THE COMBATANTS.
England in the Eighteenth Century ? Her Political and Social Aspects ? Her Military Condition ? France ? Her Power and Importance ? Signs of Decay ? The Court, the Nobles, the Clergy2, the People ? The King and Pompadour ? The Philosophers ? Germany ? Prussia ? Frederic II ? Russia ? State of Europe ? War of the Austrian Succession ? American Colonies of France and England ? Contrasted Systems and their Results ? Canada ? Its Strong Military Position ? French Claims to the Continent ? British Colonies ? New England ? Virginia ? Pennsylvania ? New York ? Jealousies3, Divisions, Internal Disputes, Military Weakness.
The latter half of the reign4 of George II. was one of the most prosaic6 periods in English history. The civil wars and the Restoration had had their enthusiasms, religion and liberty on one side, and loyalty7 on the other; but the old fires declined when William III. came to the throne, and died to ashes under the House of Hanover. Loyalty lost half its inspiration when it lost the tenet of the divine right of kings; and nobody could now hold that tenet with any consistency8 except the defeated and despairing Jacobites. Nor had anybody as yet proclaimed the rival dogma of the divine right of the people. The reigning9 6
V1 monarch10 held his crown neither of God nor of the nation, but of a parliament controlled by a ruling class. The Whig aristocracy had done a priceless service to English liberty. It was full of political capacity, and by no means void of patriotism12; but it was only a part of the national life. Nor was it at present moved by political emotions in any high sense. It had done its great work when it expelled the Stuarts and placed William of Orange on the throne; its ascendency was now complete. The Stuarts had received their death-blow at Culloden; and nothing was left to the dominant13 party but to dispute on subordinate questions, and contend for office among themselves. The Troy squires15 sulked in their country-houses, hunted foxes, and grumbled16 against the reigning dynasty; yet hardly wished to see the nation convulsed by a counter-revolution and another return of the Stuarts.
If politics had run to commonplace, so had morals; and so too had religion. Despondent17 writers of the day even complained that British courage had died out. There was little sign to the common eye that under a dull and languid surface, forces were at work preparing a new life, material, moral, and intellectual. As yet, Whitefield and Wesley had not wakened the drowsy18 conscience of the nation, nor the voice of William Pitt roused it like a trumpet-peal.
It was the unwashed and unsavory England of Hogarth, Fielding, Smollett, and Sterne; of Tom Jones, Squire14 Western, Lady Bellaston, and Parson Adams; of the "Rake's Progress" and "Marriage 7
V1 à la Mode;" of the lords and ladies who yet live in the undying gossip of Horace Walpole, be-powdered, be-patched, and be-rouged, flirting19 at masked balls, playing cards till daylight, retailing20 scandal, and exchanging double meanings. Beau Nash reigned21 king over the gaming-tables of Bath; the ostrich-plumes of great ladies mingled22 with the peacock-feathers of courtesans in the rotunda23 at Ranelagh Gardens; and young lords in velvet24 suits and embroidered25 ruffles26 played away their patrimony27 at White's Chocolate-House or Arthur's Club. Vice11 was bolder than to-day, and manners more courtly, perhaps, but far more coarse.
The humbler clergy were thought—sometimes with reason—to be no fit company for gentlemen, and country parsons drank their ale in the squire's kitchen. The passenger-wagon spent the better part of a fortnight in creeping from London to York. Travellers carried pistols against footpads and mounted highwaymen. Dick Turpin and Jack28 Sheppard were popular heroes. Tyburn counted its victims by scores; and as yet no Howard had appeared to reform the inhuman29 abominations of the prisons.
The middle class, though fast rising in importance, was feebly and imperfectly represented in parliament. The boroughs30 were controlled by the nobility and gentry31, or by corporations open to influence or bribery32. Parliamentary corruption33 had been reduced to a system; and offices, sinecures34, pensions, and gifts of money were freely used to keep ministers in power. The great offices of state 8
V1 were held by men sometimes of high ability, but of whom not a few divided their lives among politics, cards, wine, horse-racing, and women, till time and the gout sent them to the waters of Bath. The dull, pompous35, and irascible old King had two ruling passions,—money, and his Continental36 dominions37 of Hanover. His elder son, the Prince of Wales, was a centre of opposition39 to him. His younger son, the Duke of Cumberland, a character far more pronounced and vigorous, had won the day at Culloden, and lost it at Fontenoy; but whether victor or vanquished41, had shown the same vehement42 bull-headed courage, of late a little subdued43 by fast growing corpulency. The Duke of Newcastle, the head of the government, had gained power and kept it by his rank and connections, his wealth, his county influence, his control of boroughs, and the extraordinary assiduity and devotion with which he practised the arts of corruption. Henry Fox, grasping, unscrupulous, with powerful talents, a warm friend after his fashion, and a most indulgent father; Carteret, with his strong, versatile44 intellect and jovial45 intrepidity46; the two Townshends, Mansfield, Halifax, and Chesterfield,—were conspicuous47 figures in the politics of the time. One man towered above them all. Pitt had many enemies and many critics. They called him ambitious, audacious, arrogant48, theatrical49, pompous, domineering; but what he has left for posterity50 is a loftiness of soul, undaunted courage, fiery51 and passionate52 eloquence53, proud incorruptibility, domestic virtues54 rare in his day, 9
V1 unbounded faith in the cause for which he stood, and abilities which without wealth or strong connections were destined56 to place him on the height of power. The middle class, as yet almost voiceless, looked to him as its champion; but he was not the champion of a class. His patriotism was as comprehensive as it was haughty57 and unbending. He lived for England, loved her with intense devotion, knew her, believed in her, and made her greatness his own; or rather, he was himself England incarnate58.
