, and entitled, "Remarks out of the Fryar Sebastian Rale's Letter from Norridgewock, February 7, 1720." This letter appears to have been addressed to some Boston minister, and is of a scornful and defiant130 character, using language ill fitted to conciliate, as thus: "You must know that a missionary is not a cipher131, like a minister;" or thus: "A Jesuit is not a Baxter or a Boston minister." The tone is one of exasperation132 dashed with contempt, and the chief theme is English encroachment and the inalienability of Indian lands.[245] Rale says that Baxter gave up his mission after receiving the treatise on the infallible supremacy133 of the true Church; but this is a mistake, as the minister made three successive visits to the Eastern country before he tired of his hopeless mission.
[Pg 231]In the letter just quoted, Rale seems to have done his best to rasp the temper of his New England correspondent. He boasts of his power over the Indians, who, as he declares, always do as he advises them. "Any treaty with the governor," he goes on to say, "and especially that of Arrowsick, is null and void if I do not approve it, for I give them so many reasons against it that they absolutely condemn134 what they have done." He says further that if they do not drive the English from the Kennebec, he will leave them, and that they will then lose both their lands and their souls; and he adds that, if necessary, he will tell them that they may make war.[246] Rale wrote also to Shute; and though the letter is lost, the governor's answer shows that it was sufficiently135 aggressive.
The wild Indian is unstable136 as water. At Arrowsick, the Norridgewocks were all for peace; but when they returned to their village their mood changed, and, on the representations of Rale, they began to kill the cattle of the English settlers on the river below, burn their haystacks, and otherwise [Pg 232]annoy them.[247] The English suspected that the Jesuit was the source of their trouble; and as they had always regarded the lands in question as theirs, by virtue137 of the charter of the Plymouth Company in 1620, and the various grants under it, as well as by purchase from the Indians, their ire against him burned high. Yet afraid as the Indians were of another war, even Rale could scarcely have stirred them to violence but for the indignities138 put upon them by Indian-hating ruffians of the border, vicious rum-selling traders, and hungry land-thieves. They had still another cause of complaint. Shute had promised to build trading-houses where their wants should be supplied without fraud and extortion; but he had not kept his word, and could not keep it, for reasons that will soon appear.
In spite of such provocations139, Norridgewock was divided in opinion. Not only were the Indians in great dread90 of war, but they had received English presents to a considerable amount, chiefly from private persons interested in keeping them quiet. Hence, to Rale's great chagrin140, there was an English party in the village so strong that when the English authorities demanded reparation for the mischief141 done to the settlers, the Norridgewocks promised two hundred beaver-skins as damages, and gave four hostages as security that they would pay for misdeeds[Pg 233] in the past, and commit no more in the future.[248]
Rale now feared that his Indians would all go over to the English and tamely do their bidding; for though most of them, when he was present, would denounce the heretics and boast of the brave deeds they would do against them, yet after a meeting with English officials, they would change their minds and accuse their spiritual father of lying. It was clear that something must be done to end these waverings, lest the lands in dispute should be lost to France forever.
The Norridgewocks had been invited to another interview with the English at Georgetown; and Rale resolved, in modern American phrase, to "capture the meeting." Vaudreuil and the Jesuit La Chasse, superior of the mission, lent their aid. Messengers were sent to the converted Indians of Canada, whose attachment142 to France and the Church was past all doubt, and who had been taught to abhor143 the English as children of the Devil. The object of the message was to induce them to go to the meeting at Georgetown armed and equipped for any contingency144.
They went accordingly,—Abenakis from Becancour[Pg 234] and St. Francis, Hurons from Lorette, and Iroquois from Caughnawaga, besides others, all stanch145 foes146 of heresy147 and England. Rale and La Chasse directed their movements and led them first to Norridgewock, where their arrival made a revolution. The peace party changed color like a chameleon148, and was all for war. The united bands, two hundred and fifty warriors149 in all, paddled down the Kennebec along with the two Jesuits and two French officers, Saint-Castin and Croisil. In a few days the English at Georgetown saw them parading before the fort, well armed, displaying French flags,—feathers dangling151 from their scalp-locks, and faces fantastically patterned in vermilion, ochre, white clay, soot152, and such other pigments153 as they could find or buy.
