Failure of Shirley's Plan ? Causes ? Loudon and Shirley ? Close of the Campaign ? The Western Border ? Armstrong destroys Kittanning ? The Scouts3 of Lake George ? War Parties from Ticonderoga ? Robert Rogers ? The Rangers5 ? Their Hardihood and Daring ? Disputes as to Quarters of Troops ? Expedition of Rogers ? A Desperate Bush-fight ? Enterprise of Vaudreuil ? Rigaud attacks Fort William Henry.
Shirley's grand scheme for cutting New France in twain had come to wreck6. There was an element of boyishness in him. He made bold plans without weighing too closely his means of executing them. The year's campaign would in all likelihood have succeeded if he could have acted promptly7; if he had had ready to his hand a well-trained and well-officered force, furnished with material of war and means of transportation, and prepared to move as soon as the streams and lakes of New York were open, while those of Canada were still sealed with ice. But timely action was out of his power. The army that should have moved in April was not ready to move till August. Of the nine discordant8 semi-republics whom he asked to join in the work, three or four refused, some of the others were lukewarm, and all were 418
V1 slow. Even Massachusetts, usually the foremost, failed to get all her men into the field till the season was nearly ended. Having no military establishment, the colonies were forced to improvise9 a new army for every campaign. Each of them watched its neighbors, or, jealous lest it should do more than its just share, waited for them to begin. Each popular assembly acted under the eye of a frugal10 constituency, who, having little money, were as chary11 of it as their descendants are lavish12; and most of them were shaken by internal conflicts, more absorbing than the great question on which hung the fate of the continent. Only the four New England colonies were fully13 earnest for the war, and one, even of these, was ready to use the crisis as a means of extorting14 concessions15 from its Governor in return for grants of money and men. When the lagging contingents16 came together at last, under a commander whom none of them trusted, they were met by strategical difficulties which would have perplexed17 older soldiers and an abler general; for they were forced to act on the circumference18 of a vast semicircle, in a labyrinth19 of forests, without roads, and choked with every kind of obstruction20.
Opposed to them was a trained army, well organized and commanded, focused at Montreal, and moving for attack or defence on two radiating lines,—one towards Lake Ontario, and the other towards Lake Champlain,—supported by a martial21 peasantry, supplied from France with money and 419
V1 material, dependent on no popular vote, having no will but that of its chief, and ready on the instant to strike to right or left as the need required. It was a compact military absolutism confronting a heterogeneous22 group of industrial democracies, where the force of numbers was neutralized23 by diffusion24 and incoherence. A long and dismal25 apprenticeship26 waited them before they could hope for success; nor could they ever put forth27 their full strength without a radical28 change of political conditions and an awakened29 consciousness of common interests and a common cause. It was the sense of powerlessness arising from the want of union that, after the fall of Oswego, spread alarm through the northern and middle colonies, and drew these desponding words from William Livingston, of New Jersey30: "The colonies are nearly exhausted31, and their funds already anticipated by expensive unexecuted projects. Jealous are they of each other; some ill-constituted, others shaken with intestine32 divisions, and, if I may be allowed the expression, parsimonious33 even to prodigality34. Our assemblies are diffident of their governors, governors despise their assemblies; and both mutually misrepresent each other to the Court of Great Britain." Military measures, he proceeds, demand secrecy36 and despatch37; but when so many divided provinces must agree to join in them, secrecy and despatch are impossible. In conclusion he exclaims: "Canada must be demolished,—Delenda est Carthago,—or we are undone38." [435] But Loudon 420
V1 was not Scipio, and cis-Atlantic Carthage was to stand for some time longer.
[435] Review of Military Operations, 187, 189 (Dublin, 1757).
The Earl, in search of a scapegoat39 for the loss of Oswego, naturally chose Shirley, attacked him savagely41, told him that he was of no use in America, and ordered him to go home to England without delay. [436] Shirley, who was then in Boston, answered this indecency with dignity and effect. [437] The chief fault was with Loudon himself, whose late arrival in America had caused a change of command and of plans in the crisis of the campaign. Shirley well knew the weakness of Oswego; and in early spring had sent two engineers to make it defensible, with particular instructions to strengthen Fort Ontario. [438] But they, thinking that the chief danger lay on the west and south, turned all their attention thither42, and neglected Ontario till it was too late. Shirley was about to reinforce Oswego with a strong body of troops when the arrival of Abercromby took the control out of his hands and caused ruinous delay. He cannot, however, be acquitted43 of mismanagement in failing to supply the place with wholesome44 provisions in the preceding autumn, before the streams were stopped with ice. Hence came the ravages46 of disease and famine which, before spring, reduced the garrison47 to a hundred and 421
V1 forty effective men. Yet there can be no doubt that the change of command was a blunder. This is the view of Franklin, who knew Shirley well, and thus speaks of him: "He would in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudon, which was frivolous48, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception. For though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive49 to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious50 plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution." [439] He sailed for England in the autumn, disappointed and poor; the bull-headed Duke of Cumberland had been deeply prejudiced against him, and it was only after long waiting that this strenuous51 champion of British interests was rewarded in his old age with the petty government of the Bahamas.
[436] Loudon to Shirley, 6 Sept. 1756.
[437] The correspondence on both sides is before me, copied from the originals in the Public Record Office.
[438] "The principal thing for which I sent Mr. Mackellar to Oswego was to strengthen Fort Ontario as much as he possibly could." Shirley to Loudon, 4 Sept. 1756.
[439] Works of Franklin, I. 220.
Loudon had now about ten thousand men at his command, though not all fit for duty. They were posted from Albany to Lake George. The Earl himself was at Fort Edward, while about three thousand of the provincials52 still lay, under Winslow, at the lake. Montcalm faced them at Ticonderoga, with five thousand three hundred regulars and Canadians, in a position where they could defy three times their number. [440] "The sons of Belial are too strong for me," jocosely54 wrote 422
V1 Winslow; [441] and he set himself to intrenching his camp; then had the forest cut down for the space of a mile from the lake to the mountains, so that the trees, lying in what he calls a "promiscuous55 manner," formed an almost impenetrable abatis. An escaped prisoner told him that the French were coming to visit him with fourteen thousand men; [442] but Montcalm thought no more of stirring than Loudon himself; and each stood watching the other, with the lake between them, till the season closed.
[440] "Nous sommes tant à Carillon qu'aux postes avancés 5,300 hommes." Bougainville, Journal.
[441] Winslow to Loudon, 29 Sept. 1756.
