MONTCALM AND VAUDREUIL.
The Seat of War ? Social Life at Montreal ? Familiar Correspondence of Montcalm ? His Employments ? His Impressions of Canada ? His Hospitalities ? Misunderstandings with the Governor ? Character of Vaudreuil ? His Accusations1 ? Frenchmen and Canadians ? Foibles of Montcalm ? The opening Campaign ? Doubts and Suspense2 ? London's Plan ? His Character ? Fatal Delays ? Abortive3 Attempt against Louisbourg ? Disaster to the British Fleet.
Spring came at last, and the Dutch burghers of Albany heard, faint from the far height, the clamor of the wild-fowl, streaming in long files northward4 to their summer home. As the a?rial travellers winged their way, the seat of war lay spread beneath them like a map. First the blue Hudson, slumbering5 among its forests, with the forts along its banks, Half-Moon, Stillwater, Saratoga, and the geometric lines and earthen mounds6 of Fort Edward. Then a broad belt of dingy7 evergreen8; and beyond, released from wintry fetters9, the glistening10 breast of Lake George, with Fort William Henry at its side, amid charred11 ruins and a desolation of prostrate12 forests. Hence the lake stretched northward, like some broad river, 453
V1 trenched between mountain ranges still leafless and gray. Then they looked down on Ticonderoga, with the flag of the Bourbons, like a flickering13 white speck14, waving on its ramparts; and next on Crown Point with its tower of stone. Lake Champlain now spread before them, widening as they flew: on the left, the mountain wilderness16 of the Adirondacks, like a stormy sea congealed17; on the right, the long procession of the Green Mountains; and, far beyond, on the dim verge18 of the eastern sky, the White Mountains throned in savage19 solitude20. They passed over the bastioned square of Fort St. John, Fort Chambly guarding the rapids of the Richelieu, and the broad belt of the St. Lawrence, with Montreal seated on its bank. Here we leave them, to build their nests and hatch their brood among the fens21 of the lonely North.
Montreal, the military heart of Canada, was in the past winter its social centre also, where were gathered conspicuous22 representatives both of Old France and of New; not men only, but women. It was a sparkling fragment of the reign23 of Louis XV. dropped into the American wilderness. Montcalm was here with his staff and his chief officers, now pondering schemes of war, and now turning in thought to his beloved Chateau24 of Candiac, his mother, children, and wife, to whom he sent letters with every opportunity. To his wife he writes: "Think of me affectionately; give love to my girls. I hope next year I may be with you all. I love you tenderly, dearest." He says that he has sent 454
V1 her a packet of marten-skins for a muff; "and another time I shall send some to our daughter; but I should like better to bring them myself." Of this eldest25 daughter he writes in reply to a letter of domestic news from Madame de Montcalm: "The new gown with blonde trimmings must be becoming, for she is pretty." Again, "There is not an hour in the day when I do not think of you, my mother and my children." He had the tastes of a country gentleman, and was eager to know all that was passing on his estate. Before leaving home he had set up a mill to grind olives for oil, and was well pleased to hear of its prosperity. "It seems to be a good thing, which pleases me very much. Bougainville and I talk a great deal about the oil-mill." Some time after, when the King sent him the coveted26 decoration of the cordon27 rouge28, he informed Madame de Montcalm of the honor done him, and added: "But I think I am better pleased with what you tell me of the success of my oil-mill."
To his mother he writes of his absorbing occupations, and says: "You can tell my dearest that I have no time to occupy myself with the ladies, even if I wished to." Nevertheless he now and then found leisure for some little solace29 in his banishment30; for he writes to Bourlamaque, whom he had left at Quebec, after a visit which he had himself made there early in the winter: "I am glad you sometimes speak of me to the three ladies in the Rue31 du Parloir; and I am flattered by their remembrance, especially by that of one of them, in 455
V1 whom I find at certain moments too much wit and too many charms for my tranquillity32." These ladies of the Rue du Parloir are several times mentioned in his familiar correspondence with Bourlamaque.