They were met by Captain Penhallow and other militia154 officers of the fort, to whom they gave the promised two hundred beaver-skins, and demanded the four hostages in return; but the hostages had been given as security, not only for the beaver-skins, but also for the future good behavior of the Indians, and Penhallow replied that he had no authority to surrender them. On this they gave him a letter to the governor, written for them by Père de la Chasse, and signed by their totems. It summoned the English to leave the country at once, and threatened to rob and burn their houses in case of refusal.[249] The[Pg 235] threat was not executed, and they presently disappeared, but returned in September in increased numbers, burned twenty-six houses and attacked the fort, in which the inhabitants had sought refuge. The garrison155 consisted of forty men, who, being reinforced by the timely arrival of several whale-boats bringing thirty more, made a sortie. A skirmish followed; but being outnumbered and outflanked, the English fell back behind their defences.[250]
The French authorities were in a difficult position. They thought it necessary to stop the progress of English settlement along the Kennebec; and yet, as there was peace between the two Crowns, they could not use open force. There was nothing for it but to set on the Abenakis to fight for them. "I am well pleased," wrote Vaudreuil to Rale, "that you and[Pg 236] Père de la Chasse have prompted the Indians to treat the English as they have done. My orders are to let them want for nothing, and I send them plenty of ammunition156." Rale says that the King allowed him a pension of six thousand livres a year, and that he spent it all "in good works." As his statements are not remarkable157 for precision, this may mean that he was charged with distributing the six thousand livres which the King gave every year in equal shares to the three Abenaki missions of Medoctec, Norridgewock, and Panawamské, or Penobscot, and which generally took the form of presents of arms, gunpowder158, bullets, and other munitions159 of war, or of food and clothing to support the squaws and children while the warriors were making raids on the English.[251]
Vaudreuil had long felt the delicacy160 of his position, and even before the crisis seemed near he tried to provide against it, and wrote to the minister that he had never called the Abenakis subjects of France, but only allies, in order to avoid responsibility for anything they might do.[252] "The English," he says elsewhere, "must be prevented from settling on Abenaki lands; and to this end we must let the Indians act for us (laisser agir les sauvages)."[253]
Yet while urging the need of precaution, he was too zealous161 to be always prudent162; and once, at least,[Pg 237] he went so far as to suggest that French soldiers should be sent to help the Abenakis,—which, he thought, would frighten the English into retreating from their settlements; whereas if such help were refused, the Indians would go over to the enemy.[254] The court was too anxious to avoid a rupture163 to permit the use of open force, and would only promise plenty of ammunition to Indians who would fight the English, directing at the same time that neither favors nor attentions should be given to those who would not.[255]
The half-breed officer, Saint-Castin, son of Baron164 Vincent de Saint-Castin by his wife, a Penobscot squaw, bore the double character of a French lieutenant165 and an Abenaki chief, and had joined with the Indians in their hostile demonstration166 at Arrowsick Island. Therefore, as chief of a tribe styled subjects of King George, the English seized him, charged him with rebellion, and brought him to Boston, where he was examined by a legislative167 committee. He showed both tact168 and temper, parried the charges against him, and was at last set at liberty. His arrest, however, exasperated his tribesmen, who soon began to burn houses, kill settlers, and commit various acts of violence, for all of which Rale was believed to be mainly answerable. There was great indignation against him. He himself says that a reward of a thousand pounds sterling169 was[Pg 238] offered for his head, but that the English should not get it for all their sterling money. It does not appear that such a reward was offered, though it is true that the Massachusetts House of Representatives once voted five hundred pounds in their currency—then equal to about a hundred and eighty pounds sterling—for the same purpose; but as the governor and Council refused their concurrence170, the Act was of no effect.
