FORT WILLIAM HENRY.
Another Blow ? The War-song ? The Army at Ticonderoga ? Indian Allies ? The War-feast ? Treatment of Prisoners ? Cannibalism1 ? Surprise and Slaughter2 ? The War Council ? March of Lévis ? The Army embarks3 ? Fort William Henry ? Nocturnal Scene ? Indian Funeral ? Advance upon the Fort ? General Webb ? His Difficulties ? His Weakness ? The Siege begun ? Conduct of the Indians ? The Intercepted5 Letter ? Desperate Position of the Besieged6 ? Capitulation ? Ferocity of the Indians ? Mission of Bougainville ? Murder of Wounded Men ? A Scene of Terror ? The Massacre8 ? Efforts of Montcalm ? The Fort burned.
"I am going on the ninth to sing the war-song at the Lake of Two Mountains, and on the next day at Saut St. Louis,—a long, tiresome9 ceremony. On the twelfth I am off; and I count on having news to tell you by the end of this month or the beginning of next." Thus Montcalm wrote to his wife from Montreal early in July. All doubts had been solved. Prisoners taken on the Hudson and despatches from Versailles had made it certain that Loudon was bound to Louisbourg, carrying with him the best of the troops that had guarded the New York frontier. The time was come, not only to strike the English on Lake George, but perhaps to seize Fort Edward and carry terror to 475
V1 Albany itself. Only one difficulty remained, the want of provisions. Agents were sent to collect corn and bacon among the inhabitants; the curés and militia10 captains were ordered to aid in the work; and enough was presently found to feed twelve thousand men for a month. [493]
[493] Vaudreuil, Lettres circulates aux Curés et aux Capitaines de Milice des Paroisses du Gouvernement de Montreal, 16 Juin, 1757.
The emissaries of the Governor had been busy all winter among the tribes of the West and North; and more than a thousand savages12, lured14 by prospect15 of gifts, scalps, and plunder16, were now encamped at Montreal. Many of them had never visited a French settlement before. All were eager to see Montcalm, whose exploit in taking Oswego had inflamed17 their imagination; and one day, on a visit of ceremony, an orator18 from Michillimackinac addressed the General thus: "We wanted to see this famous man who tramples20 the English under his feet. We thought we should find him so tall that his head would be lost in the clouds. But you are a little man, my Father. It is when we look into your eyes that we see the greatness of the pine-tree and the fire of the eagle." [494]
[494] Bougainville, Journal.
It remained to muster21 the Mission Indians settled in or near the limits of the colony; and it was to this end that Montcalm went to sing the war-song with the converts of the Two Mountains. Rigaud, Bougainville, young Longueuil, and others were of the party; and when they landed, the 476
V1 Indians came down to the shore, their priests at their head, and greeted the General with a volley of musketry; then received him after dark in their grand council-lodge, where the circle of wild and savage13 visages, half seen in the dim light of a few candles, suggested to Bougainville a midnight conclave22 of wizards. He acted vicariously the chief part in the ceremony. "I sang the war-song in the name of M. de Montcalm, and was much applauded. It was nothing but these words: 'Let us trample19 the English under our feet,' chanted over and over again, in cadence23 with the movements of the savages." Then came the war-feast, against which occasion Montcalm had caused three oxen to be roasted. [495] On the next day the party went to Caughnawaga, or Saut St. Louis, where the ceremony was repeated; and Bougainville, who again sang the war-song in the name of his commander, was requited25 by adoption26 into the clan27 of the Turtle. Three more oxen were solemnly devoured28, and with one voice the warriors29 took up the hatchet30.
[495] Bougainville describes a ceremony in the Mission Church of the Two Mountains in which warriors and squaws sang in the choir31. Ninety-nine years after, in 1856, I was present at a similar ceremony on the same spot, and heard the descendants of the same warriors and squaws sing like their ancestors. Great changes have since taken place at this old mission.
Meanwhile troops, Canadians and Indians, were moving by detachments up Lake Champlain. Fleets of bateaux and canoes followed each other day by day along the capricious lake, in calm or storm, sunshine or rain, till, towards the end of 477
V1 July, the whole force was gathered at Ticonderoga, the base of the intended movement. Bourlamaque had been there since May with the battalions32 of Béarn and Royal Roussillon, finishing the fort, sending out war-parties, and trying to discover the force and designs of the English at Fort William Henry.