His station obliged him to maintain a high standard of living, to his great financial detriment33, for Canadian prices were inordinate34. "I must live creditably, and so I do; sixteen persons at table every day. Once a fortnight I dine with the Governor-General and with the Chevalier de Lévis, who lives well too. He has given three grand balls. As for me, up to Lent I gave, besides dinners, great suppers, with ladies, three times a week. They lasted till two in the morning; and then there was dancing, to which company came uninvited, but sure of a welcome from those who had been at supper. It is very expensive, not very amusing, and often tedious. At Quebec, where we spent a month, I gave receptions or parties, often at the Intendant's house. I like my gallant35 Chevalier de Lévis very much. Bourlamaque was a good choice; he is steady and cool, with good parts. Bougainville has talent, a warm head, and warm heart; he will ripen36 in time. Write to Madame Cornier that I like her husband; he is perfectly37 well, and as impatient for peace as I am. Love to my daughters, and all affection and respect to my mother. I live only in the hope of joining you all again. Nevertheless, Montreal is as good a place as Alais even in time of peace, and better now, because the Government 456
V1 is here; for the Marquis de Vaudreuil, like me, spent only a month at Quebec. As for Quebec, it is as good as the best cities of France, except ten or so. Clear sky, bright sun; neither spring nor autumn, only summer and winter. July, August, and September, hot as in Languedoc: winter insupportable; one must keep always indoors. The ladies spirituelles, galantes, dévotes. Gambling38 at Quebec, dancing and conversation at Montreal. My friends the Indians, who are often unbearable39, and whom I treat with perfect tranquillity and patience, are fond of me. If I were not a sort of general, though very subordinate to the Governor, I could gossip about the plans of the campaign, which it is likely will begin on the tenth or fifteenth of May. I worked at the plan of the last affair [Rigaud's expedition to Fort William Henry], which might have turned out better, though good as it was. I wanted only eight hundred men. If I had had my way, Monsieur de Lévis or Monsieur de Bougainville would have had charge of it. However, the thing was all right, and in good hands. The Governor, who is extremely civil to me, gave it to his brother; he thought him more used to winter marches. Adieu, my heart; I adore and love you!"
To meet his manifold social needs, he sends to his wife orders for prunes40, olives, anchovies41, muscat wine, capers42, sausages, confectionery, cloth for liveries, and many other such items; also for scent-bags of two kinds, and perfumed pomatum for presents; closing in postscript43 with an 457
V1 injunction not to forget a dozen pint-bottles of English lavender. Some months after, he writes to Madame de Saint-Véran: "I have got everything that was sent me from Montpellier except the sausages. I have lost a third of what was sent from Bordeaux. The English captured it on board the ship called 'La Superbe;' and I have reason to fear that everything sent from Paris is lost on board 'La Liberté.' I am running into debt here. Pshaw! I must live. I do not worry myself. Best love to you, my mother."
When Rigaud was about to march with his detachment against Fort William Henry, Montcalm went over to La Prairie to see them. "I reviewed them," he writes to Bourlamaque, "and gave the officers a dinner, which, if anybody else had given it, I should have said was a grand affair. There were two tables, for thirty-six persons in all. On Wednesday there was an Assembly at Madame Varin's; on Friday the Chevalier de Lévis gave a ball. He invited sixty-five ladies, and got only thirty, with a great crowd of men. Rooms well lighted, excellent order, excellent service, plenty of refreshments45 of every sort all through the night; and the company stayed till seven in the morning. As for me, I went to bed early. I had had that day eight ladies at a supper given to Madame Varin. To-morrow I shall have half-a-dozen at another supper, given to I don't know whom, but incline to think it will be La Roche Beaucour. The gallant Chevalier is to give us still another ball."
458
V1 Lent put a check on these festivities. "To-morrow," he tells Bourlamaque, "I shall throw myself into devotion with might and main (à corps46 perdu). It will be easier for me to detach myself from the world and turn heavenward here at Montreal than it would be at Quebec." And, some time after, "Bougainville spent Monday delightfully47 at Isle49 Ste. Hélène, and Tuesday devoutly50 with the Sulpitian Fathers at the Mountain. I was there myself at four o'clock, and did them the civility to sup in their refectory at a quarter before six."