All the branches of the government, however, presently joined in sending three hundred men to Norridgewock, with a demand that the Indians should give up Rale "and the other heads and fomenters of their rebellion." In case of refusal they were to seize the Jesuit and the principal chiefs and bring them prisoners to Boston. Colonel Westbrook was put in command of the party. Rale, being warned of their approach by some of his Indians, swallowed the consecrated172 wafers, hid the sacred vessels173, and made for the woods, where, as he thinks, he was saved from discovery by a special intervention174 of Providence175. His papers fell into the hands of Westbrook, including letters that proved beyond all doubt that he had acted as agent of the Canadian authorities in exciting his flock against the English.[256]
[Pg 239]Incensed by Westbrook's invasion, the Indians came down the Kennebec in large numbers, burned the village of Brunswick, and captured nine families at Merry-meeting Bay; though they soon set them free, except five men whom they kept to exchange for the four hostages still detained at Boston.[257] At the same time they seized several small vessels in the harbors along the coast. On this the governor and Council declared war against the Eastern Indians, meaning the Abenakis and their allies, whom they styled traitors176 and robbers.
In Massachusetts many persons thought that war could not be justified177, and were little disposed to push it with vigor128. The direction of it belonged to the governor in his capacity of Captain-General of the Province. Shute was an old soldier who had served with credit as lieutenant-colonel under Marlborough; but he was hampered178 by one of those disputes which in times of crisis were sure to occur in every British province whose governor was appointed by the Crown. The Assembly, jealous of the representative of royalty179, and looking back mournfully to their virtual independence under the lamented180 old charter, had from the first let slip no opportunity to increase its own powers and abridge103 those of the governor, refused him the means of establishing the promised trading-houses in the Indian country, and would grant no money for presents to conciliate the Norridgewocks. The House now wanted, not only[Pg 240] to control supplies for the war, but to direct the war itself and conduct operations by committees of its own. Shute made his plans of campaign, and proceeded to appoint officers from among the frontier inhabitants, who had at least the qualification of being accustomed to the woods. One of them, Colonel Walton, was obnoxious181 to some of the representatives, who brought charges against him, and the House demanded that he should be recalled from the field to answer to them for his conduct. The governor objected to this as an encroachment on his province as commander-in-chief. Walton was now accused of obeying orders of the governor in contravention of those of the representatives, who thereupon passed a vote requiring him to lay his journal before them. This was more than Shute could bear. He had the character of a good-natured man; but the difficulties and mortifications of his position had long galled182 him, and he had got leave to return to England and lay his case before the King and Council. The crisis had now come. The Assembly were for usurping183 all authority, civil and military. Accordingly, on the first of January, 1723, the governor sailed in a merchant ship, for London, without giving notice of his intention to anybody except two or three servants.[258]
The burden of his difficult and vexatious office fell upon the lieutenant-governor, William Dummer.[Pg 241] When he first met the Council in his new capacity, a whimsical scene took place. Here, among the rest, was the aged, matronly countenance184 of the worthy185 Samuel Sewall, deeply impressed with the dignity and importance of his position as senior member of the Board. At his best he never had the faintest sense of humor or perception of the ludicrous, and being now perhaps touched with dotage186, he thought it incumbent187 upon him to address a few words of exhortation189 and encouragement to the incoming chief magistrate190. He rose from his seat with long locks, limp and white, drooping191 from under his black skullcap,—for he abhorred192 a wig95 as a sign of backsliding,—and in a voice of quavering solemnity spoke thus:—
"If your Honour and this Honourable193 Board please to give me leave, I would speak a Word or two upon this solemn Occasion. Altho the unerring Providence of God has brought you to the Chair of Government in a cloudy and tempestuous194 season, yet you have this for your Encouragement, that the people you Have to do with are a part of the Israel of God, and you may expect to have of the Prudence195 and Patience of Moses communicated to you for your Conduct. It is evident that our Almighty196 Saviour197 counselled the first planters to remove hither and Settle here, and they dutifully followed his Advice, and therefore He will never leave nor forsake198 them nor Theirs; so that your Honour must needs be happy in sincerely seeking their Interest and Welfare, which your Birth and Education will incline you to do. Difficilia qu? pulchra.[Pg 242] I promise myself that they who sit at this Board will yield their Faithful Advice to your Honour according to the Duty of their Place."