Meanwhile the western borders were still ravaged57 by the tomahawk. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia all writhed58 under the infliction59. Each had made a chain of blockhouses and wooden forts to cover its frontier, and manned them with disorderly bands, lawless, and almost beyond control. [443] The case was at the worst in Pennsylvania, where the tedious quarrelling of Governor and Assembly, joined to the doggedly61 pacific attitude of the Quakers, made vigorous defence impossible. Rewards were offered for prisoners and scalps, so bountiful that the hunting of men would have been a profitable vocation62, but for the extreme wariness63 and agility64 of the game. [444] Some of the forts were well built stockades65; others were almost worthless; but the 423
V1 enemy rarely molested67 even the feeblest of them, preferring to ravage45 the lonely and unprotected farms. There were two or three exceptions. A Virginian fort was attacked by a war-party under an officer named Douville, who was killed, and his followers68 were put to flight. [445] The assailants were more fortunate at a small stockade66 called Fort Granville, on the Juniata. A large body of French and Indians attacked it in August while most of the garrison were absent protecting the farmers at their harvest; they set it on fire, and, in spite of a most gallant69 resistance by the young lieutenant70 left in command, took it, and killed all but one of the defenders71. [446]
[443] In the Public Record Office, America and West Indies, LXXXII., is a manuscript map showing the positions of such of these posts as were north of Virginia. They are thirty-five in number, from the head of James River to a point west of Esopus, on the Hudson.
[444] Colonial Records of Pa., VII. 76.
[445] Washington to Morris,—April, 1756
[446] Colonial Records of Pa., VII. 232, 242; Pennsylvania Archives, II. 744.
What sort of resistance the Pennsylvanian borderers would have made under political circumstances less adverse72 may be inferred from an exploit of Colonel John Armstrong, a settler of Cumberland. After the loss of Fort Granville the Governor of the province sent him with three hundred men to attack the Delaware town of Kittanning, a populous73 nest of savages74 on the Alleghany, between the two French posts of Duquesne and Venango. Here most of the war-parties were fitted out, and the place was full of stores and munitions75 furnished by the French. Here, too, lived the redoubted chief called Captain Jacobs, the terror of the English border. Armstrong set out from Fort Shirley, the farthest outpost, on the last of August, and, a week after, was within 424
V1 six miles of the Indian town. By rapid marching and rare good luck, his party had escaped discovery. It was ten o'clock at night, with a bright moon. The guides were perplexed, and knew neither the exact position of the place nor the paths that led to it. The adventurers threaded the forest in single file, over hills and through hollows, bewildered and anxious, stopping to watch and listen. At length they heard in the distance the beating of an Indian drum and the whooping76 of warriors77 in the war-dance. Guided by the sounds, they cautiously moved forward, till those in the front, scrambling79 down a rocky hill, found themselves on the banks of the Alleghany, about a hundred rods below Kittanning. The moon was near setting; but they could dimly see the town beyond a great intervening field of corn. "At that moment," says Armstrong, "an Indian whistled in a very singular manner, about thirty perches80 from our front, in the foot of the cornfield." He thought they were discovered; but one Baker81, a soldier well versed82 in Indian ways, told him that it was only some village gallant calling to a young squaw. The party then crouched83 in the bushes, and kept silent. The moon sank behind the woods, and fires soon glimmered84 through the field, kindled85 to drive off mosquitoes by some of the Indians who, as the night was warm, had come out to sleep in the open air. The eastern sky began to redden with the approach of day. Many of the party, spent with a rough march of thirty miles, had fallen asleep. They were now cautiously roused; and 425
V1 Armstrong ordered nearly half of them to make their way along the ridge86 of a bushy hill that overlooked the town, till they came opposite to it, in order to place it between two fires. Twenty minutes were allowed them for the movement; but they lost their way in the dusk, and reached their station too late. When the time had expired, Armstrong gave the signal to those left with him, who dashed into the cornfield, shooting down the astonished savages or driving them into the village, where they turned and made desperate fight.
It was a cluster of thirty log-cabins, the principal being that of the chief, Jacobs, which was loopholed for musketry, and became the centre of resistance. The fight was hot and stubborn. Armstrong ordered the town to be set on fire, which was done, though not without loss; for the Delawares at this time were commonly armed with rifles, and used them well. Armstrong himself was hit in the shoulder. As the flames rose and the smoke grew thick, a warrior78 in one of the houses sang his death-song, and a squaw in the same house was heard to cry and scream. Rough voices silenced her, and then the inmates87 burst out, but were instantly killed. The fire caught the house of Jacobs, who, trying to escape through an opening in the roof, was shot dead. Bands of Indians were gathering88 beyond the river, firing from the other bank, and even crossing to help their comrades; but the assailants held to their work till the whole place was destroyed. "During 426
V1 the burning of the houses," says Armstrong, "we were agreeably entertained by the quick succession of charged guns, gradually firing off as reached by the fire; but much more so with the vast explosion of sundry89 bags and large kegs of gunpowder90, wherewith almost every house abounded91; the prisoners afterwards informing us that the Indians had frequently said they had a sufficient stock of ammunition92 for ten years' war with the English."
These prisoners were eleven men, women, and children, captured in the border settlements, and now delivered by their countrymen. The day was far spent when the party withdrew, carrying their wounded on Indian horses, and moving perforce with extreme slowness, though expecting an attack every moment. None took place; and they reached the settlements at last, having bought their success with the loss of seventeen killed and thirteen wounded. [447] A medal was given to each officer, not by the Quaker-ridden Assembly, but by the city council of Philadelphia.
[447] Report of Armstrong to Governor Denny, 14 Sept. 1756, in Colonial Records of Pa., VII. 257,—a modest yet very minute account. A List of the Names of the Persons killed, wounded, and missing in the late Expedition against the Kittanning. Hazard, Pennsylvania Register, I. 366.
The report of this affair made by Dumas, commandant at Fort Duquesne, is worth noting. He says that Attiqué, the French name of Kittanning, was attacked by "le Général Wachinton," with three or four hundred men on horseback; that the Indians gave way; but that five or six Frenchmen who were in the town held the English in check 427
V1 till the fugitives93 rallied; that Washington and his men then took to flight, and would have been pursued but for the loss of some barrels of gunpowder which chanced to explode during the action. Dumas adds that several large parties are now on the track of the enemy, and he hopes will cut them to pieces. He then asks for a supply of provisions and merchandise to replace those which the Indians of Attiqué had lost by a fire. [448] Like other officers of the day, he would admit nothing but successes in the department under his command.