In May there was a complete revival52 of social pleasures, and Montcalm wrote to Bourlamaque: "Madame de Beaubassin's supper was very gay. There were toasts to the Rue du Parloir and to the General. To-day I must give a dinner to Madame de Saint-Ours, which will be a little more serious. Péan is gone to establish himself at La Chine, and will come back with La Barolon, who goes thither53 with a husband of hers, bound to the Ohio with Villejoin and Louvigny. The Chevalier de Lévis amuses himself very much here. He and his friends spend all their time with Madame de Lenisse."
Under these gayeties and gallantries there were bitter heart-burnings. Montcalm hints at some of them in a letter to Bourlamaque, written at the time of the expedition to Fort William Henry, which, in the words of Montcalm, who would have preferred another commander, the Governor had ordered to march "under the banners of brother 459
V1 Rigaud." "After he got my letter on Sunday evening," says the disappointed General, "Monsieur de Vaudreuil sent me his secretary with the instructions he had given his brother," which he had hitherto withheld54. "This gave rise after dinner to a long conversation with him; and I hope for the good of the service that his future conduct will prove the truth of his words. I spoke55 to him with frankness and firmness of the necessity I was under of communicating to him my reflections; but I did not name any of the persons who, to gain his good graces, busy themselves with destroying his confidence in me. I told him that he would always find me disposed to aid in measures tending to our success, even should his views, which always ought to prevail, be different from mine; but that I dared flatter myself that he would henceforward communicate his plans to me sooner; for, though his knowledge of the country gave greater weight to his opinions, he might rest satisfied that I should second him in methods and details. This explanation passed off becomingly enough, and ended with a proposal to dine on a moose's nose [an estimed morsel] the day after to-morrow. I burn your letters, Monsieur, and I beg you to do the same with mine, after making a note of anything you may want to keep." But Bourlamaque kept all the letters, and bound them in a volume, which still exists. [472]
[472] The preceding extracts are from Lettres de Montcalm à Madame de Saint-Véran, sa Mère, et à Madame de Montcalm, sa Femme, 1756, 1757 (Papiers de Famille); and Lettres de Montcalm à Bourlamaque, 1757. See Appendix E.
460
V1 Montcalm was not at this time fully48 aware of the feeling of Vaudreuil towards him. The touchy56 egotism of the Governor and his jealous attachment57 to the colony led him to claim for himself and the Canadians the merit of every achievement and to deny it to the French troops and their general. Before the capture of Oswego was known, he wrote to the naval58 minister that Montcalm would never have dared attack that place if he had not encouraged him and answered his timid objections. [473] "I am confident that I shall reduce it," he adds; "my expedition is sure to succeed if Monsieur de Montcalm follows the directions I have given him." When the good news came he immediately wrote again, declaring that the victory was due to his brother Rigaud and the Canadians, who, he says, had been ill-used by the General, and not allowed either to enter the fort or share the plunder60, any more than the Indians, who were so angry at the treatment they had met that he had great difficulty in appeasing61 them. He hints that the success was generally ascribed to him. "There has been a great deal of talk here; but I will not do myself the honor of repeating it to you, especially as it relates to myself. I know how to do violence to my self-love. The measures I took assured our victory, in spite of opposition62. If I had been less vigilant63 and firm, Oswego would still be in the hands of the English. I cannot sufficiently64 congratulate myself on the zeal65 which my brother and the Canadians and 461
V1 Indians showed on this occasion; for without them my orders would have been given in vain. The hopes of His Britannic Majesty66 have vanished, and will hardly revive again; for I shall take care to crush them in the bud." [474]
[474] Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 1 Sept. 1756.
The pronouns "I" and "my" recur68 with monotonous69 frequency in his correspondence. "I have laid waste all the British provinces." "By promptly70 uniting my forces at Carillon, I have kept General Loudon in check, though he had at his disposal an army of about twenty thousand men;" [475] and so without end, in all varieties of repetition. It is no less characteristic that he here assigns to his enemies double their actual force.