Having thus delivered himself to an audience not much more susceptible199 of the ludicrous than he was, the old man went home well pleased, and recorded in his diary that the lieutenant-governor and councillors rose and remained standing200 while he was speaking, "and they expressed a handsom Acceptance of what I had said; Laus Deo."[259]
Dummer was born in New England, and might, therefore, expect to find more favor than had fallen to his predecessor201; but he was the representative of royalty, and could not escape the consequences of being so. In earnest of what was in store for him, the Assembly would not pay his salary, because he had sided with the governor in the late quarrel. The House voted to dismiss Colonel Walton and Major Moody203, the chief officers appointed by Shute; and when Dummer reminded it that this was a matter belonging to him as commander-in-chief, it withheld204 the pay of the obnoxious officers and refused all supplies for the war till they should be removed. Dummer was forced to yield.[260] The House would probably have pushed him still farther, if the members had not dreaded205 the effect of Shute's representations at court, and feared lest persistent206 encroachment on the functions of the governor might cost them[Pg 243] their charter, to which, insufficient207 as they thought it, and far inferior to the one they had lost, they clung tenaciously208 as the palladium of their liberties. Yet Dummer needed the patience of Job; for his Assembly seemed more bent188 on victories over him than over the Indians.
There was another election, which did not improve the situation. The new House was worse than the old, being made up largely of narrow-minded rustics209, who tried to relieve the governor of all conduct of the war by assigning it to a committee chosen from among themselves; but the Council would not concur171 with them.
Meanwhile the usual ravages210 went on. Farmhouses were burned, and the inmates211 waylaid212 and killed, while the Indians generally avoided encounters with armed bodies of whites. Near the village of Oxford213 four of them climbed upon the roof of a house, cut a hole in it with their hatchets215, and tried to enter. A woman who was alone in the building, and who had two loaded guns and two pistols, seeing the first savage struggling to shove himself through the hole, ran to him in desperation and shot him; on which the others dragged the body back and disappeared.[261]
There were several attempts of a more serious kind. The small wooden fort at the river St. George, the most easterly English outpost, was attacked, but the assailants were driven off. A few weeks later it[Pg 244] was attacked again by the Penobscots under their missionary, Father Lauverjat. Other means failing, they tried to undermine the stockade; but their sap caved in from the effect of rains, and they retreated, with severe loss. The warlike contagion216 spread to the Indians of Nova Scotia. In July the Micmacs seized sixteen or seventeen fishing-smacks at Canseau; on which John Eliot, of Boston, and John Robinson, of Cape202 Ann, chased the marauders in two sloops217, retook most of the vessels, and killed a good number of the Indians. In the autumn a war-party, under the noted218 chief Grey Lock, prowled about the village of Rutland, met the minister, Joseph Willard, and attacked him. He killed one savage and wounded another, but was at last shot and scalped.[262]
The representatives had long been bent on destroying the mission village of the Penobscots on the river of that name; and one cause of their grudge219 against Colonel Walton was that, by order of the governor, he had deferred a projected attack upon it. His successor, Colonel Westbrook, now took the work in hand, went up the Penobscot in February with two hundred and thirty men in sloops and whale-boats, left these at the head of navigation, and pushed through the forest to the Indian town called Panawamské by the French. It stood apparently above Bangor, at or near Passadumkeag. Here the party found a stockade enclosure fourteen feet high, seventy yards long, and fifty yards wide, containing[Pg 245] twenty-three houses, which Westbrook, a better woodsman than grammarian, reports to have been "built regular." Outside the stockade stood the chapel220, "well and handsomely furnished within and without, and on the south side of that the Fryer's dwelling-house."