CéLORON DE BIENVILLE.
La Galissonière ? English Encroachment1 ? Mission of Céloron ? The Great West ? Its European Claimants ? Its Indian Population ? English Fur-Traders ? Céloron on the Alleghany ? His Reception ? His Difficulties ? Descent of the Ohio ? Covert2 Hostility3 ? Ascent4 of the Miami ? La Demoiselle ? Dark Prospects5 for France ? Christopher Gist6 ? George Croghan ? Their Western Mission ? Pickawillany ? English Ascendency ? English Dissension and Rivalry7 ? The Key of the Great West.
When the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed, the Marquis de la Galissonière ruled over Canada. Like all the later Canadian governors, he was a naval8 officer; and, a few years after, he made himself famous by a victory, near Minorca, over the English admiral Byng,—an achievement now remembered chiefly by the fate of the defeated commander, judicially9 murdered as the scapegoat10 of an imbecile ministry11. Galissonière was a humpback; but his deformed12 person was animated13 by a bold spirit and a strong and penetrating14 intellect. He was the chief representative of the American policy of France. He felt that, cost what it might, she must hold fast to Canada, and link her to Louisiana by chains of forts strong enough to hold back the British colonies, and cramp15 their growth 37
V1 by confinement16 within narrow limits; while French settlers, sent from the mother-country, should spread and multiply in the broad valleys of the interior. It is true, he said, that Canada and her dependencies have always been a burden; but they are necessary as a barrier against English ambition; and to abandon them is to abandon ourselves; for if we suffer our enemies to become masters in America, their trade and naval power will grow to vast proportions, and they will draw from their colonies a wealth that will make them preponderant in Europe.[2]
[2] La Galissonière, Mémoire sur les Colonies de la France dans l'Amérique septentrionale.
The treaty had done nothing to settle the vexed17 question of boundaries between France and her rival. It had but staved off the inevitable18 conflict. Meanwhile, the English traders were crossing the mountains from Pennsylvania and Virginia, poaching on the domain19 which France claimed as hers, ruining the French fur-trade, seducing20 the Indian allies of Canada, and stirring them up against her. Worse still, English land speculators were beginning to follow. Something must be done, and that promptly21, to drive back the intruders, and vindicate22 French rights in the valley of the Ohio. To this end the Governor sent Céloron de Bienville thither23 in the summer of 1749.
He was a chevalier de St. Louis and a captain in the colony troops. Under him went fourteen officers and cadets, twenty soldiers, a hundred and eighty Canadians, and a band of Indians, 38
V1 all in twenty-three birch-bark canoes. They left La Chine on the fifteenth of June, and pushed up the rapids of the St. Lawrence, losing a man and damaging several canoes on the way. Ten days brought them to the mouth of the Oswegatchie, where Ogdensburg now stands. Here they found a Sulpitian priest, Abbé Piquet, busy at building a fort, and lodging26 for the present under a shed of bark like an Indian. This enterprising father, ostensibly a missionary27, was in reality a zealous29 political agent, bent31 on winning over the red allies of the English, retrieving32 French prestige, and restoring French trade. Thus far he had attracted but two Iroquois to his new establishment; and these he lent to Céloron.
Reaching Lake Ontario, the party stopped for a time at the French fort of Frontenac, but avoided the rival English post of Oswego, on the southern shore, where a trade in beaver34 skins, disastrous35 to French interests, was carried on, and whither many tribes, once faithful to Canada, now made resort. On the sixth of July Céloron reached Niagara. This, the most important pass of all the western wilderness36, was guarded by a small fort of palisades on the point where the river joins the lake. Thence, the party carried their canoes over the portage road by the cataract37, and launched them upon Lake Erie. On the fifteenth they landed on the lonely shore where the town of Portland now stands; and for the next seven days were busied in shouldering canoes and baggage up and down the steep hills, through the 39
V1 dense38 forest of beech39, oak, ash, and elm, to the waters of Chautauqua Lake, eight or nine miles distant. Here they embarked40 again, steering41 southward over the sunny waters, in the stillness and solitude42 of the leafy hills, till they came to the outlet43, and glided44 down the peaceful current in the shade of the tall forests that overarched it. This prosperity was short. The stream was low, in spite of heavy rains that had drenched45 them on the carrying place. Father Bonnecamp, chaplain of the expedition, wrote, in his Journal: "In some places—and they were but too frequent—the water was only two or three inches deep; and we were reduced to the sad necessity of dragging our canoes over the sharp pebbles46, which, with all our care and precaution, stripped off large slivers47 of the bark. At last, tired and worn, and almost in despair of ever seeing La Belle48 Rivière, we entered it at noon of the 29th." The part of the Ohio, or "La Belle Rivière," which they had thus happily reached, is now called the Alleghany. The Great West lay outspread before them, a realm of wild and waste fertility.