The nation was not then in fighting equipment. After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the army within the three kingdoms had been reduced to about eighteen thousand men. Added to these were the garrisons59 of Minorca and Gibraltar, and six or seven independent companies in the American colonies. Of sailors, less than seventeen thousand were left in the Royal Navy. Such was the condition of England on the eve of one of the most formidable wars in which she was ever engaged.
Her rival across the Channel was drifting slowly and unconsciously towards the cataclysm60 of the Revolution; yet the old monarchy61, full of the germs of decay, was still imposing62 and formidable. The House of Bourbon held the three thrones of France, Spain, and Naples; and their threatened union in a family compact was the terror of European diplomacy63. At home France was the foremost of the Continental nations; and she boasted herself second only to Spain as a colonial power. 10
V1 She disputed with England the mastery of India, owned the islands of Bourbon and Mauritius, held important possessions in the West Indies, and claimed all North America except Mexico and a strip of sea-coast. Her navy was powerful, her army numerous, and well appointed; but she lacked the great commanders of the last reign. Soubise, Maillebois, Contades, Broglie, and Clermont were but weak successors of Condé, Turenne, Vend64?me, and Villars. Marshal Richelieu was supreme65 in the arts of gallantry, and more famous for conquests of love than of war. The best generals of Louis XV. were foreigners. Lowendal sprang from the royal house of Denmark; and Saxe, the best of all, was one of the three hundred and fifty-four bastards66 of Augustus the Strong, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland. He was now, 1750, dying at Chambord, his iron constitution ruined by debaucheries.
The triumph of the Bourbon monarchy was complete. The government had become one great machine of centralized administration, with a king for its head; though a king who neither could nor would direct it. All strife67 was over between the Crown and the nobles; feudalism was robbed of its vitality69, and left the mere70 image of its former self, with nothing alive but its abuses, its caste privileges, its exactions, its pride and vanity, its power to vex71 and oppress. In England, the nobility were a living part of the nation, and if they had privileges, they paid for them by constant service to the state; in France, they had no political life, 11
V1 and were separated from the people by sharp lines of demarcation. From warrior72 chiefs, they had changed to courtiers. Those of them who could afford it, and many who could not, left their estates to the mercy of stewards73, and gathered at Versailles to revolve75 about the throne as glittering satellites, paid in pomp, empty distinctions, or rich sinecures, for the power they had lost. They ruined their vassals76 to support the extravagance by which they ruined themselves. Such as stayed at home were objects of pity and scorn. "Out of your Majesty's presence," said one of them, "we are not only wretched, but ridiculous."
Versailles was like a vast and gorgeous theatre, where all were actors and spectators at once; and all played their parts to perfection. Here swarmed78 by thousands this silken nobility, whose ancestors rode cased in iron. Pageant79 followed pageant. A picture of the time preserves for us an evening in the great hall of the Chateau80, where the King, with piles of louis d'or before him, sits at a large oval green table, throwing the dice81, among princes and princesses, dukes and duchesses, ambassadors, marshals of France, and a vast throng82 of courtiers, like an animated83 bed of tulips; for men and women alike wear bright and varied84 colors. Above are the frescos of Le Brun; around are walls of sculptured and inlaid marbles, with mirrors that reflect the restless splendors85 of the scene and the blaze of chandeliers, sparkling with crystal pendants. Pomp, magnificence, profusion86, were a business and a duty at the Court. Versailles was a gulf87 12
Here the graces and charms were a political power. Women had prodigious90 influence, and the two sexes were never more alike. Men not only dressed in colors, but they wore patches and carried muffs. The robust91 qualities of the old nobility still lingered among the exiles of the provinces, while at Court they had melted into refinements92 tainted93 with corruption. Yet if the butterflies of Versailles had lost virility94, they had not lost courage. They fought as gayly as they danced. In the halls which they haunted of yore, turned now into a historical picture-gallery, one sees them still, on the canvas of Lenfant, Lepaon, or Vernet, facing death with careless gallantry, in their small three-cornered hats, powdered perukes, embroidered coats, and lace ruffles. Their valets served them with ices in the trenches95, under the cannon96 of besieged97 towns. A troop of actors formed part of the army-train of Marshal Saxe. At night there was a comedy, a ballet, or a ball, and in the morning a battle. Saxe, however, himself a sturdy German, while he recognized their fighting value, and knew well how to make the best of it, sometimes complained that they were volatile98, excitable, and difficult to manage.
The weight of the Court, with its pomps, luxuries, and wars, bore on the classes least able to support it. The poorest were taxed most; the richest not at all. The nobles, in the main, were free from imposts. The clergy, who had vast possessions, 13
V1 were wholly free, though they consented to make voluntary gifts to the Crown; and when, in a time of emergency, the minister Machault required them, in common with all others hitherto exempt99, to contribute a twentieth of their revenues to the charges of government, they passionately100 refused, declaring that they would obey God rather than the King. The cultivators of the soil were ground to the earth by a threefold extortion,—the seigniorial dues, the tithes101 of the Church, and the multiplied exactions of the Crown, enforced with merciless rigor102 by the farmers of the revenue, who enriched themselves by wringing103 the peasant on the one hand, and cheating the King on the other. A few great cities shone with all that is most brilliant in society, intellect, and concentrated wealth; while the country that paid the costs lay in ignorance and penury104, crushed and despairing. Of the inhabitants of towns, too, the demands of the tax-gatherer were extreme; but here the immense vitality of the French people bore up the burden. While agriculture languished105, and intolerable oppression turned peasants into beggars or desperadoes; while the clergy were sapped by corruption, and the nobles enervated106 by luxury and ruined by extravagance, the middle class was growing in thrift107 and strength. Arts and commerce prospered108, and the seaports109 were alive with foreign trade. Wealth tended from all sides towards the centre. The King did not love his capital; but he and his favorites amused themselves with adorning110 it. Some of the chief embellishments 14
V1 that make Paris what it is to-day—the Place de la Concorde, the Champs élysées, and many of the palaces of the Faubourg St. Germain—date from this reign.