[263] This "Fryer" was Father Lauverjat, who had led his flock to the attack of the fort at the St. George. Both Indians and missionary were gone. Westbrook's men burned the village and chapel, and sailed back to the St. George. In the next year, 1724, there was a more noteworthy stroke; for Dummer, more pliant221 than Shute, had so far soothed222 his Assembly that it no longer refused money for the war. It was resolved to strike at the root of the evil, seize Rale, and destroy Norridgewock. Two hundred and eight men in four companies, under Captains Harmon, Moulton, and Brown, and Lieutenant Bean, set out from Fort Richmond in seventeen whaleboats on the eighth of August. They left the boats at Taconic Falls in charge of a lieutenant and forty men, and on the morning of the tenth the main body, accompanied by three Mohawk Indians, marched through the forest for Norridgewock. Towards evening they saw two squaws, one of whom they brutally223 shot, and captured the other, who proved to be the wife of the noted chief Bomazeen. She gave them a full account of the state of the village, which they approached early in the afternoon[Pg 246] of the twelfth. In the belief that some of the Indians would be in their cornfields on the river above, Harmon, who was in command, divided the force, and moved up the river with about eighty men, while Moulton, with as many more, made for the village, advancing through the forest with all possible silence. About three o'clock he and his men emerged from a tangle224 of trees and bushes, and saw the Norridgewock cabins before them, no longer enclosed with a stockade, but open and unprotected. Not an Indian was stirring, till at length a warrior150 came out from one of the huts, saw the English, gave a startled war-whoop, and ran back for his gun. Then all was dismay and confusion. Squaws and children ran screaming for the river, while the warriors, fifty or sixty in number, came to meet the enemy. Moulton ordered his men to reserve their fire till the Indians had emptied their guns. As he had foreseen, the excited savages fired wildly, and did little or no harm. The English, still keeping their ranks, returned a volley with deadly effect. The Indians gave one more fire, and then ran for the river. Some tried to wade225 to the farther side, the water being low; others swam across, while many jumped into their canoes, but could not use them, having left the paddles in their houses. Moulton's men followed close, shooting the fugitives226 in the water or as they climbed the farther bank.
When they returned to the village they found Rale in one of the houses, firing upon some of their com[Pg 247]rades who had not joined in the pursuit. He presently wounded one of them, on which a lieutenant named Benjamin Jaques burst open the door of the house, and, as he declared, found the priest loading his gun for another shot. The lieutenant said further that he called on him to surrender, and that Rale replied that he would neither give quarter nor take it; on which Jaques shot him through the head.[264] Moulton, who had given orders that Rale should not be killed, doubted this report of his subordinate so far as concerned the language used by Rale, though believing that he had exasperated the lieutenant by provoking expressions of some kind. The old chief Mogg had shut himself up in another house, from which he fired and killed one of Moulton's three Mohawks, whose brother then beat in the door and shot the chief dead. Several of the English followed, and brutally murdered Mogg's squaw and his two children. Such plunder227 as the village afforded, consisting of three barrels of gunpowder, with a few guns, blankets, and kettles, was then seized; and the Puritan militia thought it a meritorious228 act to break what they called the "idols229" in the church, and carry off the sacred vessels.
Harmon and his party returned towards night from their useless excursion to the cornfields, where they found nobody. In the morning a search was[Pg 248] made for the dead, and twenty-six Indians were found and scalped, including the principal chiefs and warriors of the place. Then, being anxious for the safety of their boats, the party marched for Taconic Falls. They had scarcely left the village when one of the two surviving Mohawks, named Christian39, secretly turned back, set fire to the church and the houses, and then rejoined the party. The boats were found safe, and embarking230, they rowed down to Richmond with their trophies231.[265]
The news of the fate of the Jesuit and his mission spread joy among the border settlers, who saw in it the end of their troubles. In their eyes Rale was an incendiary, setting on a horde34 of bloody232 savages to pillage233 and murder. While they thought him a devil, he passed in Canada for a martyred saint. He was neither the one nor the other, but a man with the qualities and faults of a man,—fearless,[Pg 249] resolute234, enduring; boastful, sarcastic235, often bitter and irritating; a vehement partisan236; apt to see things, not as they were, but as he wished them to be; given to inaccuracy and exaggeration, yet no doubt sincere in opinions and genuine in zeal; hating the English more than he loved the Indians; calling himself their friend, yet using them as instruments of worldly policy, to their danger and final ruin. In considering the ascription of martyrdom, it is to be remembered that he did not die because he was an apostle of the faith, but because he was the active agent of the Canadian government.