Ticonderoga is a high rocky promontory35 between Lake Champlain on the north and the mouth of the outlet36 of Lake George on the south. Near its extremity37 and close to the fort were still encamped the two battalions under Bourlamaque, while bateaux and canoes were passing incessantly38 up the river of the outlet. There were scarcely two miles of navigable water, at the end of which the stream fell foaming39 over a high ledge40 of rock that barred the way. Here the French were building a saw-mill; and a wide space had been cleared to form an encampment defended on all sides by an abattis, within which stood the tents of the battalions of La Reine, La Sarre, Languedoc, and Guienne, all commanded by Lévis. Above the cascade41 the stream circled through the forest in a series of beautiful rapids, and from the camp of Lévis a road a mile and a half long had been cut to the navigable water above. At the end of this road there was another fortified42 camp, formed of colony regulars, Canadians, and Indians, under Rigaud. It was scarcely a mile farther to Lake George, where on the western side there was an outpost, chiefly of Canadians and Indians; while advanced parties were stationed at Bald Mountain, 478
V1 now called Rogers Rock, and elsewhere on the lake, to watch the movements of the English. The various encampments just mentioned were ranged along a valley extending four miles from Lake Champlain to Lake George, and bordered by mountains wooded to the top.
Here was gathered a martial43 population of eight thousand men, including the brightest civilization and the darkest barbarism: from the scholar-soldier Montcalm and his no less accomplished44 aide-de-camp; from Lévis, conspicuous45 for graces of person; from a throng46 of courtly young officers, who would have seemed out of place in that wilderness47 had they not done their work so well in it; from these to the foulest48 man-eating savage of the uttermost northwest.
Of Indian allies there were nearly two thousand. One of their tribes, the Iowas, spoke49 a language which no interpreter understood; and they all bivouacked where they saw fit: for no man could control them. "I see no difference," says Bougainville, "in the dress, ornaments51, dances, and songs of the various western nations. They go naked, excepting a strip of cloth passed through a belt, and paint themselves black, red, blue, and other colors. Their heads are shaved and adorned52 with bunches of feathers, and they wear rings of brass53 wire in their ears. They wear beaver-skin blankets, and carry lances, bows and arrows, and quivers made of the skins of beasts. For the rest they are straight, well made, and generally very tall. Their religion is brute54 479
V1 paganism. I will say it once for all, one must be the slave of these savages, listen to them day and night, in council and in private, whenever the fancy takes them, or whenever a dream, a fit of the vapors55, or their perpetual craving56 for brandy, gets possession of them; besides which they are always wanting something for their equipment, arms, or toilet, and the general of the army must give written orders for the smallest trifle,—an eternal, wearisome detail, of which one has no idea in Europe."
It was not easy to keep them fed. Rations57 would be served to them for a week; they would consume them in three days, and come for more. On one occasion they took the matter into their own hands, and butchered and devoured eighteen head of cattle intended for the troops; nor did any officer dare oppose this "St. Bartholomew of the oxen," as Bougainville calls it. "Their paradise is to be drunk," says the young officer. Their paradise was rather a hell; for sometimes, when mad with brandy, they grappled and tore each other with their teeth like wolves. They were continually "making medicine," that is, consulting the Manitou, to whom they hung up offerings, sometimes a dead dog, and sometimes the belt-cloth which formed their only garment.
The Mission Indians were better allies than these heathen of the west; and their priests, who followed them to the war, had great influence over them. They were armed with guns, which they well knew how to use. Their dress, though savage, 480
V1 was generally decent, and they were not cannibals; though in other respects they retained all their traditional ferocity and most of their traditional habits. They held frequent war-feasts, one of which is described by Roubaud, Jesuit missionary58 of the Abenakis of St. Francis, whose flock formed a part of the company present.