One of the vicious conditions of the time was the separation in sympathies and interests of the four great classes of the nation,—clergy, nobles, burghers, and peasants; and each of these, again, divided itself into incoherent fragments. France was an aggregate111 of disjointed parts, held together by a meshwork of arbitrary power, itself touched with decay. A disastrous112 blow was struck at the national welfare when the Government of Louis XV. revived the odious113 persecution114 of the Huguenots. The attempt to scour115 heresy116 out of France cost her the most industrious117 and virtuous118 part of her population, and robbed her of those most fit to resist the mocking scepticism and turbid119 passions that burst out like a deluge120 with the Revolution.
Her manifold ills were summed up in the King. Since the Valois, she had had no monarch so worthless. He did not want understanding, still less the graces of person. In his youth the people called him the "Well-beloved;" but by the middle of the century they so detested121 him that he dared not pass through Paris, lest the mob should execrate122 him. He had not the vigor40 of the true tyrant123; but his langour, his hatred124 of all effort, his profound selfishness, his listless disregard of public duty, and his effeminate libertinism125, mixed with superstitious126 devotion, made him no less a national curse. Louis XIII. was equally unfit 15
V1 to govern; but he gave the reins127 to the Great Cardinal128. Louis XV. abandoned them to a frivolous129 mistress, content that she should rule on condition of amusing him. It was a hard task; yet Madame de Pompadour accomplished130 it by methods infamous131 to him and to her. She gained and long kept the power that she coveted132: filled the Bastille with her enemies; made and unmade ministers; appointed and removed generals. Great questions of policy were at the mercy of her caprices. Through her frivolous vanity, her personal likes and dislikes, all the great departments of government—army, navy, war, foreign affairs, justice, finance—changed from hand to hand incessantly133, and this at a time of crisis when the kingdom needed the steadiest and surest guidance. Few of the officers of state, except, perhaps, D'Argenson, could venture to disregard her. She turned out Orry, the comptroller-general, put her favorite, Machault, into his place, then made him keeper of the seals, and at last minister of marine134. The Marquis de Puysieux, in the ministry135 of foreign affairs, and the Comte de St.-Florentin, charged with the affairs of the clergy, took their cue from her. The King stinted136 her in nothing. First and last, she is reckoned to have cost him thirty-six million francs,—answering now to more than as many dollars.
The prestige of the monarchy was declining with the ideas that had given it life and strength. A growing disrespect for king, ministry, and clergy was beginning to prepare the catastrophe137 that was 16
V1 still some forty years in the future. While the valleys and low places of the kingdom were dark with misery138 and squalor, its heights were bright with a gay society,—elegant, fastidious, witty,—craving the pleasures of the mind as well as of the senses, criticising everything, analyzing139 everything, believing nothing. Voltaire was in the midst of it, hating, with all his vehement soul, the abuses that swarmed about him, and assailing140 them with the inexhaustible shafts141 of his restless and piercing intellect. Montesquieu was showing to a despot-ridden age the principles of political freedom. Diderot and D'Alembert were beginning their revolutionary Encyclop?dia. Rousseau was sounding the first notes of his mad eloquence,—the wild revolt of a passionate and diseased genius against a world of falsities and wrongs. The salons142 of Paris, cloyed143 with other pleasures, alive to all that was racy and new, welcomed the pungent144 doctrines145, and played with them as children play with fire, thinking no danger; as time went on, even embraced them in a genuine spirit of hope and good-will for humanity. The Revolution began at the top,—in the world of fashion, birth, and intellect,—and propagated itself downwards146. "We walked on a carpet of flowers," Count Ségur afterwards said, "unconscious that it covered an abyss;" till the gulf yawned at last, and swallowed them.
Eastward147, beyond the Rhine, lay the heterogeneous148 patchwork149 of the Holy Roman, or Germanic, 17
V1 Empire. The sacred bonds that throughout the Middle Ages had held together its innumerable fragments, had lost their strength. The Empire decayed as a whole; but not so the parts that composed it. In the south the House of Austria reigned over a formidable assemblage of states; and in the north the House of Brandenburg, promoted to royalty150 half a century before, had raised Prussia into an importance far beyond her extent and population. In her dissevered rags of territory lay the destinies of Germany. It was the late King, that honest, thrifty151, dogged, headstrong despot, Frederic William, who had made his kingdom what it was, trained it to the perfection of drill, and left it to his son, Frederic II. the best engine of war in Europe. Frederic himself had passed between the upper and nether152 millstones of paternal153 discipline. Never did prince undergo such an apprenticeship154. His father set him to the work of an overseer, or steward74, flung plates at his head in the family circle, thrashed him with his rattan155 in public, bullied156 him for submitting to such treatment, and imprisoned157 him for trying to run away from it. He came at last out of purgatory158; and Europe felt him to her farthest bounds. This bookish, philosophizing, verse-making cynic and profligate159 was soon to approve himself the first warrior of his time, and one of the first of all time.
Another power had lately risen on the European world. Peter the Great, half hero, half savage160, had roused the inert161 barbarism of Russia into a 18
V1 titanic162 life. His daughter Elizabeth had succeeded to his throne,—heiress of his sensuality, if not of his talents.