There is reason to believe that he sometimes exercised a humanizing influence over his flock. The war which he helped to kindle237 was marked by fewer barbarities—fewer tortures, mutilations of the dead, and butcheries of women and infants—than either of the preceding wars. It is fair to assume that this was due in part to him, though it was chiefly the result of an order given, at the outset, by Shute that non-combatants in exposed positions should be sent to places of safety in the older settlements.[266]
FOOTNOTES:
[228] In 1700, however, there was an agreement, under the treaty of Ryswick, which extended the English limits as far as the river St. George, a little west of the Penobscot.
[229] See "Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century."
[230] So written by himself in an autograph letter of 18 November, 1712. It is also spelled Rasle, Rasles, Ralle, and, very incorrectly, Rallé, or Rallee.
[231] The above particulars are taken from an inscription238 on a manuscript map in the library of the Maine Historical Society, made in 1716 by Joseph Heath, one of the principal English settlers on the Kennebec, and for a time commandant of the fort at Brunswick.
[232] When Colonel Westbrook and his men came to Norridgewock in 1722, they found a paper pinned to the church door, containing, among others, the following words, in the handwriting of Rale, meant as a fling at the English invaders239: "It [the church] is ill built, because the English don't work well. It is not finished, although five or six Englishmen have wrought240 here during four years, and the Undertaker [contractor], who is a great Cheat, hath been paid in advance for to finish it." The money came from the Canadian government.
[233] Myrica cerifera.
[234] The site of the Indian village is still called Indian Old Point. Norridgewock is the Naurantsouak, or Narantsouak, of the French. For Rale's mission life, see two letters of his, 15 October, 1722, and 12 October, 1722, and a letter of Père La Chasse, Superior of the Missions, 29 October, 1724. These are printed in the Lettres édifiantes, xvii. xxiii.
[235] Père La Chasse, in his eulogy241 of Rale, says that there was not a language on the continent with which he had not some acquaintance. This is of course absurd. Besides a full knowledge of the Norridgewock Abenaki, he had more or less acquaintance with two other Algonquin languages,—the Ottawa and the Illinois,—and also with the Huron; which is enough for one man.
[236] This treaty is given in full by Penhallow. It is also printed from the original draft by Mr. Frederic Kidder, in his Abenaki Indians: their Treaties of 1713 and 1717. The two impressions are substantially the same, but with verbal variations. The version of Kidder is the more complete, in giving not only the Indian totemic marks, but also the autographs in facsimile of all the English officials. Rale gives a dramatic account of the treaty, which he may have got from the Indians, and which omits their submission242 and their promises.
[237] It was standing in 1852, and a sketch243 of it is given by Winsor, Narrative244 and Critical History, v. 185. I have some doubts as to the date of erection.
[238] Williamson, History of Maine, ii. 88, 97. Compare Penhallow.
[239] Remarks out of the Fryar Sebastian Rale's Letter from Norridgewock, 7 February, 1720, in the Common Place Book of Rev. Henry Flynt.
[240] Sewall's Memorial relating to the Kennebec Indians is an argument against war with them.
[241] A full report of this conference was printed at the time in Boston. It is reprinted in N. H. Historical Collections, ii. 242, and N. H. Provincial245 Papers, iii. 693. Penhallow was present at the meeting, but his account of it is short. The accounts of Williamson and Hutchinson are drawn246 from the above-mentioned report.
[242] Shute to Rale, 21 February, 1718.
[243] This petition is still in the Massachusetts Archives, and is printed by Dr. Francis in Sparks's American Biography, New Series, xvii. 259.
[244] This letter was given by Mr. Adams, of Medfield, a connection of the Baxter family, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, in whose possession it now is, in a worn condition. It was either captured with the rest of Rale's papers and returned to the writer, or else is a duplicate kept by Baxter.
[245] This curious paper is in the Common Place Book of Rev. Henry Flynt, of which the original is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
[246] See Francis, Life of Rale, where the entire passage is given.
[247] Rale wrote to the governor of Canada that it was "sur Les Représentations qu'Il Avoit fait aux Sauvages de Sa Mission" that they had killed "un grand nombre de Bestiaux apartenant aux Anglois," and threatened them with attack if they did not retire. (Réponse fait par3 MM. Vaudreuil et Bégon au Mémoire du Roy du 8 Juin, 1721.) Rale told the governor of Massachusetts, on another occasion, that his character as a priest permitted him to give the Indians nothing but counsels of peace. Yet as early as 1703 he wrote to Vaudreuil that the Abenakis were ready, at a word from him, to lift the hatchet214 against the English. Beauharnois et Vaudreuil au Ministre, 15 Novembre, 1703.