French America had two heads,—one among the snows of Canada, and one among the canebrakes of Louisiana; one communicating with the world through the Gulf49 of St. Lawrence, and the other through the Gulf of Mexico. These vital points were feebly connected by a chain of military posts,—slender, and often interrupted,—circling through the wilderness nearly three thousand miles. Midway between Canada and Louisiana 40
V1 lay the valley of the Ohio. If the English should seize it, they would sever24 the chain of posts, and cut French America asunder50. If the French held it, and entrenched51 themselves well along its eastern limits, they would shut their rivals between the Alleghanies and the sea, control all the tribes of the West, and turn them, in case of war, against the English borders,—a frightful52 and insupportable scourge53.
The Indian population of the Ohio and its northern tributaries54 was relatively55 considerable. The upper or eastern half of the valley was occupied by mingled56 hordes57 of Delawares, Shawanoes, Wyandots, and Iroquois, or Indians of the Five Nations, who had migrated thither from their ancestral abodes59 within the present limits of the State of New York, and who were called Mingoes by the English traders. Along with them were a few wandering Abenakis, Nipissings, and Ottawas. Farther west, on the waters of the Miami, the Wabash, and other neighboring streams, was the seat of a confederacy formed of the various bands of the Miamis and their kindred or affiliated60 tribes. Still farther west, towards the Mississippi, were the remnants of the Illinois.
France had done but little to make good her claims to this grand domain. East of the Miami she had no military post whatever. Westward61, on the Maumee, there was a small wooden fort, another on the St. Joseph, and two on the Wabash. On the meadows of the Mississippi, in the Illinois country, stood Fort Chartres,—a much stronger 41
V1 work, and one of the chief links of the chain that connected Quebec with New Orleans. Its four stone bastions were impregnable to musketry; and, here in the depths of the wilderness, there was no fear that cannon62 would be brought against it. It was the centre and citadel63 of a curious little forest settlement, the only vestige64 of civilization through all this region. At Kaskaskia, extended along the borders of the stream, were seventy or eighty French houses; thirty or forty at Cahokia, opposite the site of St. Louis; and a few more at the intervening hamlets of St. Philippe and Prairie à la Roche,—a picturesque65 but thriftless population, mixed with Indians, totally ignorant, busied partly with the fur-trade, and partly with the raising of corn for the market of New Orleans. They communicated with it by means of a sort of row galley66, of eighteen or twenty oars67, which made the voyage twice a year, and usually spent ten weeks on the return up the river.[3]
[3] Gordon, Journal, 1766, appended to Pownall, Topographical Description. In the Dép?t des Cartes de la Marine68 at Paris, C. 4,040, are two curious maps of the Illinois colony, made a little after the middle of the century. In 1753 the Marquis Duquesne denounced the colonists69 as debauched and lazy.
The Pope and the Bourbons had claimed this wilderness for seventy years, and had done scarcely more for it than the Indians, its natural owners. Of the western tribes, even of those living at the French posts, the Hurons or Wyandots alone were Christian71.[4] The devoted72 zeal28 of the early 42
V1 missionaries73 and the politic30 efforts of their successors had failed alike. The savages74 of the Ohio and the Mississippi, instead of being tied to France by the mild bonds of the faith, were now in a state which the French called defection or revolt; that is, they received and welcomed the English traders.
[4] "De toutes les nations domiciliées dans les postes des pays d'en haut, il n'y a que les hurons du détroit qui aient embrassé la Réligion chretienne." Mémoirs du Roy pour servir d'instruction au Sr. Marquis de Lajonquière.
These traders came in part from Virginia, but chiefly from Pennsylvania. Dinwiddie, governor of Virginia, says of them: "They appear to me to be in general a set of abandoned wretches76;" and Hamilton, governor of Pennsylvania, replies: "I concur77 with you in opinion that they are a very licentious78 people." [5] Indian traders, of whatever nation, are rarely models of virtue79; and these, without doubt, were rough and lawless men, with abundant blackguardism and few scruples80. Not all of them, however, are to be thus qualified81. Some were of a better stamp; among whom were Christopher Gist, William Trent, and George Croghan. These and other chief traders hired men on the frontiers, crossed the Alleghanies with goods packed on the backs of horses, descended82 into the valley of the Ohio, and journeyed from stream to stream and village to village along the Indian trails, with which all this wilderness was seamed, and which the traders widened to make them practicable. More rarely, they carried their goods on horses to the upper waters of the Ohio, and embarked them in large wooden canoes, in which 43
V1 they descended the main river, and ascended83 such of its numerous tributaries as were navigable. They were bold and enterprising; and French writers, with alarm and indignation, declare that some of them had crossed the Mississippi and traded with the distant Osages. It is said that about three hundred of them came over the mountains every year.
[5] Dinwiddie to Hamilton, 21 May, 1753. Hamilton to Dinwiddie,—May, 1753.