[475] Ibid., 6 Nov. 1756.
He has the faintest of praise for the troops from France. "They are generally good, but thus far they have not absolutely distinguished71 themselves. I do justice to the firmness they showed at Oswego; but it was only the colony troops, Canadians, and Indians who attacked the forts. Our artillery72 was directed by the Chevalier Le Mercier and M. Frémont [colony officers], and was served by our colony troops and our militia73. The officers from France are more inclined to defence than attack. Far from spending the least thing here, they lay by their pay. They saved the money allowed them for refreshments, and had it in pocket at the end of the campaign. They get a profit, too, out of their provisions, by having certificates made under borrowed names, so that they can draw 462
V1 cash for them on their return. It is the same with the soldiers, who also sell their provisions to the King and get paid for them. In conjunction with M. Bigot, I labor74 to remedy all these abuses; and the rules we have established have saved the King a considerable expense. M. de Montcalm has complained very much of these rules." The Intendant Bigot, who here appears as a reformer, was the centre of a monstrous75 system of public fraud and robbery; while the charges against the French officers are unsupported. Vaudreuil, who never loses an opportunity of disparaging76 them, proceeds thus:—
"The troops from France are not on very good terms with our Canadians. What can the soldiers think of them when they see their officers threaten them with sticks or swords? The Canadians are obliged to carry these gentry77 on their shoulders, through the cold water, over rocks that cut their feet; and if they make a false step they are abused. Can anything be harder? Finally, Monsieur de Montcalm is so quick-tempered that he goes to the length of striking the Canadians. How can he restrain his officers when he cannot restrain himself? Could any example be more contagious78? This is the way our Canadians are treated. They deserve something better." He then enlarges on their zeal, hardihood, and bravery, and adds that nothing but their blind submission79 to his commands prevents many of them from showing resentment80 at the usage they had to endure. The Indians, he goes on to say, are not so gentle and 463
V1 yielding; and but for his brother Rigaud and himself, might have gone off in a rage. "After the campaign of Oswego they did not hesitate to tell me that they would go wherever I sent them, provided I did not put them under the orders of M. de Montcalm. They told me positively81 that they could not bear his quick temper. I shall always maintain the most perfect union and understanding with M. le Marquis de Montcalm, but I shall be forced to take measures which will assure to our Canadians and Indians treatment such as their zeal and services merit." [476]
[476] Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 23 Oct. 1756. The above extracts are somewhat condensed in the translation. See the letter in Dussieux, 279.
To the subject of his complaints Vaudreuil used a different language; for Montcalm says, after mentioning that he had had occasion to punish some of the Canadians at Oswego: "I must do Monsieur de Vaudreuil the justice to say that he approved my proceedings82." He treated the General with the blandest83 politeness. "He is a good-natured man," continues Montcalm, "mild, with no character of his own, surrounded by people who try to destroy all his confidence in the general of the troops from France. I am praised excessively, in order to make him jealous, excite his Canadian prejudices, and prevent him from dealing84 with me frankly85, or adopting my views when he can help it." [477] He elsewhere complains that Vaudreuil gave to both him and Lévis orders couched in such equivocal 464
V1 terms that he could throw the blame on them in case of reverse. [478] Montcalm liked the militia no better than the Governor liked the regulars. "I have used them with good effect, though not in places exposed to the enemy's fire. They know neither discipline nor subordination, and think themselves in all respects the first nation on earth." He is sure, however, that they like him: "I have gained the utmost confidence of the Canadians and Indians; and in the eyes of the former, when I travel or visit their camps, I have the air of a tribune of the people." [479] "The affection of the Indians for me is so strong that there are moments when it astonishes the Governor." [480] "The Indians are delighted with me," he says in another letter; "the Canadians are pleased with me; their officers esteem86 and fear me, and would be glad if the French troops and their general could be dispensed88 with; and so should I." [481] And he writes to his mother: "The part I have to play is unique: I am a general-in-chief subordinated; sometimes with everything to do, and sometimes nothing; I am esteemed89, respected, beloved, envied, hated; I pass for proud, supple90, stiff, yielding, polite, devout51, gallant, etc.; and I long for peace." [482]
[477] Montcalm au Ministre de la Guerre, 11 Juillet, 1757.