[448] Dumas à Vaudreuil, 9 Sept. 1756, cited in Bigot au Ministre, 6 Oct. 1756, and in Bougainville, Journal.
Vaudreuil wrote singular despatches at this time to the minister at Versailles. He takes credit to himself for the number of war-parties that his officers kept always at work, and fills page after page with details of the coups94 they had struck; how one brought in two English scalps, another three, another one, and another seven. He owns that they committed frightful95 cruelties, mutilating and sometimes burning their prisoners; but he expresses no regret, and probably felt none, since he declares that the object of this murderous warfare96 was to punish the English till they longed for peace. [449]
[449] Dépêches de Vaudreuil, 1756.
The waters and mountains of Lake George, and not the western borders, were the chief centre of partisan war. Ticonderoga was a hornet's nest, pouring out swarms97 of savages to infest99 the highways 428
V1 and byways of the wilderness100. The English at Fort William Henry, having few Indians, could not retort in kind; but they kept their scouts and rangers in active movement. What they most coveted101 was prisoners, as sources of information. One Kennedy, a lieutenant of provincials, with five followers, white and red, made a march of rare audacity102, passed all the French posts, took a scalp and two prisoners on the Richelieu, and burned a magazine of provisions between Montreal and St. John. The party were near famishing on the way back; and Kennedy was brought into Fort William Henry in a state of temporary insanity103 from starvation. [450] Other provincial53 officers, Peabody, Hazen, Waterbury, and Miller105, won a certain distinction in this adventurous106 service, though few were so conspicuous107 as the blunt and sturdy Israel Putnam. Winslow writes in October that he has just returned from the best "scout2" yet made, and that, being a man of strict truth, he may be entirely108 trusted. [451] Putnam had gone with six followers down Lake George in a whaleboat to a point on the east side, opposite the present village of Hague, hid the boat, crossed northeasterly to Lake Champlain, three miles from the French fort, climbed the mountain that overlooks it, and made a complete reconnoissance; then approached it, chased three Frenchmen, who escaped within the lines, climbed the mountain again, and moving 429
V1 westward109 along the ridge, made a minute survey of every outpost between the fort and Lake George. [452] These adventures were not always fortunate. On the nineteenth of September Captain Hodges and fifty men were ambushed111 a few miles from Fort William Henry by thrice their number of Canadians and Indians, and only six escaped. Thus the record stands in the Letter Book of Winslow. [453] By visiting the encampments of Ticonderoga, one may learn how the blow was struck.
[450] Minute of Lieutenant Kennedy's Scout. Winslow to Loudon, 20 Sept. 1756.
[451] Winslow to Loudon, 16 Oct. 1756.
[452] Report of a Scout to Ticonderoga, Oct. 1756, signed Israel Putnam.
[453] Compare Massachusetts Archives, LXXVI. 81.
After much persuasion112, much feasting, and much consumption of tobacco and brandy, four hundred Indians, Christians113 from the Missions and heathen from the far west, were persuaded to go on a grand war-party with the Canadians. Of these last there were a hundred,—a wild crew, bedecked and bedaubed like their Indian companions. Perière, an officer of colony regulars, had nominal114 command of the whole; and among the leaders of the Canadians was the famous bushfighter, Marin. Bougainville was also of the party. In the evening of the sixteenth they all embarked115 in canoes at the French advance-post commanded by Contrec?ur, near the present steamboat-landing, passed in the gloom under the bare steeps of Rogers Rock, paddled a few hours, landed on the west shore, and sent scouts to reconnoitre. These came back with their reports on the next day, and an Indian crier called the chiefs to council. Bougainville describes them as they stalked gravely to the 430
V1 place of meeting, wrapped in colored blankets, with lances in their hands. The accomplished116 young aide-de-camp studied his strange companions with an interest not unmixed with disgust. "Of all caprice," he says, "Indian caprice is the most capricious." They were insolent117 to the French, made rules for them which they did not observe themselves, and compelled the whole party to move when and whither they pleased. Hiding the canoes, and lying close in the forest by day, they all held their nocturnal course southward, by the lofty heights of Black Mountain, and among the islets of the Narrows, till the eighteenth. That night the Indian scouts reported that they had seen the fires of an encampment on the west shore; on which the whole party advanced to the attack, an hour before dawn, filing silently under the dark arches of the forest, the Indians nearly naked, and streaked118 with their war-paint of vermilion and soot119. When they reached the spot, they found only the smouldering fires of a deserted120 bivouac. Then there was a consultation121; ending, after much dispute, with the choice by the Indians of a hundred and ten of their most active warriors to attempt some stroke in the neighborhood of the English fort. Marin joined them with thirty Canadians, and they set out on their errand; while the rest encamped to await the result. At night the adventurers returned, raising the death-cry and firing their guns; somewhat depressed122 by losses they had suffered, but boasting that they had surprised 431
V1 fifty-three English, and killed or taken all but one. It was a modest and perhaps an involuntary exaggeration. "The very recital123 of the cruelties they committed on the battle-field is horrible," writes Bougainville. "The ferocity and insolence124 of these black-souled barbarians125 makes one shudder126. It is an abominable127 kind of war. The air one breathes is contagious128 of insensibility and hardness." [454] This was but one of the many such parties sent out from Ticonderoga this year.
[454] Bougainville, Journal.
Early in September a band of New England rangers came to Winslow's camp, with three prisoners taken within the lines of Ticonderoga. Their captain was Robert Rogers, of New Hampshire,—a strong, well-knit figure, in dress and appearance more woodsman than soldier, with a clear, bold eye, and features that would have been good but for the ungainly proportions of the nose. [455] He had passed his boyhood in the rough surroundings of a frontier village. Growing to manhood, he engaged in some occupation which, he says, led him to frequent journeyings in the wilderness between the French and English settlements, and gave him a good knowledge of both. [456] It taught him also to speak a little French. He does not disclose the nature of this mysterious employment; but there can be little doubt that it was a smuggling130 trade with Canada. His character leaves much to be desired. He had been charged with 432
V1 forgery131, or complicity in it, seems to have had no scruple132 in matters of business, and after the war was accused of treasonable dealings with the French and Spaniards in the west. [457] He was ambitious and violent, yet able in more ways than one, by no means uneducated, and so skilled in woodcraft, so energetic and resolute133, that his services were invaluable134. In recounting his own adventures, his style is direct, simple, without boasting, and to all appearance without exaggeration. During the past summer he had raised a band of men, chiefly New Hampshire borderers, and made a series of daring excursions which gave him a prominent place in this hardy135 by-play of war. In the spring of the present year he raised another company, and was commissioned as its captain, with his brother Richard as his first lieutenant, and the intrepid136 John Stark137 as his second. In July still another company was formed, and Richard Rogers was promoted to command it. Before the following spring there were seven such; and more were afterwards added, forming a battalion138 dispersed139 on various service, but all under the orders of Robert Rogers, with the rank of major. [458] These rangers wore a sort of woodland uniform, which varied140 in the different companies, and were armed with smooth-bore guns, loaded with buckshot, bullets, or sometimes both.