Over all the Continent the aspect of the times was the same. Power had everywhere left the plains and the lower slopes, and gathered at the summits. Popular life was at a stand. No great idea stirred the nations to their depths. The religious convulsions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were over, and the earthquake of the French Revolution had not begun. At the middle of the eighteenth century the history of Europe turned on the balance of power; the observance of treaties; inheritance and succession; rivalries163 of sovereign houses struggling to win power or keep it, encroach on neighbors, or prevent neighbors from encroaching; bargains, intrigue164, force, diplomacy, and the musket165, in the interest not of peoples but of rulers. Princes, great and small, brooded over some real or fancied wrong, nursed some dubious166 claim born of a marriage, a will, or an ancient covenant167 fished out of the abyss of time, and watched their moment to make it good. The general opportunity came when, in 1740, the Emperor Charles VI. died and bequeathed his personal dominions of the House of Austria to his daughter, Maria Theresa. The chief Powers of Europe had been pledged in advance to sustain the will; and pending168 the event, the veteran Prince Eugene had said that two hundred thousand soldiers would be worth all their 19
V1 guaranties together. The two hundred thousand were not there, and not a sovereign kept his word. They flocked to share the spoil, and parcel out the motley heritage of the young Queen. Frederic of Prussia led the way, invaded her province of Silesia, seized it, and kept it. The Elector of Bavaria and the King of Spain claimed their share, and the Elector of Saxony and the King of Sardinia prepared to follow the example. France took part with Bavaria, and intrigued169 to set the imperial crown on the head of the Elector, thinking to ruin her old enemy, the House of Austria, and rule Germany through an emperor too weak to dispense170 with her support. England, jealous of her designs, trembling for the balance of power, and anxious for the Hanoverian possessions of her king, threw herself into the strife on the side of Austria. It was now that, in the Diet at Presburg, the beautiful and distressed171 Queen, her infant in her arms, made her memorable172 appeal to the wild chivalry173 of her Hungarian nobles; and, clashing their swords, they shouted with one voice: "Let us die for our king, Maria Theresa;" Moriamur pro5 rege nostro, Maria Theresia,—one of the most dramatic scenes in history; not quite true, perhaps, but near the truth. Then came that confusion worse confounded called the war of the Austrian Succession, with its Mollwitz, its Dettingen, its Fontenoy, and its Scotch174 episode of Culloden. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle closed the strife in 1748. Europe had time to breathe; but the germs of discord175 remained alive.
20
V1
The American Combatants
The French claimed all America, from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains, and from Mexico and Florida to the North Pole, except only the ill-defined possessions of the English on the borders of Hudson Bay; and to these vast regions, with adjacent islands, they gave the general name of New France. They controlled the highways of the continent, for they held its two great rivers. First, they had seized the St. Lawrence, and then planted themselves at the mouth of the Mississippi. Canada at the north, and Louisiana at the south, were the keys of a boundless176 interior, rich with incalculable possibilities. The English colonies, ranged along the Atlantic coast, had no royal road to the great inland, and were, in a manner, shut between the mountains and the sea. At the middle of the century they numbered in all, from Georgia to Maine, about eleven hundred and sixty thousand white inhabitants. By the census177 of 1754 Canada had but fifty-five thousand.[1] Add those of Louisiana and Acadia, and the whole white population under the French flag might be something more than eighty thousand. Here is an enormous disparity; and hence it has been argued that the success of the English colonies and the failure of the French was not due to difference of religious and political systems, but 21
V1 simply to numerical preponderance. But this preponderance itself grew out of a difference of systems. We have said before, and it cannot be said too often, that in making Canada a citadel178 of the state religion,—a holy of holies of exclusive Roman Catholic orthodoxy,—the clerical monitors of the Crown robbed their country of a trans-Atlantic empire. New France could not grow with a priest on guard at the gate to let in none but such as pleased him. One of the ablest of Canadian governors, La Galissonière, seeing the feebleness of the colony compared with the vastness of its claims, advised the King to send ten thousand peasants to occupy the valley of the Ohio, and hold back the British swarm77 that was just then pushing its advance-guard over the Alleghanies. It needed no effort of the King to people his waste domain179, not with ten thousand peasants, but with twenty times ten thousand Frenchmen of every station,—the most industrious, most instructed, most disciplined by adversity and capable of self-rule, that the country could boast. While La Galissonière was asking for colonists181, the agents of the Crown, set on by priestly fanaticism182, or designing selfishness masked with fanaticism, were pouring volleys of musketry into Huguenot congregations, imprisoning183 for life those innocent of all but their faith,—the men in the galleys184, the women in the pestiferous dungeons185 of Aigues Mortes,—hanging their ministers, kidnapping their children, and reviving, in short, the dragonnades. Now, as in the past century, many 22
V1 of the victims escaped to the British colonies, and became a part of them. The Huguenots would have hailed as a boon187 the permission to emigrate under the fleur-de-lis, and build up a Protestant France in the valleys of the West. It would have been a bane of absolutism, but a national glory; would have set bounds to English colonization188, and changed the face of the continent. The opportunity was spurned189. The dominant Church clung to its policy of rule and ruin. France built its best colony on a principle of exclusion190, and failed; England reversed the system, and succeeded.
[1] Censuses191 of Canada, iv. 61. Rameau (La France aux Colonies, II. 81) estimates the Canadian population, in 1755, at sixty-six thousand, besides voyageurs, Indian traders, etc. Vaudreuil, in 1760, places it at seventy thousand.