[478] Montcalm au Ministre de la Guerre, 1 Nov. 1756.
[479] Ibid., 18 Sept. 1757.
[480] Ibid., 4 Nov. 1757.
[481] Ibid., 28 Ao?t, 1756.
[482] Montcalm à Madame de Saint-Véran, 23 Sept. 1757.
The letters of the Governor and those of the General, it will be seen, contradict each other flatly at several points. Montcalm is sustained by his 465
V1 friend Bougainville, who says that the Indians had a great liking91 for him, and that he "knew how to manage them as well as if he had been born in their wigwams." [483] And while Vaudreuil complains that the Canadians are ill-used by Montcalm, Bougainville declares that the regulars are ill-used by Vaudreuil. "One must be blind not to see that we are treated as the Spartans92 treated the Helots." Then he comments on the jealous reticence93 of the Governor. "The Marquis de Montcalm has not the honor of being consulted; and it is generally through public rumor94 that he first hears of Monsieur de Vaudreuil's military plans." He calls the Governor "a timid man, who can neither make a resolution nor keep one;" and he gives another trait of him, illustrating95 it, after his usual way, by a parallel from the classics: "When V. produces an idea he falls in love with it, as Pygmalion did with his statue. I can forgive Pygmalion, for what he produced was a masterpiece." [484]
[483] Bougainville à Saint-Laurens, 19 Ao?t, 1757.
[484] Bougainville, Journal.
The exceeding touchiness96 of the Governor was sorely tried by certain indiscretions on the part of the General, who in his rapid and vehement97 utterances98 sometimes forgot the rules of prudence99. His anger, though not deep, was extremely impetuous; and it is said that his irritation100 against Vaudreuil sometimes found escape in the presence of servants and soldiers. [485] There was no lack of 466
V1 reporters, and the Governor was told everything. The breach101 widened apace, and Canada divided itself into two camps: that of Vaudreuil with the colony officers, civil and military, and that of Montcalm with the officers from France. The principal exception was the Chevalier de Lévis. This brave and able commander had an easy and adaptable102 nature, which made him a sort of connecting link between the two parties. "One should be on good terms with everybody," was a maxim103 which he sometimes expressed, and on which he shaped his conduct with notable success. The Intendant Bigot also, an adroit104 and accomplished105 person, had the skill to avoid breaking with either side.
[485] événements de la Guerre en Canada, 1759, 1760.
But now the season of action was near, and domestic strife106 must give place to efforts against the common foe107. "God or devil!" Montcalm wrote to Bourlamaque, "we must do something and risk a fight. If we succeed, we can, all three of us [you, Lévis, and I], ask for promotion108. Burn this letter." The prospects109, on the whole, were hopeful. The victory at Oswego had wrought110 marvels111 among the Indians, inspired the faithful, confirmed the wavering, and daunted112 the ill-disposed. The whole West was astir, ready to pour itself again in blood and fire against the English border; and even the Cherokees and Choctaws, old friends of the British colonies, seemed on the point of turning against them. [486] The Five Nations were half won for France. In 467
V1 November a large deputation of them came to renew the chain of friendship at Montreal. "I have laid Oswego in ashes," said Vaudreuil; "the English quail113 before me. Why do you nourish serpents in your bosom114? They mean only to enslave you." The deputies trampled115 under foot the medals the English had given them, and promised the "Devourer116 of Villages," for so they styled the Governor, that they would never more lift the hatchet117 against his children. The chief difficulty was to get rid of them; for, being clothed and fed at the expense of the King, they were in no haste to take leave; and learning that New Year's Day was a time of visits, gifts, and health-drinking, they declared that they would stay to share its pleasures; which they did, to their own satisfaction and the annoyance118 of those who were forced to entertain them and their squaws. [487] An active siding with France was to be expected only from the western bands of the Confederacy. Neutrality alone could be hoped for from the others, who were too near the English safely to declare against them; while from one of the tribes, the Mohawks, even neutrality was doubtful.