[248] Joseph Heath and John Minot to Shute, 1 May, 1719. Rale says that these hostages were seized by surprise and violence; but Vaudreuil complains bitterly of the faintness of heart which caused the Indians to give them (Vaudreuil à Rale, 15 Juin, 1721), and both he and the intendant lay the blame on the English party at Norridgewock, who, "with the consent of all the Indians of that mission, had the weakness to give four hostages." Réponse de Vaudreuil et Bégon au Mémoire du Roy du 8 Juin, 1721.
[249] Eastern Indians' Letter to the Governour, 27 July, 1721, in Mass., Hist. Coll., Second Series, viii. 259. This is the original French. It is signed with totems of all the Abenaki bands, and also of the Caughnawagas, Iroquois of the Mountain, Hurons, Micmacs, Montagnais, and several other tribes. On this interview, Penhallow; Belknap, ii. 51; Shute to Vaudreuil, 21 July, 1721 (O. S.); Ibid., 23 April, 1722; Rale in Lettres édifiantes, xvii. 285. Rale blames Shute for not being present at the meeting, but a letter of the governor shows that he had never undertaken to be there. He could not have come in any case, from the effects of a fall, which disabled him for some months even from going to Portsmouth to meet the Legislature. Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, iii. 822.
[250] Williamson, Hist. of Maine, ii. 119; Penhallow. Rale's account of the affair, found among his papers at Norridgewock, is curiously247 exaggerated. He says that he himself was with the Indians, and "to pleasure the English" showed himself to them several times,—a point which the English writers do not mention, though it is one which they would be most likely to seize upon. He says that fifty houses were burned, and that there were five forts, two of which were of stone, and that in one of these six hundred armed men, besides women and children, had sought refuge, though there was not such a number of men in the whole region of the Kennebec.
[251] Vaudreuil, Mémoire adressé au Roy, 5 Juin, 1723.
[252] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 6 Septembre, 1716.
[253] Extrait d'une Liasse de Papiers concernant le Canada, 1720. (Archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères.)
[254] Réponse de Vaudreuil et Bégon au Mémoire du Roy, 8 Juin, 1721.
[255] Bégon à Rale, 14 Juin, 1721.
[256] Some of the papers found in Rale's "strong box" are still preserved in the Archives of Massachusetts, including a letter to him from Vaudreuil, dated at Quebec, 25 September, 1721, in which the French governor expresses great satisfaction at the missionary's success in uniting the Indians against the English, and promises military aid, if necessary.
[257] Wheeler, History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, 54.
[258] Hutchinson, ii. 261. On these dissensions compare Palfrey, Hist. of New England, iv. 406-428.
[259] Sewall Papers, iii. 317, 318.
[260] Palfrey, iv. 432, 433.
[261] Penhallow. Hutchinson, ii. 279.
[262] Penhallow. Temple and Sheldon, History of Northfield, 195.
[263] Westbrook to Dummer, 23 March, 1723, in Collections Mass. Hist. Soc., Second Series, viii. 264.
[264] Hutchinson, ii. 283 (ed. 1795). Hutchinson had the story from Moulton. Compare the tradition in the family of Jaques, as told by his great-grandson, in Historical Magazine, viii. 177.
[265] The above rests on the account of Hutchinson, which was taken from the official Journal of Harmon, the commander of the expedition, and from the oral statements of Moulton, whom Hutchinson examined on the subject. Charlevoix, following a letter of La Chasse in the Jesuit Lettres édifiantes, gives a widely different story. According to him, Norridgewock was surprised by eleven hundred men, who first announced their presence by a general volley, riddling248 all the houses with bullets. Rale, says La Chasse, Tan out to save his flock by drawing the rage of the enemy on himself; on which they raised a great shout and shot him dead at the foot of the cross in the middle of the village. La Chasse does not tell us where he got the story; but as there were no French witnesses, the story must have come from the Indians, who are notorious liars249 where their interest and self-love are concerned. Nobody competent to judge of evidence can doubt which of the two statements is the more trustworthy.