I have shown elsewhere the aspects of Canada, where a rigid192 scion193 of the old European tree was set to grow in the wilderness194. The military Governor, holding his miniature Court on the rock of Quebec; the feudal68 proprietors196, whose domains197 lined the shores of the St. Lawrence; the peasant; the roving bushranger; the half-tamed savage, with crucifix and scalping-knife; priests; friars; nuns198; and soldiers,—mingled to form a society the most picturesque199 on the continent. What distinguished200 it from the France that produced it was a total absence of revolt against the laws of its being,—an absolute conservatism, an unquestioning acceptance of Church and King. The Canadian, ignorant of everything but what the priest saw fit to teach him, had never heard of Voltaire; and if he had known him, would have thought him a devil. He had, it is true, a spirit of insubordination born of the freedom of the forest; but if his instincts rebelled, his mind and soul 23
V1 were passively submissive. The unchecked control of a hierarchy201 robbed him of the independence of intellect and character, without which, under the conditions of modern life, a people must resign itself to a position of inferiority. Yet Canada had a vigor of her own. It was not in spiritual deference202 only that she differed from the country of her birth. Whatever she had caught of its corruptions203, she had caught nothing of its effeminacy. The mass of her people lived in a rude poverty,—not abject204, like the peasant of old France, nor ground down by the tax-gatherer; while those of the higher ranks—all more or less engaged in pursuits of war or adventure, and inured205 to rough journeyings and forest exposures—were rugged206 as their climate. Even the French regular troops, sent out to defend the colony, caught its hardy207 spirit, and set an example of stubborn fighting which their comrades at home did not always emulate208.
Canada lay ensconced behind rocks and forests. All along her southern boundaries, between her and her English foes209, lay a broad tract210 of wilderness, shaggy with primeval woods. Innumerable streams gurgled beneath their shadows; innumerable lakes gleamed in the fiery sunsets; innumerable mountains bared their rocky foreheads to the wind. These wastes were ranged by her savage allies, Micmacs, Etechémins, Abenakis, Caughnawagas; and no enemy could steal upon her unawares. Through the midst of them stretched Lake Champlain, pointing straight to the heart of 24
V1 the British settlements,—a watery211 thoroughfare of mutual212 attack, and the only approach by which, without a long détour by wilderness or sea, a hostile army could come within striking distance of the colony. The French advanced post of Fort Frederic, called Crown Point by the English, barred the narrows of the lake, which thence spread northward213 to the portals of Canada guarded by Fort St. Jean. Southwestward, some fourteen hundred miles as a bird flies, and twice as far by the practicable routes of travel, was Louisiana, the second of the two heads of New France; while between lay the realms of solitude214 where the Mississippi rolled its sullen215 tide, and the Ohio wound its belt of silver through the verdant216 woodlands.
To whom belonged this world of prairies and forests? France claimed it by right of discovery and occupation. It was her explorers who, after De Soto, first set foot on it. The question of right, it is true, mattered little; for, right or wrong, neither claimant would yield her pretensions217 so long as she had strength to uphold them; yet one point is worth a moment's notice. The French had established an excellent system in the distribution of their American lands. Whoever received a grant from the Crown was required to improve it, and this within reasonable time. If he did not, the land ceased to be his, and was given to another more able or industrious. An international extension of her own principle would have destroyed the pretensions of France to all the countries of the West. She had called them 25
V1 hers for three fourths of a century, and they were still a howling waste, yielding nothing to civilization but beaver-skins, with here and there a fort, trading-post, or mission, and three or four puny218 hamlets by the Mississippi and the Detroit. We have seen how she might have made for herself an indisputable title, and peopled the solitudes219 with a host to maintain it. She would not; others were at hand who both would and could; and the late claimant, disinherited and forlorn, would soon be left to count the cost of her bigotry220.
The thirteen British colonies were alike, insomuch as they all had representative governments, and a basis of English law. But the differences among them were great. Some were purely221 English; others were made up of various races, though the Anglo-Saxon was always predominant. Some had one prevailing222 religious creed223; others had many creeds224. Some had charters, and some had not. In most cases the governor was appointed by the Crown; in Pennsylvania and Maryland he was appointed by a feudal proprietor195, and in Connecticut and Rhode Island he was chosen by the people. The differences of disposition225 and character were still greater than those of form.
The four northern colonies, known collectively as New England, were an exception to the general rule of diversity. The smallest, Rhode Island, had features all its own; but the rest were substantially one in nature and origin. The principal among them, Massachusetts, may serve as the type 26
V1 of all. It was a mosaic226 of little village republics, firmly cemented together, and formed into a single body politic1 through representatives sent to the "General Court" at Boston. Its government, originally theocratic227, now tended to democracy, ballasted as yet by strong traditions of respect for established worth and ability, as well as by the influence of certain families prominent in affairs for generations. Yet there were no distinct class-lines, and popular power, like popular education, was widely diffused228. Practically Massachusetts was almost independent of the mother-country. Its people were purely English, of sound yeoman stock, with an abundant leaven229 drawn230 from the best of the Puritan gentry; but their original character had been somewhat modified by changed conditions of life. A harsh and exacting231 creed, with its stiff formalism and its prohibition232 of wholesome233 recreation; excess in the pursuit of gain,—the only resource left to energies robbed of their natural play; the struggle for existence on a hard and barren soil; and the isolation234 of a narrow village life,—joined to produce, in the meaner sort, qualities which were unpleasant, and sometimes repulsive235. Puritanism was not an unmixed blessing236. Its view of human nature was dark, and its attitude towards it one of repression237. It strove to crush out not only what is evil, but much that is innocent and salutary. Human nature so treated will take its revenge, and for every vice that it loses find another instead. Nevertheless, while New England Puritanism bore its 27
V1 peculiar238 crop of faults, it produced also many good and sound fruits. An uncommon239 vigor, joined to the hardy virtues of a masculine race, marked the New England type. The sinews, it is true, were hardened at the expense of blood and flesh,—and this literally240 as well as figuratively; but the staple241 of character was a sturdy conscientiousness242, an undespairing courage, patriotism, public spirit, sagacity, and a strong good sense. A great change, both for better and for worse, has since come over it, due largely to reaction against the unnatural243 rigors244 of the past. That mixture, which is now too common, of cool emotions with excitable brains, was then rarely seen. The New England colonies abounded245 in high examples of public and private virtue55, though not always under the most prepossessing forms. They were conspicuous, moreover, for intellectual activity, and were by no means without intellectual eminence246. Massachusetts had produced at least two men whose fame had crossed the sea,—Edwards, who out of the grim theology of Calvin mounted to sublime247 heights of mystical speculation248; and Franklin, famous already by his discoveries in electricity. On the other hand, there were few genuine New Englanders who, however personally modest, could divest249 themselves of the notion that they belonged to a people in an especial manner the object of divine approval; and this self-righteousness, along with certain other traits, failed to commend the Puritan colonies to the favor of their fellows. Then, as now, New England was best known to her neighbors by her worst side.