[486] Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 19 Avril, 1757.
[487] Montcalm au Ministre de la Guerre, 24 Avril, 1757; Relation de l'Ambassade des Cinq Nations à Montreal, jointe à la lettre précédente. Procès-verbal de différentes Entrevues entre M. de Vaudreuil et les Députés des Nations sauvages du 13 au 30 Déc. 1756. Malartic, Journal. Montcalm à Madame de Saint-Véran, 1 Avril, 1757.
Vaudreuil, while disliking the French regulars, felt that he could not dispense87 with them, and had asked for a reinforcement. His request was granted; and the Colonial Minister informed him 468
V1 that twenty-four hundred men had been ordered to Canada to strengthen the colony regulars and the battalions119 of Montcalm. [488] This, according to the estimate of the Minister, would raise the regular force in Canada to sixty-six hundred rank and file. [489] The announcement was followed by another, less agreeable. It was to the effect that a formidable squadron was fitting out in British ports. Was Quebec to be attacked, or Louisbourg? Louisbourg was beyond reach of succor120 from Canada; it must rely on its own strength and on help from France. But so long as Quebec was threatened, all the troops in the colony must be held ready to defend it, and the hope of attacking England in her own domains121 must be abandoned. Till these doubts were solved, nothing could be done; and hence great activity in catching122 prisoners for the sake of news. A few were brought in, but they knew no more of the matter than the French themselves; and Vaudreuil and Montcalm rested for a while in suspense.
[488] Ordres du Roy et Dépêches des Ministres, Mars, 1757.
[489] Ministerial Minute on the Military Force in Canada, 1757, in N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 523.
The truth, had they known it, would have gladdened their hearts. The English preparations were aimed at Louisbourg. In the autumn before, Loudon, prejudiced against all plans of his predecessor123, Shirley, proposed to the Ministry124 a scheme of his own, involving a possible attack on Quebec, but with the reduction of Louisbourg as its immediate59 object,—an important object, no doubt, but 469
V1 one that had no direct bearing on the main question of controlling the interior of the continent. Pitt, then for a brief space at the head of the Government, accepted the suggestion, and set himself to executing it; but he was hampered125 by opposition, and early in April was forced to resign. Then, followed a contest of rival claimants to office; and the war against France was made subordinate to disputes of personal politics. Meanwhile one Florence Hensey, a spy at London, had informed the French Court that a great armament was fitting out for America, though he could not tell its precise destination. Without loss of time three French squadrons were sent across the Atlantic, with orders to rendezvous126 at Louisbourg, the conjectured127 point of attack.
The English were as tardy128 as their enemies were prompt. Everything depended on speed; yet their fleet, under Admiral Holbourne, consisting of fifteen ships of the line and three frigates129, with about five thousand troops on board, did not get to sea till the fifth of May, when it made sail for Halifax, where Loudon was to meet it with additional forces.