[266] It is also said that Rale taught some of his Indians to read and write,—which was unusual in the Jesuit missions. On his character, compare the judicial250 and candid251 Life of Rale, by Dr. Convers Francis, in Sparks's American Biography, New Series, vii.
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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35
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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36
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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37
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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38
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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39
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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40
civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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41
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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42
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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43
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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44
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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45
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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46
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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47
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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48
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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49
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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50
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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51
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
acorns
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| n.橡子，栎实( acorn的名词复数 ) | |
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53
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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54
clams
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| n.蛤；蚌，蛤( clam的名词复数 )v.（在沙滩上）挖蛤( clam的第三人称单数 ) | |
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55
oysters
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| 牡蛎( oyster的名词复数 ) | |
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56
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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57
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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58
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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59
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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60
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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61
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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62
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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63
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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64
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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65
farmhouses
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| n.农舍，农场的主要住房( farmhouse的名词复数 ) | |
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66
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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67
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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68
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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69
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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70
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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71
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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72
waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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73
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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74
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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75
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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76
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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77
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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78
prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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79
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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80
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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81
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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83
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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84
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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85
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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86
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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87
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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88
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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89
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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91
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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92
pilfer
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| v.盗，偷，窃 | |
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93
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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94
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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95
wig
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| n.假发 | |
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96
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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97
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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98
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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99
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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100
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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101
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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102
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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103
abridge
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| v.删减，删节，节略，缩短 | |
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104
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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105
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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106
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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107
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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108
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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109
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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110
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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111
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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112
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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113
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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114
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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115
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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116
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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117
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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118
depreciated
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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119
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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120
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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121
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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122
novice
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| adj.新手的，生手的 | |
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123
sarcasms
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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124
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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125
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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126
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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127
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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128
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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129
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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130
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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131
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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132
exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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133
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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134
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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135
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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136
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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137
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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138
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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139
provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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140
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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141
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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142
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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143
abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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144
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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145
stanch
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| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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146
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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147
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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148
chameleon
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| n.变色龙，蜥蜴；善变之人 | |
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149
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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150
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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151
dangling
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| 悬吊着( dangle的现在分词 )； 摆动不定； 用某事物诱惑…； 吊胃口 | |
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152
soot
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| n.煤烟，烟尘；vt.熏以煤烟 | |
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153
pigments
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| n.（粉状）颜料( pigment的名词复数 )；天然色素 | |
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154
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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155
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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156
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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157
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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158
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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159
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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160
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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161
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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162
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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163
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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164
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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165
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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166
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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167
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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168
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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169
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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170
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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171
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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172
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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173
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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174
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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175
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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176
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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177
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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178
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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180
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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182
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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183
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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184
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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185
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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186
dotage
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| n.年老体衰；年老昏聩 | |
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187
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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188
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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189
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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190
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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191
drooping
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| adj. 下垂的，无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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192
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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193
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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194
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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195
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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196
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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197
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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198
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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199
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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200
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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201
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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202
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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203
moody
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| adj.心情不稳的，易怒的，喜怒无常的 | |
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204
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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205
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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206
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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207
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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208
tenaciously
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| 坚持地 | |
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209
rustics
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| n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 )；粗野的；不雅的；用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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210
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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211
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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212
waylaid
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| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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213
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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214
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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215
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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216
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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217
sloops
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| n.单桅纵帆船( sloop的名词复数 ) | |
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218
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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219
grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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220
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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221
pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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222
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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223
brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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224
tangle
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| n.纠缠；缠结；混乱；v.(使)缠绕；变乱 | |
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225
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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226
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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227
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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228
meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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229
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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230
embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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231
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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232
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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233
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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234
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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235
sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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236
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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237
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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238
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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239
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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240
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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241
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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242
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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243
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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244
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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245
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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246
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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247
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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248
riddling
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| adj.谜一样的，解谜的n.筛选 | |
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249
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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250
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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251
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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