On reaching the Alleghany, Céloron de Bienville entered upon the work assigned him, and began by taking possession of the country. The men were drawn84 up in order; Louis XV. was proclaimed lord of all that region, the arms of France, stamped on a sheet of tin, were nailed to a tree, a plate of lead was buried at its foot, and the notary85 of the expedition drew up a formal act of the whole proceeding86. The leaden plate was inscribed87 as follows: "Year 1749, in the reign88 of Louis Fifteenth, King of France. We, Céloron, commanding the detachment sent by the Marquis de la Galissonière, commander-general of New France, to restore tranquillity89 in certain villages of these cantons, have buried this plate at the confluence90 of the Ohio and the Kanaouagon [Conewango], this 29th July, as a token of renewal91 of possession heretofore taken of the aforesaid River Ohio, of all streams that fall into it, and all lands on both sides to the source of the aforesaid streams, as the preceding Kings of France have enjoyed or ought to have enjoyed it, and which they have upheld by force of arms and by treaties, notably92 by those of Ryswick, Utrecht, and Aix-la-Chapelle."
44
V1 This done, the party proceeded on its way, moving downward with the current, and passing from time to time rough openings in the forest, with clusters of Indian wigwams, the inmates93 of which showed a strong inclination94 to run off at their approach. To prevent this, Chabert de Joncaire was sent in advance, as a messenger of peace. He was himself half Indian, being the son of a French officer and a Seneca squaw, speaking fluently his maternal95 tongue, and, like his father, holding an important place in all dealings between the French and the tribes who spoke96 dialects of the Iroquois. On this occasion his success was not complete. It needed all his art to prevent the alarmed savages from taking to the woods. Sometimes, however, Céloron succeeded in gaining an audience; and at a village of Senecas called La Paille Coupée he read them a message from La Galissonière couched in terms sufficiently97 imperative98: "My children, since I was at war with the English, I have learned that they have seduced99 you; and not content with corrupting101 your hearts, have taken advantage of my absence to invade lands which are not theirs, but mine; and therefore I have resolved to send you Monsieur de Céloron to tell you my intentions, which are that I will not endure the English on my land. Listen to me, children; mark well the word that I send you; follow my advice, and the sky will always be calm and clear over your villages. I expect from you an answer worthy102 of true children." And he urged them to stop all trade with the intruders, and send 45
V1 them back to whence they came. They promised compliance103; "and," says the chaplain, Bonnecamp, "we should all have been satisfied if we had thought them sincere; but nobody doubted that fear had extorted104 their answer."
Four leagues below French Creek105, by a rock scratched with Indian hieroglyphics106, they buried another leaden plate. Three days after, they reached the Delaware village of Attiqué, at the site of Kittanning, whose twenty-two wigwams were all empty, the owners having fled. A little farther on, at an old abandoned village of Shawanoes, they found six English traders, whom they warned to begone, and return no more at their peril107. Being helpless to resist, the traders pretended obedience108; and Céloron charged them with a letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania, in which he declared that he was "greatly surprised" to find Englishmen trespassing109 on the domain of France. "I know," concluded the letter, "that our Commandant-General would be very sorry to be forced to use violence; but his orders are precise, to leave no foreign traders within the limits of his government." [6]
[6] Céloron, Journal. Compare the letter as translated in N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 532; also Colonial Records of Pa., V. 425.
On the next day they reached a village of Iroquois under a female chief, called Queen Alequippa by the English, to whom she was devoted. Both Queen and subjects had fled; but among the deserted110 wigwams were six more Englishmen, whom Céloron warned off like the others, and 46
V1 who, like them, pretended to obey. At a neighboring town they found only two withered111 ancients, male and female, whose united ages, in the judgment112 of the chaplain, were full two centuries. They passed the site of the future Pittsburg; and some seventeen miles below approached Chiningué, called Logstown by the English, one of the chief places on the river. [7] Both English and French flags were flying over the town, and the inhabitants, lining113 the shore, greeted their visitors with a salute114 of musketry,—not wholly welcome, as the guns were charged with ball. Céloron threatened to fire on them if they did not cease. The French climbed the steep bank, and encamped on the plateau above, betwixt the forest and the village, which consisted of some fifty cabins and wigwams, grouped in picturesque squalor, and tenanted by a mixed population, chiefly of Delawares, Shawanoes, and Mingoes. Here, too, were gathered many fugitives115 from the deserted towns above. Céloron feared a night attack. The camp was encircled by a ring of sentries116; the officers walked the rounds till morning; a part of the men were kept under arms, and the rest ordered to sleep in their clothes. Joncaire discovered through some women of his acquaintance that an attack was intended. Whatever the danger may have been, the precautions of the French averted117 it; and instead of a battle, there was a council. Céloron delivered to the assembled chiefs a message from 47
V1 the Governor more conciliatory than the former, "Through the love I bear you, my children, I send you Monsieur de Céloron to open your eyes to the designs of the English against your lands. The establishments they mean to make, and of which you are certainly ignorant, tend to your complete ruin. They hide from you their plans, which are to settle here and drive you away, if I let them. As a good father who tenderly loves his children, and though far away from them bears them always in his heart, I must warn you of the danger that threatens you. The English intend to rob you of your country; and that they may succeed, they begin by corrupting your minds. As they mean to seize the Ohio, which belongs to me, I send to warn them to retire."