[455] A large engraved141 portrait of him, nearly at full length, is before me, printed at London in 1776.
[456] Rogers, Journals, Introduction (1765).
[457] Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, VI. 364. Correspondence of Gage129, 1766. N. Y. Col. Docs., VII. 990. Caleb Stark, Memoir142 and Correspondence of John Stark, 386.
[458] Rogers, Journals. Report of the Adjutant-General of New Hampshire (1866), II. 158, 159.
433
V1 The best of them were commonly employed on Lake George; and nothing can surpass the adventurous hardihood of their lives. Summer and winter, day and night, were alike to them. Embarked in whaleboats or birch-canoes, they glided143 under the silent moon or in the languid glare of a breathless August day, when islands floated in dreamy haze104, and the hot air was thick with odors of the pine; or in the bright October, when the jay screamed from the woods, squirrels gathered their winter hoard144, and congregated145 blackbirds chattered146 farewell to their summer haunts; when gay mountains basked147 in light, maples148 dropped leaves of rustling149 gold, sumachs glowed like rubies150 under the dark green of the unchanging spruce, and mossed rocks with all their painted plumage lay double in the watery151 mirror: that festal evening of the year, when jocund152 Nature disrobes herself, to wake again refreshed in the joy of her undying spring. Or, in the tomb-like silence of the winter forest, with breath frozen on his beard, the ranger4 strode on snow-shoes over the spotless drifts; and, like Dürer's knight153, a ghastly death stalked ever at his side. There were those among them for whom this stern life had a fascination154 that made all other existence tame.
Rogers and his men had been in active movement since midwinter. In January they skated down Lake George, passed Ticonderoga, hid themselves by the forest-road between that post and Crown Point, intercepted155 two sledges156 loaded with provisions, and carried the drivers to Fort William 434
V1 Henry. In February they climbed a hill near Crown Point and made a plan of the works; then lay in ambush110 by the road from the fort to the neighboring village, captured a prisoner, burned houses and barns, killed fifty cattle, and returned without loss. At the end of the month they went again to Crown Point, burned more houses and barns, and reconnoitred Ticonderoga on the way back. Such excursions were repeated throughout the spring and summer. The reconnoissance of Ticonderoga and the catching158 of prisoners there for the sake of information were always capital objects. The valley, four miles in extent, that lay between the foot of Lake George and the French fort, was at this time guarded by four distinct outposts or fortified159 camps. Watched as it was at all points, and ranged incessantly160 by Indians in the employ of France, Rogers and his men knew every yard of the ground. On a morning in May he lay in ambush with eleven followers on a path between the fort and the nearest camp. A large body of soldiers passed; the rangers counted a hundred and eighteen, and lay close in their hiding-place. Soon after came a party of twenty-two. They fired on them, killed six, captured one, and escaped with him to Fort William Henry. In October Rogers was passing with twenty men in two whaleboats through the seeming solitude161 of the Narrows when a voice called to them out of the woods. It was that of Captain Shepherd, of the New Hampshire regiment162, who had been captured two months before, and had lately made 435
V1 his escape. He told them that the French had the fullest information of the numbers and movements of the English; that letters often reached them from within the English lines; and that Lydius, a Dutch trader at Albany, was their principal correspondent. [459] Arriving at Ticonderoga, Rogers cautiously approached the fort, till, about noon, he saw a sentinel on the road leading thence to the woods. Followed by five of his men, he walked directly towards him. The man challenged, and Rogers answered in French. Perplexed for a moment, the soldier suffered him to approach; till, seeing his mistake, he called out in amazement163, "Qui êtes vous?" "Rogers," was the answer; and the sentinel was seized, led in hot haste to the boats, and carried to the English fort, where he gave important information.
[459] Letter and Order Books of Winslow. "One Lydiass … whom we suspect for a French spy; he lives better than anybody, without any visible means, and his daughters have had often presents from Mr. Vaudreuil." Loudon (to Fox?), 19 Aug. 1756.
An exploit of Rogers towards midsummer greatly perplexed the French. He embarked at the end of June with fifty men in five whaleboats, made light and strong, expressly for this service, rowed about ten miles down Lake George, landed on the east side, carried the boats six miles over a gorge164 of the mountains, launched them again in South Bay, and rowed down the narrow prolongation of Lake Champlain under cover of darkness. At dawn they were within six miles of Ticonderoga. They landed, hid their boats, and lay close all day. Embarking165 again in the evening, 436
V1 they rowed with muffled166 oars167 under the shadow of the eastern shore, and passed so close to the French fort that they heard the voices of the sentinels calling the watchword. In the morning they had left it five miles behind. Again they hid in the woods; and from their lurking-place saw bateaux passing, some northward168, and some southward, along the narrow lake. Crown Point was ten or twelve miles farther on. They tried to pass it after nightfall, but the sky was too clear and the stars too bright; and as they lay hidden the next day, nearly a hundred boats passed before them on the way to Ticonderoga. Some other boats which appeared about noon landed near them, and they watched the soldiers at dinner, within a musket-shot of their lurking-place. The next night was more favorable. They embarked at nine in the evening, passed Crown Point unseen, and hid themselves as before, ten miles below. It was the seventh of July. Thirty boats and a schooner169 passed them, returning towards Canada. On the next night they rowed fifteen miles farther, and then sent men to reconnoitre, who reported a schooner at anchor about a mile off. They were preparing to board her, when two sloops170 appeared, coming up the lake at but a short distance from the land. They gave them a volley, and called on them to surrender; but the crews put off in boats and made for the opposite shore. They followed and seized them. Out of twelve men their fire had killed three and wounded two, one of whom, says Rogers in his report, "could 437
V1 not march, therefore we put an end to him, to prevent discovery." [460] They sank the vessels172, which were laden174 with wine, brandy, and flour, hid their boats on the west shore, and returned on foot with their prisoners. [461]
[460] Report of Rogers to Sir William Johnson, July, 1756. This incident is suppressed in the printed Journals, which merely say that the man "soon died."