Loudon had drawn130 off the best part of the troops from the northern frontier, and they were now at New York waiting for embarkation131. That the design might be kept secret, he laid an embargo132 on colonial shipping,—a measure which exasperated133 the colonists134 without answering its purpose. Now ensued a long delay, during which the troops, the provincial135 levies136, the transports destined137 to carry 470
V1 them, and the ships of war which were to serve as escort, all lay idle. In the interval138 Loudon showed great activity in writing despatches and other avocations139 more or less proper to a commander, being always busy, without, according to Franklin, accomplishing anything. One Innis, who had come with a message from the Governor of Pennsylvania, and had waited above a fortnight for the General's reply, remarked of him that he was like St. George on a tavern140 sign, always on horseback, and never riding on. [490] Yet nobody longed more than he to reach the rendezvous at Halifax. He was waiting for news of Holbourne, and he waited in vain. He knew only that a French fleet had been seen off the coast strong enough to overpower his escort and sink all his transports. [491] But the season was growing late; he must act quickly if he was to act at all. He and Sir Charles Hardy141 agreed between them that the risk must be run; and on the twentieth of June the whole force put to sea. They met no enemy, and entered Halifax harbor on the thirtieth. Holbourne and his fleet had not yet appeared; but his ships soon came straggling in, and before the tenth of July all were at anchor before the town. Then there was more delay. The troops, nearly twelve thousand in all, were landed, and weeks were spent in drilling them and planting vegetables for their refreshment44. 471
V1 Sir Charles Hay was put under arrest for saying that the nation's money was spent in sham142 battles and raising cabbages. Some attempts were made to learn the state of Louisbourg; and Captain Gorham, of the rangers143, who reconnoitred it from a fishing vessel144, brought back an imperfect report, upon which, after some hesitation145, it was resolved to proceed to the attack. The troops were embarked146 again, and all was ready, when, on the fourth of August, a sloop147 came from Newfoundland, bringing letters found on board a French vessel lately captured. From these it appeared that all three of the French squadrons were united in the harbor of Louisbourg, to the number of twenty-two ships of the line, besides several frigates, and that the garrison148 had been increased to a total force of seven thousand men, ensconced in the strongest fortress149 of the continent. So far as concerned the naval force, the account was true. La Motte, the French admiral, had with him a fleet carrying an aggregate150 of thirteen hundred and sixty cannon151, anchored in a sheltered harbor under the guns of the town. Success was now hopeless, and the costly152 enterprise was at once abandoned. Loudon with his troops sailed back for New York, and Admiral Holbourne, who had been joined by four additional ships, steered153 for Louisbourg, in hopes that the French fleet would come out and fight him. He cruised off the port; but La Motte did not accept the challenge.
[490] Works of Franklin, I. 219. Franklin intimates that while Loudon was constantly writing, he rarely sent off despatches. This is a mistake; there is abundance of them, often tediously long, in the Public Record Office.
[491] Loudon to Pitt, 30 May, 1757. He had not learned Pitt's resignation.
472
V1 The elements declared for France. A September gale154, of fury rare even on that tempestuous155 coast, burst upon the British fleet. "It blew a perfect hurricane," says the unfortunate Admiral, "and drove us right on shore." One ship was dashed on the rocks, two leagues from Louisbourg. A shifting of the wind in the nick of time saved the rest from total wreck156. Nine were dismasted; others threw their cannon into the sea. Not one was left fit for immediate action; and had La Motte sailed out of Louisbourg, he would have had them all at his mercy.
Delay, the source of most of the disasters that befell England and her colonies at this dismal157 epoch158, was the ruin of the Louisbourg expedition. The greater part of La Motte's fleet reached its destination a full month before that of Holbourne. Had the reverse taken place, the fortress must have fallen. As it was, the ill-starred attempt, drawing off the British forces from the frontier, where they were needed most, did for France more than she could have done for herself, and gave Montcalm and Vaudreuil the opportunity to execute a scheme which they had nursed since the fall of Oswego. [492]
[492] Despatches of Loudon, Feb. to Aug. 1757. Knox, Campaigns in North America, I. 6-28. Knox was in the expedition. Review of Mr. Pitt's Administration (London, 1763). The Conduct of a Noble Commander in America impartially159 reviewed (London, 1758). Beatson, Naval and Military Memoirs160, II. 49-59. Answer to the Letter to two Great Men (London, 1760). Entick, II. 168, 169. Holbourne to Loudon, 4 Aug. 1757. Holbourne to Pitt, 29 Sept. 1757. Ibid., 30 Sept. 1757. Holbourne to Pownall, 2 Nov. 1757. Mante, 86, 97. Relation du Désastre arrivé à la Flotte 473
V1 Anglaise commandée par15 l'Amiral Holbourne. Chevalier Johnstone, Campaign of Louisbourg. London Magazine, 1757, 514. Gentleman's Magazine, 1757, 463, 476. Ibid., 1758, 168-173.