[7] There was another Chiningué, the Shenango of the English, on the Alleghany.
The reply of the chiefs, though sufficiently humble118, was not all that could be wished. They begged that the intruders might stay a little longer, since the goods they brought were necessary to them. It was in fact, these goods, cheap, excellent, and abundant as they were, which formed the only true bond between the English and the Western tribes. Logstown was one of the chief resorts of the English traders; and at this moment there were ten of them in the place. Céloron warned them off. "They agreed," says the chaplain, "to all that was demanded, well resolved, no doubt, to do the contrary as soon as our backs were turned."
Having distributed gifts among the Indians, the French proceeded on their way, and at or 48
V1 near the mouth of Wheeling Creek buried another plate of lead. They repeated the same ceremony at the mouth of the Muskingum. Here, half a century later, when this region belonged to the United States, a party of boys, bathing in the river, saw the plate protruding119 from the bank where the freshets had laid it bare, knocked it down with a long stick, melted half of it into bullets, and gave what remained to a neighbor from Marietta, who, hearing of this mysterious relic120, inscribed in an unknown tongue, came to rescue it from their hands.[8] It is now in the cabinet of the American Antiquarian Society.[9] On the eighteenth of August, Céloron buried yet another plate, at the mouth of the Great Kenawha. This, too, in the course of a century, was unearthed121 by the floods, and was found in 1846 by a boy at play, by the edge of the water.[10] The inscriptions123 on all these plates were much alike, with variations of date and place.
[8] O. H. Marshall, in Magazine of American History, March, 1878.
[9] For papers relating to it, see Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., II.
[10] For a fac-simile of the inscription122 on this plate, see Olden Time, I. 288. Céloron calls the Kenawha, Chinodahichetha. The inscriptions as given in his Journal correspond with those on the plates discovered.
The weather was by turns rainy and hot; and the men, tired and famished124, were fast falling ill. On the twenty-second they approached Scioto, called by the French St. Yotoc, or Sinioto, a large Shawanoe town at the mouth of the river which bears the same name. Greatly doubting what welcome awaited them, they filled their powder-horns and prepared for the worst. Joncaire was 49
V1 sent forward to propitiate125 the inhabitants; but they shot bullets through the flag that he carried, and surrounded him, yelling and brandishing126 their knives. Some were for killing128 him at once; others for burning him alive. The interposition of a friendly Iroquois saved him; and at length they let him go. Céloron was very uneasy at the reception of his messenger. "I knew," he writes, "the weakness of my party, two thirds of which were young men who had never left home before, and would all have run at the sight of ten Indians. Still, there was nothing for me but to keep on; for I was short of provisions, my canoes were badly damaged, and I had no pitch or bark to mend them. So I embarked again, ready for whatever might happen. I had good officers, and about fifty men who could be trusted."
As they neared the town, the Indians swarmed129 to the shore, and began the usual salute of musketry. "They fired," says Céloron, "full a thousand shots; for the English give them powder for nothing." He prudently130 pitched his camp on the farther side of the river, posted guards, and kept close watch. Each party distrusted and feared the other. At length, after much ado, many debates, and some threatening movements on the part of the alarmed and excited Indians, a council took place at the tent of the French commander; the chiefs apologized for the rough treatment of Joncaire, and Céloron replied with a rebuke131, which would doubtless have been less mild, had he felt himself stronger. He gave them also a 50
V1 message from the Governor, modified, apparently132, to suit the circumstances; for while warning them of the wiles133 of the English, it gave no hint that the King of France claimed mastery of their lands. Their answer was vague and unsatisfactory. It was plain that they were bound to the enemy by interest, if not by sympathy. A party of English traders were living in the place; and Céloron summoned them to withdraw, on pain of what might ensue. "My instructions," he says, "enjoined134 me to do this, and even to pillage135 the English; but I was not strong enough; and as these traders were established in the village and well supported by the Indians, the attempt would have failed, and put the French to shame." The assembled chiefs having been regaled with a cup of brandy each,—the only part of the proceeding which seemed to please them,—Céloron reimbarked, and continued his voyage.
On the thirtieth they reached the Great Miami, called by the French, Rivière à la Roche; and here Céloron buried the last of his leaden plates. They now bade farewell to the Ohio, or, in the words of the chaplain, to "La Belle Rivière,—that river so little known to the French, and unfortunately too well known to the English." He speaks of the multitude of Indian villages on its shores, and still more on its northern branches. "Each, great or small, has one or more English traders, and each of these has hired men to carry his furs. Behold136, then, the English well advanced upon our lands, and, what is worse, under the 51
V1 protection of a crowd of savages whom they have drawn over to them, and whose number increases daily."