[461] Rogers, Journals, 20. Shirley to Fox, 26 July, 1756. "This afternoon Capt. Rogers came down with 4 scalps and 8 prisoners which he took on Lake Champlain, between 20 and 30 miles beyond Crown Point." Surgeon Williams to his Wife, 16 July, 1756.
Some weeks after, Rogers returned to the place where he had left the boats, embarked in them, reconnoitred the lake nearly to St. John, hid them again eight miles north of Crown Point, took three prisoners near that post, and carried them to Fort William Henry. In the next month the French found several English boats in a small cove60 north of Crown Point. Bougainville propounds175 five different hypotheses to account for their being there; and exploring parties were sent out in the vain attempt to find some water passage by which they could have reached the spot without passing under the guns of two French forts. [462]
[462] Bougainville, Journal.
The French, on their side, still kept their war-parties in motion, and Vaudreuil faithfully chronicled in his despatches every English scalp they brought in. He believed in Indians, and sent them to Ticonderoga in numbers that were sometimes embarrassing. Even Pottawattamies from Lake Michigan were prowling about Winslow's camp and silently killing176 his sentinels with arrows, while 438
V1 their "medicine men" remained at Ticonderoga practising sorcery and divination177 to aid the warriors or learn how it fared with them. Bougainville writes in his Journal on the fifteenth of October: "Yesterday the old Pottawattamies who have stayed here 'made medicine' to get news of their brethren. The lodge178 trembled, the sorcerer sweated drops of blood, and the devil came at last and told him that the warriors would come back with scalps and prisoners. A sorcerer in the medicine lodge is exactly like the Pythoness on the tripod or the witch Canidia invoking179 the shades." The diviner was not wholly at fault. Three days after, the warriors came back with a prisoner. [463]
[463] This kind of divination was practised by Algonkin tribes from the earliest times. See Pioneers of France in the New World, 315.
Till November, the hostile forces continued to watch each other from the opposite ends of Lake George. Loudon repeated his orders to Winslow to keep the defensive180, and wrote sarcastically181 to the Colonial Minister: "I think I shall be able to prevent the provincials doing anything very rash, without their having it in their power to talk in the language of this country that they could have taken all Canada if they had not been prevented by the King's servants." Winslow tried to console himself for the failure of the campaign, and wrote in his odd English to Shirley: "Am sorry that this year's performance has not succeeded as was intended; have only to say I pushed things to the utmost of my power to have been sooner in motion, which was the only thing that should have carried 439
V1 us to Crown Point; and though I am sensible that we are doing our duty in acting182 on the defensive, yet it makes no eclate [sic], and answers to little purpose in the eyes of my constituents183."
On the first of the month the French began to move off towards Canada, and before many days Ticonderoga was left in the keeping of five or six companies. [464] Winslow's men followed their example. Major Eyre, with four hundred regulars, took possession of Fort William Henry, and the provincials marched for home, their ranks thinned by camp diseases and small-pox. [465] In Canada the regulars were quartered on the inhabitants, who took the infliction as a matter of course. In the English provinces the question was not so simple. Most of the British troops were assigned to Philadelphia, New York, and Boston; and Loudon demanded free quarters for them, according to usage then prevailing184 in England during war. Nor was the demand in itself unreasonable185, seeing that the troops were sent over to fight the battles of the colonies. In Philadelphia lodgings187 were given them in the public-houses, which, however, could not hold them all. A long dispute followed between the Governor, who seconded Loudon's demand, and the Assembly, during which about half the soldiers lay on straw in outhouses and sheds till near midwinter, many sickening, and some dying from exposure. Loudon grew furious, and threatened, if shelter were not provided, to send Webb with another regiment and 440
V1 billet the whole on the inhabitants; on which the Assembly yielded, and quarters were found. [466]
[464] Bougainville, Journal. Malartic, Journal.
[465] Letter and Order Books of Winslow. Winslow to Halifax, 30 Dec. 1756.
[466] Loudon to Denny, 28 Oct. 1756. Colonial Records of Pa., VII. 358-380. Loudon to Pitt, 10 March, 1757. Notice of Colonel Bouquet188, in Pennsylvania Magazine, III. 124. The Conduct of a Noble Commander in America impartially189 reviewed (1758).
In New York the privates were quartered in barracks, but the officers were left to find lodging186 for themselves. Loudon demanded that provision should be made for them also. The city council hesitated, afraid of incensing190 the people if they complied. Cruger, the mayor, came to remonstrate191. "God damn my blood!" replied the Earl; "if you do not billet my officers upon free quarters this day, I'll order here all the troops in North America, and billet them myself upon this city." Being no respecter of persons, at least in the provinces, he began with Oliver Delancey, brother of the late acting Governor, and sent six soldiers to lodge under his roof. Delancey swore at the unwelcome guests, on which Loudon sent him six more. A subscription192 was then raised among the citizens, and the required quarters were provided. [467] In Boston there was for the present less trouble. The troops were lodged193 in the barracks of Castle William, and furnished with blankets, cooking utensils194, and other necessaries. [468]
[467] Smith, Hist. of N. Y., Part II. 242. William Corry to Johnson, 15 Jan., 1757, in Stone, Life of Sir William Johnson, II. 24, note. Loudon to Hardy, 21 Nov. 1756.
[468] Massachusetts Archives, LXXVI. 153.