28
V1 In one point, however, she found general applause. She was regarded as the most military among the British colonies. This reputation was well founded, and is easily explained. More than all the rest, she lay open to attack. The long waving line of the New England border, with its lonely hamlets and scattered250 farms, extended from the Kennebec to beyond the Connecticut, and was everywhere vulnerable to the guns and tomahawks of the neighboring French and their savage allies. The colonies towards the south had thus far been safe from danger. New York alone was within striking distance of the Canadian war-parties. That province then consisted of a line of settlements up the Hudson and the Mohawk, and was little exposed to attack except at its northern end, which was guarded by the fortified251 town of Albany, with its outlying posts, and by the friendly and warlike Mohawks, whose "castles" were close at hand. Thus New England had borne the heaviest brunt of the preceding wars, not only by the forest, but also by the sea; for the French of Acadia and Cape186 Breton confronted her coast, and she was often at blows with them. Fighting had been a necessity with her, and she had met the emergency after a method extremely defective252, but the best that circumstances would permit. Having no trained officers and no disciplined soldiers, and being too poor to maintain either, she borrowed her warriors253 from the workshop and the plough, and officered them with lawyers, merchants, mechanics, or farmers. To compare them with good 29
V1 regular troops would be folly254; but they did, on the whole, better than could have been expected, and in the last war achieved the brilliant success of the capture of Louisburg. This exploit, due partly to native hardihood and partly to good luck, greatly enhanced the military repute of New England, or rather was one of the chief sources of it.
The great colony of Virginia stood in strong contrast to New England. In both the population was English; but the one was Puritan with Roundhead traditions, and the other, so far as concerned its governing class, Anglican with Cavalier traditions. In the one, every man, woman, and child could read and write; in the other, Sir William Berkeley once thanked God that there were no free schools, and no prospect255 of any for a century. The hope had found fruition. The lower classes of Virginia were as untaught as the warmest friend of popular ignorance could wish. New England had a native literature more than respectable under the circumstances, while Virginia had none; numerous industries, while Virginia was all agriculture, with but a single crop; a homogeneous society and a democratic spirit, while her rival was an aristocracy. Virginian society was distinctively257 stratified. On the lowest level were the negro slaves, nearly as numerous as all the rest together; next, the indented258 servants and the poor whites, of low origin, good-humored, but boisterous259, and sometimes vicious; next, the small and despised class of tradesmen and mechanics; next, the farmers and lesser260 planters, who were mainly of good 30 English stock, and who merged261 insensibly into the ruling class of the great landowners. It was these last who represented the colony and made the laws. They may be described as English country squires transplanted to a warm climate and turned slave-masters. They sustained their position by entails262, and constantly undermined it by the reckless profusion which ruined them at last. Many of them were well born, with an immense pride of descent, increased by the habit of domination. Indolent and energetic by turns; rich in natural gifts and often poor in book-learning, though some, in the lack of good teaching at home, had been bred in the English universities; high-spirited, generous to a fault; keeping open house in their capacious mansions263, among vast tobacco-fields and toiling264 negroes, and living in a rude pomp where the fashions of St. James were somewhat oddly grafted265 on the roughness of the plantation,—what they wanted in schooling266 was supplied by an education which books alone would have been impotent to give, the education which came with the possession and exercise of political power, and the sense of a position to maintain, joined to a bold spirit of independence and a patriotic267 attachment268 to the Old Dominion38. They were few in number; they raced, gambled, drank, and swore; they did everything that in Puritan eyes was most reprehensible269; and in the day of need they gave the United Colonies a body of statesmen and orators270 which had no equal on the continent. A vigorous aristocracy favors the growth of personal eminence, even in those who are not of it, but only near it.
31
V1 The essential antagonism271 of Virginia and New England was afterwards to become, and to remain for a century, an element of the first influence in American history. Each might have learned much from the other; but neither did so till, at last, the strife of their contending principles shook the continent. Pennsylvania differed widely from both. She was a conglomerate272 of creeds and races,—English, Irish, Germans, Dutch, and Swedes; Quakers, Lutherans, Presbyterians, Romanists, Moravians, and a variety of nondescript sects273. The Quakers prevailed in the eastern districts; quiet, industrious, virtuous, and serenely274 obstinate275. The Germans were strongest towards the centre of the colony, and were chiefly peasants; successful farmers, but dull, ignorant, and superstitious. Towards the west were the Irish, of whom some were Celts, always quarrelling with their German neighbors, who detested them; but the greater part were Protestants of Scotch descent, from Ulster; a vigorous border population. Virginia and New England had each a strong distinctive256 character. Pennsylvania, with her heterogeneous population, had none but that which she owed to the sober neutral tints276 of Quaker existence. A more thriving colony there was not on the continent. Life, if monotonous277, was smooth and contented278. Trade and the arts grew. Philadelphia, next to Boston, was the largest town in British America; and was, moreover, the intellectual centre of the middle and southern colonies. Unfortunately, for her credit in the approaching 32
V1 war, the Quaker influence made Pennsylvania non-combatant. Politically, too, she was an anomaly; for, though utterly279 unfeudal in disposition and character, she was under feudal superiors in the persons of the representatives of William Penn, the original grantee.