The course of the party lay up the Miami; and they toiled137 thirteen days against the shallow current before they reached a village of the Miami Indians, lately built at the mouth of the rivulet139 now called Loramie Creek. Over it ruled a chief to whom the French had given the singular name of La Demoiselle, but whom the English, whose fast friend he was, called Old Britain. The English traders who lived here had prudently withdrawn140, leaving only two hired men in the place. The object of Cèloron was to induce the Demoiselle and his band to leave this new abode58 and return to their old villages near the French fort on the Maumee, where they would be safe from English seduction. To this end, he called them to a council, gave them ample gifts, and made them an harangue141 in the name of the Governor. The Demoiselle took the gifts, thanked his French father for his good advice, and promised to follow it at a more convenient time.[11] In vain Céloron insisted that he and his tribesmen should remove at once. Neither blandishments nor threats would prevail, and the French commander felt that his negotiation142 had failed.
[11] Céloron, Journal. Compare A Message from the Twightwees (Miamis) in Colonial Records of Pa., V. 437, where they say that they refused the gifts.
He was not deceived. Far from leaving his village, the Demoiselle, who was Great Chief of 52
V1 the Miami Confederacy, gathered his followers143 to the spot, till, less than two years after the visit of Céloron, its population had increased eightfold. Pique25 Town, or Pickawillany, as the English called it, became one of the greatest Indian towns of the West, the centre of English trade and influence, and a capital object of French jealousy144.
Céloron burned his shattered canoes, and led his party across the long and difficult portage to the French post on the Maumee, where he found Raymond, the commander, and all his men, shivering with fever and ague. They supplied him with wooden canoes for his voyage down the river; and, early in October, he reached Lake Erie, where he was detained for a time by a drunken debauch70 of his Indians, who are called by the chaplain "a species of men made to exercise the patience of those who have the misfortune to travel with them." In a month more he was at Fort Frontenac; and as he descended thence to Montreal, he stopped at the Oswegatchie, in obedience to the Governor, who had directed him to report the progress made by the Sulpitian, Abbé Piquet, at his new mission. Piquet's new fort had been burned by Indians, prompted, as he thought, by the English of Oswego; but the priest, buoyant and undaunted, was still resolute145 for the glory of God and the confusion of the heretics.
At length Céloron reached Montreal; and, closing his Journal, wrote thus: "Father Bonnecamp, who is a Jesuit and a great mathematician146, reckons that we have travelled twelve hundred leagues; I and 53
V1 my officers think we have travelled more. All I can say is, that the nations of these countries are very ill-disposed towards the French, and devoted entirely147 to the English." [12] If his expedition had done no more, it had at least revealed clearly the deplorable condition of French interests in the West.
[12] Journal de la Campagne que moy Céloron, Chevalier de l'Ordre Royal et Militaire de St. Louis, Capitaine Commandant un détachement envoy148é dans la Belle Rivière par33 les ordres de M. le Marquis de La Galissonière, etc.
Relation d'un voyage dans la Belle Rivière sous les ordres de M. de Céloron, par le Père Bonnecamp, en 1749.
While Céloron was warning English traders from the Ohio, a plan was on foot in Virginia for a new invasion of the French domain. An association was formed to settle the Ohio country; and a grant of five hundred thousand acres was procured149 from the King, on condition that a hundred families should be established upon it within seven years, a fort built, and a garrison150 maintained. The Ohio Company numbered among its members some of the chief men of Virginia, including two brothers of Washington; and it had also a London partner, one Hanbury, a person of influence, who acted as its agent in England. In the year after the expedition of Céloron, its governing committee sent the trader Christopher Gist to explore the country and select land. It must be "good level land," wrote the Committee; "we had rather go quite down to the Mississippi than take mean, broken land." [13] In November Gist reached Logstown, the Chiningué of Céloron, where he found 54
V1 what he calls a "parcel of reprobate151 Indian traders." Those whom he so stigmatizes152 were Pennsylvanians, chiefly Scotch-Irish, between whom and the traders from Virginia there was great jealousy. Gist was told that he "should never go home safe." He declared himself the bearer of a message from the King. This imposed respect, and he was allowed to proceed. At the Wyandot village of Muskingum he found the trader George Croghan, sent to the Indians by the Governor of Pennsylvania, to renew the chain of friendship. [14] "Croghan," he says, "is a mere153 idol154 among his countrymen, the Irish traders;" yet they met amicably155, and the Pennsylvanian had with him a companion, Andrew Montour, the interpreter, who proved of great service to Gist. As Montour was a conspicuous156 person in his time, and a type of his class, he merits a passing notice. He was the reputed grandson of a French governor and an Indian squaw. His half-breed mother, Catharine Montour, was a native of Canada, whence she was carried off by the Iroquois, and adopted by them. She lived in a village at the head of Seneca Lake, and still held the belief, inculcated by the guides of her youth, that Christ was a Frenchman crucified by the English. [15] Her son Andrew is thus described by the Moravian Zinzendorf, who knew him: 55
V1 "His face is like that of a European, but marked with a broad Indian ring of bear's-grease and paint drawn completely round it. He wears a coat of fine cloth of cinnamon color, a black necktie with silver spangles, a red satin waistcoat, trousers over which hangs his shirt, shoes and stockings, a hat, and brass75 ornaments157, something like the handle of a basket, suspended from his ears." [16] He was an excellent interpreter, and held in high account by his Indian kinsmen158.