Major Eyre and his soldiers, in their wilderness exile by the borders of Lake George, whiled the winter away with few other excitements than the 441
V1 evening howl of wolves from the frozen mountains, or some nocturnal savage40 shooting at a sentinel from behind a stump195 on the moonlit fields of snow. A livelier incident at last broke the monotony of their lives. In the middle of January Rogers came with his rangers from Fort Edward, bound on a scouting196 party towards Crown Point. They spent two days at Fort William Henry in making snow-shoes and other preparation, and set out on the seventeenth. Captain Spikeman was second in command, with Lieutenants197 Stark and Kennedy, several other subalterns, and two gentlemen volunteers enamoured of adventure. They marched down the frozen lake and encamped at the Narrows. Some of them, unaccustomed to snow-shoes, had become unfit for travel, and were sent back, thus reducing the number to seventy-four. In the morning they marched again, by icicled rocks and icebound waterfalls, mountains gray with naked woods and fir-trees bowed down with snow. On the nineteenth they reached the west shore, about four miles south of Rogers Rock, marched west of north eight miles, and bivouacked among the mountains. On the next morning they changed their course, marched east of north all day, passed Ticonderoga undiscovered, and stopped at night some five miles beyond it. The weather was changing, and rain was coming on. They scraped away the snow with their snow-shoes, piled it in a bank around them, made beds of spruce-boughs, built fires, and lay down to sleep, while the sentinels kept watch in the outer gloom. 442
V1 In the morning there was a drizzling198 rain, and the softened199 snow stuck to their snow-shoes. They marched eastward200 three miles through the dripping forest, till they reached the banks of Lake Champlain, near what is now called Five Mile Point, and presently saw a sledge157, drawn201 by horses, moving on the ice from Ticonderoga towards Crown Point. Rogers sent Stark along the shore to the left to head it off, while he with another party, covered by the woods, moved in the opposite direction to stop its retreat. He soon saw eight or ten more sledges following the first, and sent a messenger to prevent Stark from showing himself too soon; but Stark was already on the ice. All the sledges turned back in hot haste. The rangers ran in pursuit and captured three of them, with seven men and six horses, while the rest escaped to Ticonderoga. The prisoners, being separately examined, told an ominous202 tale. There were three hundred and fifty regulars at Ticonderoga; two hundred Canadians and forty-five Indians had lately arrived there, and more Indians were expected that evening,—all destined203 to waylay204 the communications between the English forts, and all prepared to march at a moment's notice. The rangers were now in great peril205. The fugitives would give warning of their presence, and the French and Indians, in overwhelming force, would no doubt cut off their retreat.
Rogers at once ordered his men to return to their last night's encampment, rekindle206 the fires, and dry their guns, which were wet by the rain of 443
V1 the morning. Then they marched southward in single file through the snow-encumbered forest, Rogers and Kennedy in the front, Spikeman in the centre, and Stark in the rear. In this order they moved on over broken and difficult ground till two in the afternoon, when they came upon a valley, or hollow, scarcely a musket-shot wide, which ran across their line of march, and, like all the rest of the country, was buried in thick woods. The front of the line had descended207 the first hill, and was mounting that on the farther side, when the foremost men heard a low clicking sound, like the cocking of a great number of guns; and in an instant a furious volley blazed out of the bushes on the ridge above them. Kennedy was killed outright208, as also was Gardner, one of the volunteers. Rogers was grazed in the head by a bullet, and others were disabled or hurt. The rest returned the fire, while a swarm98 of French and Indians rushed upon them from the ridge and the slopes on either hand, killing several more, Spikeman among the rest, and capturing others. The rangers fell back across the hollow and regained209 the hill they had just descended. Stark with the rear, who were at the top when the fray210 began, now kept the assailants in check by a brisk fire till their comrades joined them. Then the whole party, spreading themselves among the trees that covered the declivity211, stubbornly held their ground and beat back the French in repeated attempts to dislodge them. As the assailants were more than two to one, what Rogers had most to dread212 was a 444
V1 movement to outflank him and get into his rear. This they tried twice, and were twice repulsed213 by a party held in reserve for the purpose. The fight lasted several hours, during which there was much talk between the combatants. The French called out that it was a pity so many brave men should be lost, that large reinforcements were expected every moment, and that the rangers would then be cut to pieces without mercy; whereas if they surrendered at once they should be treated with the utmost kindness. They called to Rogers by name, and expressed great esteem214 for him. Neither threats nor promises had any effect, and the firing went on till darkness stopped it. Towards evening Rogers was shot through the wrist; and one of the men, John Shute, used to tell in his old age how he saw another ranger trying to bind215 the captain's wound with the ribbon of his own queue.
As Ticonderoga was but three miles off, it was destruction to stay where they were; and they withdrew under cover of night, reduced to forty-eight effective and six wounded men. Fourteen had been killed, and six captured. Those that were left reached Lake George in the morning, and Stark, with two followers, pushed on in advance to bring a sledge for the wounded. The rest made their way to the Narrows, where they encamped, and presently descried216 a small dark object on the ice far behind them. It proved to be one of their own number, Sergeant Joshua Martin, who had received a severe wound in the fight, and was left 445
V1 for dead; but by desperate efforts had followed on their tracks, and was now brought to camp in a state of exhaustion217. He recovered, and lived to an advanced age. The sledge sent by Stark came in the morning, and the whole party soon reached the fort. Abercromby, on hearing of the affair, sent them a letter of thanks for gallant conduct.
Rogers reckons the number of his assailants at about two hundred and fifty in all. Vaudreuil says that they consisted of eighty-nine regulars and ninety Canadians and Indians. With his usual boastful exaggeration, he declares that forty English were left dead on the field, and that only three reached Fort William Henry alive. He says that the fight was extremely hot and obstinate218, and admits that the French lost thirty-seven killed and wounded. Rogers makes the number much greater. That it was considerable is certain, as Lusignan, commandant at Ticonderoga, wrote immediately for reinforcements. [469]
[469] Rogers, Journals, 38-44. Caleb Stark, Memoir and Correspondence of John Stark, 18, 412. Return of Killed, Wounded, and Missing in the Action near Ticonderoga, Jan. 1757; all the names are here given. James Abercromby, aide-de-camp to his uncle, General Abercromby, wrote to Rogers from Albany: "You cannot imagine how all ranks of people here are pleased with your conduct and your men's behavior."
The accounts of the French writers differ from each other, but agree in placing the English force at from seventy to eighty, and their own much higher. The principal report is that of Vaudreuil au Ministre, 19 Avril, 1757 (his second letter of this date). Bougainville, Montcalm, Malartic, and Montreuil all speak of the affair, placing the English loss much higher than is shown by the returns. The story, repeated in most of the French narratives219, that only three of the rangers reached Fort William Henry, seems to have arisen from the fact that Stark with two men went thither in advance of the rest. As regards the antecedents of the combat, the French and English accounts agree.
446
V1 The effects of his wound and an attack of small-pox kept Rogers quiet for a time. Meanwhile the winter dragged slowly away, and the ice of Lake George, cracking with change of temperature, uttered its strange cry of agony, heralding220 that dismal season when winter begins to relax its grip, but spring still holds aloof221; when the sap stirs in the sugar-maples, but the buds refuse to swell222, and even the catkins of the willows223 will not burst their brown integuments; when the forest is patched with snow, though on its sunny slopes one hears in the stillness the whisper of trickling224 waters that ooze225 from the half-thawed soil and saturated226 beds of fallen leaves; when clouds hang low on the darkened mountains, and cold mists entangle227 themselves in the tops of the pines; now a dull rain, now a sharp morning frost, and now a storm of snow powdering the waste, and wrapping it again in the pall228 of winter.