"Imagine," says the father, "a great assembly of savages adorned with every ornament50 most suited to disfigure them in European eyes, painted with vermilion, white, green, yellow, and black made of soot59 and the scrapings of pots. A single savage face combines all these different colors, methodically laid on with the help of a little tallow, which serves for pomatum. The head is shaved except at the top, where there is a small tuft, to which are fastened feathers, a few beads60 of wampum, or some such trinket. Every part of the head has its ornament. Pendants hang from the nose and also from the ears, which are split in infancy61 and drawn62 down by weights till they flap at last against the shoulders. The rest of the equipment answers to this fantastic decoration: a shirt bedaubed with vermilion, wampum collars, silver bracelets63, a large knife hanging on the breast, moose-skin moccasons, and a belt of various colors always absurdly combined. The sachems and war-chiefs are distinguished64 from the rest: the latter by a gorget, and the former by a medal, with the King's portrait on one side, and on the other Mars and Bellona joining hands, with the device, Virtues66 et Honor."
481
V1 Thus attired67, the company sat in two lines facing each other, with kettles in the middle filled with meat chopped for distribution. To a dignified69 silence succeeded songs, sung by several chiefs in succession, and compared by the narrator to the howling of wolves. Then followed a speech from the chief orator, highly commended by Roubaud, who could not help admiring this effort of savage eloquence70. "After the harangue71," he continues, "they proceeded to nominate the chiefs who were to take command. As soon as one was named he rose and took the head of some animal that had been butchered for the feast. He raised it aloft so that all the company could see it, and cried: 'Behold72 the head of the enemy!' Applause and cries of joy rose from all parts of the assembly. The chief, with the head in his hand, passed down between the lines, singing his war-song, bragging73 of his exploits, taunting74 and defying the enemy, and glorifying75 himself beyond all measure. To hear his self-laudation in these moments of martial transport one would think him a conquering hero ready to sweep everything before him. As he passed in front of the other savages, they would respond by dull broken cries jerked up from the depths of their stomachs, and accompanied by movements of their bodies so odd that one must be well used to them to keep countenance76. In the course of his song the chief would utter from time to time some grotesque77 witticism78; then he would stop, as if pleased with himself, or rather to listen to the thousand confused 482
V1 cries of applause that greeted his ears. He kept up his martial promenade79 as long as he liked the sport; and when he had had enough, ended by flinging down the head of the animal with an air of contempt, to show that his warlike appetite craved80 meat of another sort." [496] Others followed with similar songs and pantomime, and the festival was closed at last by ladling out the meat from the kettles, and devouring81 it.
[496] Lettre du Père … (Roubaud), Missionnaire chez les Abnakis, 21 Oct. 1757, in Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, VI. 189 (1810).
Roubaud was one day near the fort, when he saw the shore lined with a thousand Indians, watching four or five English prisoners, who, with the war-party that had captured them, were approaching in a boat from the farther side of the water. Suddenly the whole savage crew broke away together and ran into the neighboring woods, whence they soon emerged, yelling diabolically82, each armed with a club. The wretched prisoners were to be forced to "run the gauntlet," which would probably have killed them. They were saved by the chief who commanded the war-party, and who, on the persuasion83 of a French officer, claimed them as his own and forbade the game; upon which, according to rule in such cases, the rest abandoned it. On this same day the missionary met troops of Indians conducting several bands of English prisoners along the road that led through the forest from the camp of Lévis. Each of the captives was held by a cord made fast about the neck; and the sweat was 483
V1 starting from their brows in the extremity of their horror and distress84. Roubaud's tent was at this time in the camp of the Ottawas. He presently saw a large number of them squatted85 about a fire, before which meat was roasting on sticks stuck in the ground; and, approaching, he saw that it was the flesh of an Englishman, other parts of which were boiling in a kettle, while near by sat eight or ten of the prisoners, forced to see their comrade devoured. The horror-stricken priest began to remonstrate86; on which a young savage fiercely replied in broken French: "You have French taste; I have Indian. This is good meat for me;" and the feasters pressed him to share it.
Bougainville says that this abomination could not be prevented; which only means that if force had been used to stop it, the Ottawas would have gone home in a rage. They were therefore left to finish their meal undisturbed. Having eaten one of their prisoners, they began to treat the rest with the utmost kindness, bringing them white bread, and attending to all their wants,—a seeming change of heart due to the fact that they were a valuable commodity, for which the owners hoped to get a good price at Montreal. Montcalm wished to send them thither87 at once, to which after long debate the Indians consented, demanding, however, a receipt in full, and bargaining that the captives should be supplied with shoes and blankets. [497]
[497] Journal de l'Expédition contre le Fort George [William Henry] du 12 Juillet au 16 Ao?t, 1757. Bougainville, Journal. Lettre du P. Roubaud.