[13] Instructions to Gist, in appendix to Pownall, Topographical Description of North America.
[14] Mr. Croghan's Transactions with the Indians, in N. Y. Col. Docs., VII. 267; Croghan to Hamilton, 16 Dec. 1750.
[15] This is stated by Count Zinzendorf, who visited her among the Senecas. Compare Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV., p. 376. In a plan of the "Route of the Western Army," made in 1779, and of which a tracing is before me, the village where she lived is still called "French Catharine's Town."
[16] Journal of Zinzendorf, quoted in Schweinitz, Life of David Zeisberger, 112, note.
After leaving Muskingum, Gist, Croghan, and Montour went together to a village on White Woman's Creek,—so called from one Mary Harris, who lived here. She was born in New England, was made prisoner when a child forty years before, and had since dwelt among her captors, finding such comfort as she might in an Indian husband and a family of young half-breeds. "She still remembers," says Gist, "that they used to be very religious in New England, and wonders how white men can be so wicked as she has seen them in these woods." He and his companions now journeyed southwestward to the Shawanoe town at the mouth of the Scioto, where they found a reception very different from that which had awaited Céloron. Thence they rode northwestward along the forest path that led to Pickawillany, the Indian town on the upper waters of the Great Miami. Gist was delighted with the country; and reported to his employers that "it is fine, rich, level land, well 56
V1 timbered with large walnut159, ash, sugar trees and cherry trees; well watered with a great number of little streams and rivulets160; full of beautiful natural meadows, with wild rye, blue-grass, and clover, and abounding161 with turkeys, deer, elks162, and most sorts of game, particularly buffaloes163, thirty or forty of which are frequently seen in one meadow." A little farther west, on the plains of the Wabash and the Illinois, he would have found them by thousands.
They crossed the Miami on a raft, their horses swimming after them; and were met on landing by a crowd of warriors164, who, after smoking with them, escorted them to the neighboring town, where they were greeted by a fusillade of welcome. "We entered with English colors before us, and were kindly166 received by their king, who invited us into his own house and set our colors upon the top of it; then all the white men and traders that were there came and welcomed us." This "king" was Old Britain, or La Demoiselle. Great were the changes here since Céloron, a year and a half before, had vainly enticed167 him to change his abode, and dwell in the shadow of the fleur-de-lis. The town had grown to four hundred families, or about two thousand souls; and the English traders had built for themselves and their hosts a fort of pickets168, strengthened with logs.
There was a series of councils in the long house, or town-hall. Croghan made the Indians a present from the Governor of Pennsylvania; and he and Gist delivered speeches of friendship and good 57
V1 advice, which the auditors169 received with the usual monosyllabic plaudits, ejected from the depths of their throats. A treaty of peace was solemnly made between the English and the confederate tribes, and all was serenity170 and joy; till four Ottawas, probably from Detroit, arrived with a French flag, a gift of brandy and tobacco, and a message from the French commandant inviting171 the Miamis to visit him. Whereupon the great war-chief rose, and, with "a fierce tone and very warlike air," said to the envoys172: "Brothers the Ottawas, we let you know, by these four strings173 of wampum, that we will not hear anything the French say, nor do anything they bid us." Then addressing the French as if actually present: "Fathers, we have made a road to the sun-rising, and have been taken by the hand by our brothers the English, the Six Nations, the Delawares, Shawanoes, and Wyandots. [17] We assure you, in that road we will go; and as you threaten us with war in the spring, we tell you that we are ready to receive you." Then, turning again to the four envoys: "Brothers the Ottawas, you hear what I say. Tell that to your fathers the French, for we speak it from our hearts." The chiefs then took down the French flag which the Ottawas had planted in the town, and dismissed the envoys with their answer of defiance174.
[17] Compare Message of Miamis and Hurons to the Governor of Pennsylvania in N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 594; and Report of Croghan in Colonial Records of Pa., V. 522, 523.
On the next day the town-crier came with a message from the Demoiselle, inviting his English 58
V1 guests to a "feather dance," which Gist thus describes: "It was performed by three dancing-masters, who were painted all over of various colors, with long sticks in their hands, upon the ends of which were fastened long feathers of swans and other birds, neatly175 woven in the shape of a fowl's wing; in this disguise they performed many antic tricks, waving their sticks and feathers about with great skill, to imitate the flying and fluttering of birds, keeping exact time with their music." This music was the measured thumping177 of an Indian drum. From time to time a warrior165 would leap up, and the drum and the dancers would cease as he struck a post with his tomahawk, and in a loud voice recounted his exploits. Then the music and the dance began anew, till another warrior caught the martial178 fire, and bounded into the circle to brandish127 his tomahawk and vaunt his prowess.