In this cheerless season, on St. Patrick's Day, the seventeenth of March, the Irish soldiers who formed a part of the garrison of Fort William Henry were paying homage229 to their patron saint in libations of heretic rum, the product of New England stills; and it is said that John Stark's rangers forgot theological differences in their zeal230 to share the festivity. The story adds that they were restrained by their commander, and that their enforced sobriety proved the saving of the fort. This may be doubted; for without counting the English soldiers of the garrison who had no special call to be drunk that day, the fort was in no 447
V1 danger till twenty-four hours after, when the revellers had had time to rally from their pious231 carouse232. Whether rangers or British soldiers, it is certain that watchmen were on the alert during the night between the eighteenth and nineteenth, and that towards one in the morning they heard a sound of axes far down the lake, followed by the faint glow of a distant fire. The inference was plain, that an enemy was there, and that the necessity of warming himself had overcome his caution. Then all was still for some two hours, when, listening in the pitchy darkness, the watchers heard the footsteps of a great body of men approaching on the ice, which at the time was bare of snow. The garrison were at their posts, and all the cannon233 on the side towards the lake vomited234 grape and round-shot in the direction of the sound, which thereafter was heard no more.
Those who made it were a detachment, called by Vaudreuil an army, sent by him to seize the English fort. Shirley had planned a similar stroke against Ticonderoga a year before; but the provincial levies235 had come in so slowly, and the ice had broken up so soon, that the scheme was abandoned. Vaudreuil was more fortunate. The whole force, regulars, Canadians, and Indians, was ready to his hand. No pains were spared in equipping them. Overcoats, blankets, bearskins to sleep on, tarpaulins236 to sleep under, spare moccasons, spare mittens237, kettles, axes, needles, awls, flint and steel, and many miscellaneous articles 448
V1 were provided, to be dragged by the men on light Indian sledges, along with provisions for twelve days. The cost of the expedition is set at a million francs, answering to more than as many dollars of the present time. To the disgust of the officers from France, the Governor named his brother Rigaud for the chief command; and before the end of February the whole party was on its march along the ice of Lake Champlain. They rested nearly a week at Ticonderoga, where no less than three hundred short scaling-ladders, so constructed that two or more could be joined in one, had been made for them; and here, too, they received a reinforcement, which raised their number to sixteen hundred. Then, marching three days along Lake George, they neared the fort on the evening of the eighteenth, and prepared for a general assault before daybreak.
The garrison, including rangers, consisted of three hundred and forty-six effective men. [470] The fort was not strong, and a resolute assault by numbers so superior must, it seems, have overpowered the defenders; but the Canadians and Indians who composed most of the attacking force were not suited for such work; and, disappointed in his hope of a surprise, Rigaud withdrew them at daybreak, after trying in vain to burn the buildings outside. A few hours after, the whole body reappeared, filing off to surround the fort, on which they kept up a 449
V1 brisk but harmless fire of musketry. In the night they were heard again on the ice, approaching as if for an assault; and the cannon, firing towards the sound, again drove them back. There was silence for a while, till tongues of flame lighted up the gloom, and two sloops, ice-bound in the lake, and a large number of bateaux on the shore were seen to be on fire. A party sallied to save them; but it was too late. In the morning they were all consumed, and the enemy had vanished.
[470] Strength of the Garrison of Fort William Henry when the Enemy came before it, enclosed in the letter of Major Eyre to Loudon, 26 March, 1757. There were also one hundred and twenty-eight invalids238.
It was Sunday, the twentieth. Everything was quiet till noon, when the French filed out of the woods and marched across the ice in procession, ostentatiously carrying their scaling-ladders, and showing themselves to the best effect. They stopped at a safe distance, fronting towards the fort, and several of them advanced, waving a red flag. An officer with a few men went to meet them, and returned bringing Le Mercier, chief of the Canadian artillery239, who, being led blindfold240 into the fort, announced himself as bearer of a message from Rigaud. He was conducted to the room of Major Eyre, where all the British officers were assembled; and, after mutual35 compliments, he invited them to give up the place peaceably, promising241 the most favorable terms, and threatening a general assault and massacre242 in case of refusal. Eyre said that he should defend himself to the last; and the envoy243, again blindfolded244, was led back to whence he came.
The whole French force now advanced as if to storm the works, and the garrison prepared to 450
V1 receive them. Nothing came of it but a fusillade, to which the British made no reply. At night the French were heard advancing again, and each man nerved himself for the crisis. The real attack, however, was not against the fort, but against the buildings outside, which consisted of several storehouses, a hospital, a saw-mill, and the huts of the rangers, besides a sloop171 on the stocks and piles of planks245 and cord-wood. Covered by the night, the assailants crept up with fagots of resinous246 sticks, placed them against the farther side of the buildings, kindled them, and escaped before the flame rose; while the garrison, straining their ears in the thick darkness, fired wherever they heard a sound. Before morning all around them was in a blaze, and they had much ado to save the fort barracks from the shower of burning cinders247. At ten o'clock the fires had subsided248, and a thick fall of snow began, filling the air with a restless chaos249 of large moist flakes250. This lasted all day and all the next night, till the ground and the ice were covered to a depth of three feet and more. The French lay close in their camps till a little before dawn on Tuesday morning, when twenty volunteers from the regulars made a bold attempt to burn the sloop on the stocks, with several storehouses and other structures, and several hundred scows and whaleboats which had thus far escaped. They were only in part successful; but they fired the sloop and some buildings near it, and stood far out on the ice watching the flaming vessel173, a superb bonfire amid the wilderness of snow. The 451
V1 spectacle cost the volunteers a fourth of their number killed and wounded.
On Wednesday morning the sun rose bright on a scene of wintry splendor251, and the frozen lake was dotted with Rigaud's retreating followers toiling252 towards Canada on snow-shoes. Before they reached it many of them were blinded for a while by the insufferable glare, and their comrades led them homewards by the hand. [471]
[471] Eyre to Loudon, 24 March, 1757. Ibid., 25 March, enclosed in Loudon's despatch of 25 April, 1757. Message of Rigaud to Major Eyre, 20 March, 1757. Letter from Fort William Henry, 26 March, 1757, in Boston Gazette, No. 106, and Boston Evening Post, No. 1,128. Abstract of Letters from Albany, in Boston News Letter, No. 2,860. Caleb Stark, Memoir and Correspondence of John Stark, 22, a curious mixture of truth and error. Relation de la Campagne sur le Lac St. Sacrement pendant l'Hiver, 1757. Bougainville, Journal. Malartic, Journal. Montcalm au Ministre, 24 Avril, 1757. Montreuil au Ministre, 23 Avril, 1757. Montcalm à sa Mère, 1 Avril, 1757. Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
The French loss in killed and wounded is set by Montcalm at eleven. That of the English was seven, slightly wounded, chiefly in sorties. They took three prisoners. Stark was touched by a bullet, for the only time in his adventurous life.