It has been said that Loudon was scared from his task by false reports of the strength of the French at Louisbourg. This was not the case. The Gazette de France, 621, says that La Motte had twenty-four ships of war. Bougainville says that as early as the ninth of June there were twenty-one ships of war, including five frigates, at Louisbourg. To this the list given by Knox closely answers.
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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3
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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4
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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5
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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6
mounds
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| 土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆 | |
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7
dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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8
evergreen
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| n.常青树；adj.四季常青的 | |
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9
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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10
glistening
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| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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11
charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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12
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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13
flickering
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| adj.闪烁的，摇曳的，一闪一闪的 | |
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14
speck
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| n.微粒，小污点，小斑点 | |
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15
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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16
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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17
congealed
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| v.使凝结，冻结( congeal的过去式和过去分词 )；（指血）凝结 | |
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18
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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19
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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20
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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21
fens
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| n.（尤指英格兰东部的）沼泽地带( fen的名词复数 ) | |
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22
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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23
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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24
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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25
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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26
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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27
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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28
rouge
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| n.胭脂，口红唇膏；v.(在…上)擦口红 | |
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29
solace
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|
| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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30
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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31
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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32
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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33
detriment
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|
| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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34
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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35
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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36
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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37
perfectly
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|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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38
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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39
unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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40
prunes
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|
| n.西梅脯，西梅干( prune的名词复数 )v.修剪（树木等）( prune的第三人称单数 )；精简某事物，除去某事物多余的部分 | |
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41
anchovies
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| n. 鯷鱼，凤尾鱼 | |
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42
capers
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| n.开玩笑( caper的名词复数 )；刺山柑v.跳跃，雀跃( caper的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43
postscript
|
|
| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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44
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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45
refreshments
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|
| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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46
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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47
delightfully
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| 大喜，欣然 | |
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48
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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49
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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50
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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51
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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52
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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53
thither
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|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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54
withheld
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|
| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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55
spoke
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|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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56
touchy
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|
| adj.易怒的；棘手的 | |
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57
attachment
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|
| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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58
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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59
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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60
plunder
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|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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61
appeasing
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|
| 安抚，抚慰( appease的现在分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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62
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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63
vigilant
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|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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64
sufficiently
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|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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65
zeal
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|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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66
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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67
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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68
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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69
monotonous
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|
| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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70
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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71
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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72
artillery
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|
| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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73
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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74
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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75
monstrous
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|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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76
disparaging
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|
| adj.轻蔑的，毁谤的v.轻视( disparage的现在分词 )；贬低；批评；非难 | |
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77
gentry
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|
| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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78
contagious
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|
| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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79
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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80
resentment
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|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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81
positively
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|
| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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82
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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83
blandest
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|
| adj.（食物）淡而无味的( bland的最高级 )；平和的；温和的；无动于衷的 | |
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84
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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85
frankly
|
|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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86
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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87
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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88
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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89
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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90
supple
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|
| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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91
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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92
spartans
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| n.斯巴达（spartan的复数形式） | |
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93
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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94
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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95
illustrating
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|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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96
touchiness
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| n.易动气，过分敏感 | |
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97
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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98
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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99
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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100
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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101
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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102
adaptable
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| adj.能适应的，适应性强的，可改编的 | |
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103
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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104
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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105
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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106
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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107
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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108
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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109
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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110
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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111
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
quail
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| n.鹌鹑；vi.畏惧，颤抖 | |
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114
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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115
trampled
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|
| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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116
devourer
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| 吞噬者 | |
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117
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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118
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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119
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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120
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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121
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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122
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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123
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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124
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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125
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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127
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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129
frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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130
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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132
embargo
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| n.禁运（令）；vt.对...实行禁运，禁止（通商） | |
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133
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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134
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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135
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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136
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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137
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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138
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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139
avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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140
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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141
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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142
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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143
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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144
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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146
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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147
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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148
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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149
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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150
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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151
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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152
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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153
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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154
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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158
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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160
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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