On the first of March Gist took leave of Pickawillany, and returned towards the Ohio. He would have gone to the Falls, where Louisville now stands, but for a band of French Indians reported to be there, who would probably have killed him. After visiting a deposit of mammoth179 bones on the south shore, long the wonder of the traders, he turned eastward180, crossed with toil138 and difficulty the mountains about the sources of the Kenawha, and after an absence of seven months reached his frontier home on the Yadkin, whence he proceeded to Roanoke with the report of his journey. [18]
[18] Journal of Christopher Gist, in appendix to Pownall, Topographical Description. Mr. Croghan's Transactions with the Indians in N. Y. Col. Docs., VII. 267.
59
V1 All looked well for the English in the West; but under this fair outside lurked181 hidden danger. The Miamis were hearty182 in the English cause, and so perhaps were the Shawanoes; but the Delawares had not forgotten the wrongs that drove them from their old abodes east of the Alleghanies, while the Mingoes, or emigrant183 Iroquois, like their brethren of New York, felt the influence of Joncaire and other French agents, who spared no efforts to seduce100 them. [19] Still more baneful184 to British interests were the apathy185 and dissensions of the British colonies themselves. The Ohio Company had built a trading-house at Will's Creek, a branch of the Potomac, to which the Indians resorted in great numbers; whereupon the jealous traders of Pennsylvania told them that the Virginians meant to steal away their lands. This confirmed what they had been taught by the French emissaries, whose intrigues186 it powerfully aided. The governors of New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia saw the importance of Indian alliances, and felt their own responsibility in regard to them; but they could do nothing without their assemblies. Those of New York and Pennsylvania were largely composed of tradesmen and farmers, absorbed in local interests, and possessed187 by two motives,—the saving of the people's money, and opposition188 to the governor, who stood for the royal prerogative189. It was Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, who had sent Croghan 60
V1 to the Miamis to "renew the chain of friendship;" and when the envoy returned, the Assembly rejected his report. "I was condemned190," he says, "for bringing expense on the Government, and the Indians were neglected." [20] In the same year Hamilton again sent him over the mountains, with a present for the Mingoes and Delawares. Croghan succeeded in persuading them that it would be for their good if the English should build a fortified191 trading-house at the fork of the Ohio, where Pittsburg now stands; and they made a formal request to the Governor that it should be built accordingly. But, in the words of Croghan, the Assembly "rejected the proposal, and condemned me for making such a report." Yet this post on the Ohio was vital to English interests. Even the Penns, proprietaries192 of the province, never lavish193 of their money, offered four hundred pounds towards the cost of it, besides a hundred a year towards its maintenance; but the Assembly would not listen. [21] The Indians were so well convinced that a strong English trading-station in their country would add to their safety and comfort, that when Pennsylvania refused it, they repeated the proposal to Virginia; but here, too, it found for the present little favor.
[19] Joncaire made anti-English speeches to the Ohio Indians under the eyes of the English themselves, who did not molest194 him. Journal of George Croghan, 1751, in Olden Time, I. 136.
[20] Mr. Croghan's Transactions with the Indians, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII. 267.
[21] Colonial Records of Pa., V. 515, 529, 547. At a council at Logstown (1751), the Indians said to Croghan: "The French want to cheat us out of our country; but we will stop them, and, Brothers the English, you must help us. We expect that you will build a strong house on the River Ohio, that in case of war we may have a place to secure our wives and children, likewise our brothers that come to trade with us." Report of Treaty at Logstown, Ibid., V. 538.
61
V1 The question of disputed boundaries had much to do with this most impolitic inaction. A large part of the valley of the Ohio, including the site of the proposed establishment, was claimed by both Pennsylvania and Virginia; and each feared that whatever money it might spend there would turn to the profit of the other. This was not the only evil that sprang from uncertain ownership. "Till the line is run between the two provinces," says Dinwiddie, governor of Virginia, "I cannot appoint magistrates195 to keep the traders in good order." [22] Hence they did what they pleased, and often gave umbrage196 to the Indians. Clinton, of New York, appealed to his Assembly for means to assist Pennsylvania in "securing the fidelity197 of the Indians on the Ohio," and the Assembly refused. [23] "We will take care of our Indians, and they may take care of theirs:" such was the spirit of their answer. He wrote to the various provinces, inviting them to send commissioners198 to meet the tribes at Albany, "in order to defeat the designs and intrigues of the French." All turned a deaf ear except Massachusetts, Connecticut, and South Carolina, who sent the commissioners, but supplied them very meagrely with the indispensable presents. [24] Clinton says further: "The Assembly of this province have not given one farthing for Indian affairs, nor for a year past have they provided for 62 the subsistence of the garrison at Oswego, which is the key for the commerce between the colonies and the inland nations of Indians." [25]
[22] Dinwiddie to the Lords of Trade, 6 Oct. 1752.
[23] Journals of New York Assembly, II. 283, 284. Colonial Records of Pa., V. 466.