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1
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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ranger
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| n.国家公园管理员，护林员；骑兵巡逻队员 | |
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rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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7
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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improvise
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| v.即兴创作；临时准备，临时凑成 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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chary
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| adj.谨慎的，细心的 | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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extorting
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| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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17
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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neutralized
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| v.使失效( neutralize的过去式和过去分词 )；抵消；中和；使（一个国家）中立化 | |
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24
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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scapegoat
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| n.替罪的羔羊，替人顶罪者；v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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42
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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45
ravage
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| vt.使...荒废，破坏...；n.破坏，掠夺，荒废 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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47
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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48
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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49
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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50
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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51
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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52
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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53
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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54
jocosely
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| adv.说玩笑地，诙谐地 | |
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55
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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56
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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57
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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58
writhed
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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60
cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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61
doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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62
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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63
wariness
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| n. 注意,小心 | |
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64
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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65
stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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66
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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67
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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68
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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69
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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70
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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71
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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72
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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73
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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74
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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75
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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76
whooping
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| 发嗬嗬声的，发咳声的 | |
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77
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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78
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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79
scrambling
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| v.快速爬行( scramble的现在分词 )；攀登；争夺；（军事飞机）紧急起飞 | |
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80
perches
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| 栖息处( perch的名词复数 )； 栖枝； 高处； 鲈鱼 | |
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81
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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82
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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83
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
glimmered
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| v.发闪光，发微光( glimmer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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86
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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87
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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88
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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89
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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90
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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91
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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93
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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94
coups
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| n.意外而成功的行动( coup的名词复数 )；政变；努力办到难办的事 | |
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95
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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96
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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97
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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98
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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99
infest
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| v.大批出没于；侵扰；寄生于 | |
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100
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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101
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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102
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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103
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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104
haze
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| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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105
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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106
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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107
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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108
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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109
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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110
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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111
ambushed
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| v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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112
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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113
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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114
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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115
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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116
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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117
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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118
streaked
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| adj.有条斑纹的，不安的v.快速移动( streak的过去式和过去分词 )；使布满条纹 | |
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119
soot
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| n.煤烟，烟尘；vt.熏以煤烟 | |
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120
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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121
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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122
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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123
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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124
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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125
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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126
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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127
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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128
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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129
gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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130
smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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131
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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132
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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133
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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134
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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135
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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136
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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137
stark
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| adj.荒凉的；严酷的；完全的；adv.完全地 | |
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138
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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139
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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140
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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141
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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142
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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143
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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144
hoard
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| n./v.窖藏，贮存，囤积 | |
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145
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
chattered
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| （人）喋喋不休( chatter的过去式 )； 唠叨； （牙齿）打战； （机器）震颤 | |
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147
basked
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| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的过去式和过去分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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148
maples
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| 槭树，枫树( maple的名词复数 )； 槭木 | |
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149
rustling
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| n. 瑟瑟声，沙沙声 adj. 发沙沙声的 | |
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150
rubies
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| 红宝石( ruby的名词复数 )； 红宝石色，深红色 | |
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151
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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152
jocund
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| adj.快乐的，高兴的 | |
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153
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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154
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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155
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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156
sledges
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| n.雪橇，雪车( sledge的名词复数 )v.乘雪橇( sledge的第三人称单数 )；用雪橇运载 | |
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157
sledge
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| n.雪橇，大锤；v.用雪橇搬运，坐雪橇往 | |
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158
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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159
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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160
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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161
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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162
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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163
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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164
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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165
embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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166
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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167
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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168
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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169
schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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170
sloops
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| n.单桅纵帆船( sloop的名词复数 ) | |
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171
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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172
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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173
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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174
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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175
propounds
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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176
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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177
divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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178
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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179
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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180
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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181
sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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182
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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183
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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184
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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185
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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186
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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187
lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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188
bouquet
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| n.花束，酒香 | |
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189
impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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190
incensing
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| 焚香，烧香（incense的现在分词形式） | |
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191
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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192
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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193
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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194
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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195
stump
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| n.残株，烟蒂，讲演台；v.砍断，蹒跚而走 | |
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196
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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197
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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198
drizzling
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| 下蒙蒙细雨，下毛毛雨( drizzle的现在分词 ) | |
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199
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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200
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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201
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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202
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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203
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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204
waylay
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| v.埋伏，伏击 | |
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205
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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206
rekindle
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| v.使再振作；再点火 | |
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207
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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208
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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209
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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210
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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211
declivity
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| n.下坡，倾斜面 | |
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212
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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213
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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214
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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215
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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216
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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217
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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218
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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219
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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220
heralding
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| v.预示( herald的现在分词 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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221
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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222
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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223
willows
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| n.柳树( willow的名词复数 )；柳木 | |
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224
trickling
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| n.油画底色含油太多而成泡沫状突起v.滴( trickle的现在分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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225
ooze
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| n.软泥，渗出物；vi.渗出，泄漏；vt.慢慢渗出，流露 | |
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226
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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227
entangle
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| vt.缠住，套住；卷入，连累 | |
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228
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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229
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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230
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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231
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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232
carouse
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| v.狂欢；痛饮；n.狂饮的宴会 | |
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233
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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234
vomited
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235
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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236
tarpaulins
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| n.防水帆布，防水帆布罩( tarpaulin的名词复数 ) | |
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237
mittens
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| 不分指手套 | |
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238
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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239
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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240
blindfold
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| vt.蒙住…的眼睛；adj.盲目的；adv.盲目地；n.蒙眼的绷带[布等]； 障眼物，蒙蔽人的事物 | |
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241
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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242
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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243
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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244
blindfolded
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| v.（尤指用布）挡住（某人）的视线( blindfold的过去式 )；蒙住（某人）的眼睛；使不理解；蒙骗 | |
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245
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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246
resinous
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| adj.树脂的，树脂质的，树脂制的 | |
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247
cinders
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| n.煤渣( cinder的名词复数 )；炭渣；煤渣路；煤渣跑道 | |
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248
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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249
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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250
flakes
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| 小薄片( flake的名词复数 )； （尤指）碎片； 雪花； 古怪的人 | |
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251
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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252
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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