New York had not as yet reached the relative prominence280 which her geographical281 position and inherent strength afterwards gave her. The English, joined to the Dutch, the original settlers, were the dominant population; but a half-score of other languages were spoken in the province, the chief among them being that of the Huguenot French in the southern parts, and that of the Germans on the Mohawk. In religion, the province was divided between the Anglican Church, with government support and popular dislike, and numerous dissenting282 sects, chiefly Lutherans, Independents, Presbyterians, and members of the Dutch Reformed Church. The little city of New York, like its great successor, was the most cosmopolitan283 place on the continent, and probably the gayest. It had, in abundance, balls, concerts, theatricals284, and evening clubs, with plentiful285 dances and other amusements for the poorer classes. Thither286 in the winter months came the great hereditary287 proprietors on the Hudson; for the old Dutch feudality still held its own, and the manors288 of Van Renselaer, Cortland, and Livingston, with their seigniorial privileges, and the great estates and numerous tenantry of the Schuylers and other leading families, formed the basis of an aristocracy, 33
V1 some of whose members had done good service to the province, and were destined to do more. Pennsylvania was feudal in form, and not in spirit; Virginia in spirit, and not in form; New England in neither; and New York largely in both. This social crystallization had, it is true, many opponents. In politics, as in religion, there were sharp antagonisms289 and frequent quarrels. They centred in the city; for in the well-stocked dwellings290 of the Dutch farmers along the Hudson there reigned a tranquil291 and prosperous routine; and the Dutch border town of Albany had not its like in America for unruffled conservatism and quaint292 picturesqueness293.
Of the other colonies, the briefest mention will suffice: New Jersey294, with its wholesome population of farmers; tobacco-growing Maryland, which, but for its proprietary295 government and numerous Roman Catholics, might pass for another Virginia, inferior in growth, and less decisive in features; Delaware, a modest appendage296 of Pennsylvania; wild and rude North Carolina; and, farther on, South Carolina and Georgia, too remote from the seat of war to take a noteworthy part in it. The attitude of these various colonies towards each other is hardly conceivable to an American of the present time. They had no political tie except a common allegiance to the British Crown. Communication between them was difficult and slow, by rough roads traced often through primeval forests. Between some of them there was less of sympathy than of jealousy297 kindled298 by conflicting interests or perpetual 34
V1 disputes concerning boundaries. The patriotism of the colonist180 was bounded by the lines of his government, except in the compact and kindred colonies of New England, which were socially united, though politically distinct. The country of the New Yorker was New York, and the country of the Virginian was Virginia. The New England colonies had once confederated; but, kindred as they were, they had long ago dropped apart. William Penn proposed a plan of colonial union wholly fruitless. James II. tried to unite all the northern colonies under one government; but the attempt came to naught299. Each stood aloof300, jealously independent. At rare intervals301, under the pressure of an emergency, some of them would try to act in concert; and, except in New England, the results had been most discouraging. Nor was it this segregation302 only that unfitted them for war. They were all subject to popular legislatures, through whom alone money and men could be raised; and these elective bodies were sometimes factious303 and selfish, and not always either far-sighted or reasonable. Moreover, they were in a state of ceaseless friction304 with their governors, who represented the king, or, what was worse, the feudal proprietary. These disputes, though varying in intensity305, were found everywhere except in the two small colonies which chose their own governors; and they were premonitions of the movement towards independence which ended in the war of Revolution. The occasion of difference mattered little. Active or latent, the quarrel was always present. In New 35
V1 York it turned on a question of the governor's salary; in Pennsylvania on the taxation306 of the proprietary estates; in Virginia on a fee exacted for the issue of land patents. It was sure to arise whenever some public crisis gave the representatives of the people an opportunity of extorting307 concessions308 from the representative of the Crown, or gave the representative of the Crown an opportunity to gain a point for prerogative309. That is to say, the time when action was most needed was the time chosen for obstructing310 it.
In Canada there was no popular legislature to embarrass the central power. The people, like an army, obeyed the word of command,—a military advantage beyond all price.
Divided in government; divided in origin, feelings, and principles; jealous of each other, jealous of the Crown; the people at war with the executive, and, by the fermentation of internal politics, blinded to an outward danger that seemed remote and vague,—such were the conditions under which the British colonies drifted into a war that was to decide the fate of the continent.
This war was the strife of a united and concentred few against a divided and discordant311 many. It was the strife, too, of the past against the future; of the old against the new; of moral and intellectual torpor312 against moral and intellectual life; of barren absolutism against a liberty, crude, incoherent, and chaotic313, yet full of prolific314 vitality.