[24] Clinton to Hamilton, 18 Dec. 1750. Clinton to Lords of Trade, 13 June, 1751; Ibid., 17 July, 1751.
[25] Clinton to Bedford, 30 July, 1750.
In the heterogeneous199 structure of the British colonies, their clashing interests, their internal disputes, and the misplaced economy of penny-wise and short-sighted assembly-men, lay the hope of France. The rulers of Canada knew the vast numerical preponderance of their rivals; but with their centralized organization they felt themselves more than a match for any one English colony alone. They hoped to wage war under the guise176 of peace, and to deal with the enemy in detail; and they at length perceived that the fork of the Ohio, so strangely neglected by the English, formed, together with Niagara, the key of the Great West. Could France hold firmly these two controlling passes, she might almost boast herself mistress of the continent.
Note.—The Journal of Céloron (Archives de la Marine) is very long and circumstantial, including the procès verbaux, and reports of councils with Indians. The Journal of the chaplain, Bonnecamp (Dép?t de la Marine), is shorter, but is the work of an intelligent and observing man. The author, a Jesuit, was skilled in mathematics, made daily observations, and constructed a map of the route, still preserved at the Dép?t de la Marine. Concurrently200 with these French narratives201, one may consult the English letters and documents bearing on the same subjects, in the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, the Archives of Pennsylvania, and the Colonial Documents of New York.
Three of Céloron's leaden plates have been found,—the two mentioned in the text, and another which was never buried, and which the Indians, who regarded these mysterious tablets as "bad medicine," procured by a trick from Joncaire, or, according to Governor Clinton, stole from him. A Cayuga chief brought it to Colonel Johnson, on the Mohawk, who interpreted the "Devilish writing" in such a manner as best to inspire horror of French designs.
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encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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gist
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| n.要旨；梗概 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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judicially
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scapegoat
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| n.替罪的羔羊，替人顶罪者；v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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cramp
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confinement
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vexed
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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seducing
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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thither
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sever
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pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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lodging
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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retrieving
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| n.检索（过程），取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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par
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beaver
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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wilderness
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cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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beech
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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steering
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solitude
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outlet
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glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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pebbles
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| [复数]鹅卵石； 沙砾； 卵石，小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
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slivers
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belle
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gulf
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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scourge
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tributaries
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relatively
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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hordes
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abode
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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affiliated
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westward
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cannon
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citadel
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vestige
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picturesque
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galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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oars
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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debauch
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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devoted
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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licentious
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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inscribed
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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89
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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90
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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91
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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92
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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93
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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94
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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95
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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96
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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97
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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98
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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99
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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100
seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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101
corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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102
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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103
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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104
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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105
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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106
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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107
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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108
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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109
trespassing
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| [法]非法入侵 | |
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110
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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111
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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112
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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113
lining
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| n.衬里，衬料 | |
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114
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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115
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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116
sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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117
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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118
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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119
protruding
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| v.（使某物）伸出，（使某物）突出( protrude的现在分词 )；凸 | |
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120
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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121
unearthed
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| 出土的（考古） | |
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122
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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123
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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124
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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125
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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126
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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127
brandish
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| v.挥舞，挥动；n.挥动，挥舞 | |
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128
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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129
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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130
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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131
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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132
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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133
wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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134
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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136
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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137
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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138
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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139
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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140
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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141
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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142
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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143
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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144
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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145
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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146
mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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147
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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148
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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149
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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150
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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151
reprobate
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| n.无赖汉；堕落的人 | |
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152
stigmatizes
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的第三人称单数 ) | |
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153
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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154
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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155
amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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156
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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157
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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158
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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159
walnut
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| n.胡桃，胡桃木，胡桃色，茶色 | |
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160
rivulets
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| n.小河，小溪( rivulet的名词复数 ) | |
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161
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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162
elks
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| n.麋鹿( elk的名词复数 ) | |
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163
buffaloes
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| n.水牛（分非洲水牛和亚洲水牛两种）( buffalo的名词复数 )；（南非或北美的）野牛；威胁；恐吓 | |
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164
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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165
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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166
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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167
enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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169
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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170
serenity
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| n.宁静，沉着，晴朗 | |
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171
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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172
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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173
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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174
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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175
neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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176
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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177
thumping
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| adj.重大的，巨大的；重击的；尺码大的；极好的adv.极端地；非常地v.重击(thump的现在分词)；狠打；怦怦地跳；全力支持 | |
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178
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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179
mammoth
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| n.长毛象；adj.长毛象似的，巨大的 | |
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180
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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181
lurked
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| vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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182
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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183
emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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184
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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185
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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186
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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187
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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188
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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189
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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190
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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191
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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192
proprietaries
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| n.所有人( proprietary的名词复数 )；专卖药品；独家制造（及销售）的产品 | |
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193
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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194
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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195
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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196
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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197
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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198
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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199
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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200
concurrently
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| adv.同时地 | |
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201
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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