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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despondent
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| adj.失望的，沮丧的，泄气的 | |
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drowsy
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| adj.昏昏欲睡的，令人发困的 | |
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flirting
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的现在分词 ) | |
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retailing
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| n.零售业v.零售(retail的现在分词) | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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rotunda
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| n.圆形建筑物；圆厅 | |
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velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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ruffles
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| 褶裥花边( ruffle的名词复数 ) | |
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patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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sinecures
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| n.工作清闲但报酬优厚的职位，挂名的好差事( sinecure的名词复数 ) | |
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pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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cataclysm
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| n.洪水，剧变，大灾难 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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vend
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| v.公开表明观点，出售，贩卖 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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bastards
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| 私生子( bastard的名词复数 )； 坏蛋； 讨厌的事物； 麻烦事 （认为别人走运或不幸时说）家伙 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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stewards
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| （轮船、飞机等的）乘务员( steward的名词复数 )； （俱乐部、旅馆、工会等的）管理员； （大型活动的）组织者； （私人家中的）管家 | |
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steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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82
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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83
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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84
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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85
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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86
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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87
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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88
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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89
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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90
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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91
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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92
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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93
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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94
virility
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| n.雄劲，丈夫气 | |
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95
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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96
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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97
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
volatile
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| adj.反复无常的，挥发性的，稍纵即逝的，脾气火爆的；n.挥发性物质 | |
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99
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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100
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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101
tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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102
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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103
wringing
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| 淋湿的，湿透的 | |
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104
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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105
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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106
enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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108
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
seaports
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| n.海港( seaport的名词复数 ) | |
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110
adorning
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| 修饰，装饰物 | |
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111
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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112
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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113
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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114
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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115
scour
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| v.搜索；擦，洗，腹泻，冲刷 | |
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116
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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117
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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118
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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119
turbid
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| adj.混浊的，泥水的，浓的 | |
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120
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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121
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
execrate
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| v.憎恶；厌恶；诅咒 | |
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123
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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124
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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125
libertinism
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| n.放荡，玩乐，（对宗教事物的）自由思想 | |
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126
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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127
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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128
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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129
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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130
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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131
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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132
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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133
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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134
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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135
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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136
stinted
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| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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137
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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138
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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139
analyzing
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|
| v.分析；分析( analyze的现在分词 )；分解；解释；对…进行心理分析n.分析 | |
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140
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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141
shafts
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| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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142
salons
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| n.（营业性质的）店( salon的名词复数 )；厅；沙龙（旧时在上流社会女主人家的例行聚会或聚会场所）；（大宅中的）客厅 | |
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143
cloyed
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| v.发腻，倒胃口( cloy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
pungent
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| adj.（气味、味道）刺激性的，辛辣的；尖锐的 | |
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145
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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146
downwards
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| adj./adv.向下的（地），下行的（地） | |
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147
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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148
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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149
patchwork
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| n.混杂物；拼缝物 | |
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150
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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151
thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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152
nether
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| adj.下部的，下面的；n.阴间；下层社会 | |
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153
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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154
apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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155
rattan
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| n.藤条，藤杖 | |
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156
bullied
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| adj.被欺负了v.恐吓，威逼( bully的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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159
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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160
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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161
inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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162
titanic
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| adj.巨人的，庞大的，强大的 | |
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163
rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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164
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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165
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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166
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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167
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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168
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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169
intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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170
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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171
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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172
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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173
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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174
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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175
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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176
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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177
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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178
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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179
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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180
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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181
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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182
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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183
imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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184
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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185
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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186
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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187
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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188
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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189
spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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191
censuses
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| 人口普查，统计( census的名词复数 ) | |
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192
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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193
scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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194
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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195
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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196
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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197
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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198
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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199
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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200
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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201
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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202
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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203
corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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204
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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205
inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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206
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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207
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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208
emulate
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| v.努力赶上或超越，与…竞争；效仿 | |
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209
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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210
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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211
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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212
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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213
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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214
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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215
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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216
verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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217
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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218
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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219
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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220
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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221
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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222
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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223
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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224
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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225
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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226
mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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227
theocratic
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| adj.神权的，神权政治的 | |
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228
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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229
leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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230
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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231
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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232
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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233
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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234
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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235
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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236
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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237
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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238
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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239
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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240
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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241
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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242
conscientiousness
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| 责任心 | |
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243
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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244
rigors
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| 严格( rigor的名词复数 )； 严酷； 严密； （由惊吓或中毒等导致的身体）僵直 | |
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245
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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246
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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247
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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248
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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249
divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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250
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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251
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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252
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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253
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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254
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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255
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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256
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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257
distinctively
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| adv.特殊地，区别地 | |
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258
indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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259
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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260
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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261
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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262
entails
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| 使…成为必要( entail的第三人称单数 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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263
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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264
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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265
grafted
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| 移植( graft的过去式和过去分词 )； 嫁接； 使（思想、制度等）成为（…的一部份）； 植根 | |
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266
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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267
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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268
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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269
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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270
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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271
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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272
conglomerate
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| n.综合商社，多元化集团公司 | |
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273
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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274
serenely
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| adv.安详地，宁静地，平静地 | |
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275
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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276
tints
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| 色彩( tint的名词复数 )； 带白的颜色； （淡色）染发剂； 痕迹 | |
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277
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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278
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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279
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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280
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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281
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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282
dissenting
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| adj.不同意的 | |
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283
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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284
theatricals
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| n.（业余性的）戏剧演出，舞台表演艺术；职业演员；戏剧的( theatrical的名词复数 )；剧场的；炫耀的；戏剧性的 | |
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285
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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286
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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287
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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288
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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289
antagonisms
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| 对抗，敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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290
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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291
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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292
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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293
picturesqueness
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294
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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295
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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296
appendage
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| n.附加物 | |
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297
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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298
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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299
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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300
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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301
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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302
segregation
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| n.隔离，种族隔离 | |
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303
factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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304
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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305
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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306
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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307
extorting
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| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
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308
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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309
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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310
obstructing
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| 阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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311
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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312
torpor
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| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
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313
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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314
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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