484
V1 These unfortunates belonged to a detachment of three hundred provincials89, chiefly New Jersey90 men, sent from Fort William Henry under command of Colonel Parker to reconnoitre the French outposts. Montcalm's scouts91 discovered them; on which a band of Indians, considerably92 more numerous, went to meet them under a French partisan93 named Corbière, and ambushed95 themselves not far from Sabbath Day Point. Parker had rashly divided his force; and at daybreak of the twenty-sixth of July three of his boats fell into the snare96, and were captured without a shot. Three others followed, in ignorance of what had happened, and shared the fate of the first. When the rest drew near, they were greeted by a deadly volley from the thickets97, and a swarm98 of canoes darted99 out upon them. The men were seized with such a panic that some of them jumped into the water to escape, while the Indians leaped after them and speared them with their lances like fish. "Terrified," says Bougainville, "by the sight of these monsters, their agility100, their firing, and their yells, they surrendered almost without resistance." About a hundred, however, made their escape. The rest were killed or captured, and three of the bodies were eaten on the spot. The journalist adds that the victory so elated the Indians that they became insupportable; "but here in the forests of America we can no more do without them than without cavalry101 on the plain." [498]
[498] Bougainville, Journal. Malartic, Journal. Montcalm à Vaudreuil, 27 Juillet, 1757. Webb to Loudon, 1 Aug. 1757. Webb to Delancey, 30 July, 1757. Journal de l'Expédition contre le Fort George. London Magazine, 1757, 457. Miles, French and Indian Wars. Boston Gazette, 15 Aug. 1757.
485
V1 Another success at about the same time did not tend to improve their manners. A hundred and fifty of them, along with a few Canadians under Marin, made a dash at Fort Edward, killed or drove in the pickets102, and returned with thirty-two scalps and a prisoner. It was found, however, that the scalps were far from representing an equal number of heads, the Indians having learned the art of making two or three out of one by judicious103 division. [499]
[499] This affair was much exaggerated at the time. I follow Bougainville, who had the facts from Marin. According to him, the thirty-two scalps represented eleven killed; which exactly answers to the English loss as stated by Colonel Frye in a letter from Fort Edward.
Preparations were urged on with the utmost energy. Provisions, camp equipage, ammunition104, cannon105, and bateaux were dragged by gangs of men up the road from the camp of Lévis to the head of the rapids. The work went on through heat and rain, by day and night, till, at the end of July, all was done. Now, on the eve of departure, Montcalm, anxious for harmony among his red allies, called them to a grand council near the camp of Rigaud. Forty-one tribes and sub-tribes, Christian106 and heathen, from the east and from the west, were represented in it. Here were the mission savages,—Iroquois of Caughnawaga, Two Mountains, and La Présentation; Hurons of Lorette and Detroit; Nipissings of Lake Nipissing; Abenakis of St. Francis, Becancour, Missisqui, and the Penobscot; Algonkins of Three 486
V1 Rivers and Two Mountains; Micmacs and Malecites from Acadia: in all eight hundred chiefs and warriors. With these came the heathen of the west,—Ottawas of seven distinct bands; Ojibwas from Lake Superior, and Mississagas from the region of Lakes Erie and Huron; Pottawattamies and Menomonies from Lake Michigan; Sacs, Foxes, and Winnebagoes from Wisconsin; Miamis from the prairies of Illinois, and Iowas from the banks of the Des Moines: nine hundred and seventy-nine chiefs and warriors, men of the forests and men of the plains, hunters of the moose and hunters of the buffalo107, bearers of steel hatchets108 and stone war-clubs, of French guns and of flint-headed arrows. All sat in silence, decked with ceremonial paint, scalp-locks, eagle plumes109, or horns of buffalo; and the dark and wild assemblage was edged with white uniforms of officers from France, who came in numbers to the spectacle. Other officers were also here, all belonging to the colony. They had been appointed to the command of the Indian allies, over whom, however, they had little or no real authority. First among them was the bold and hardy110 Saint-Luc de la Corne, who was called general of the Indians; and under him were others, each assigned to some tribe or group of tribes,—the intrepid111 Marin; Charles Langlade, who had left his squaw wife at Michillimackinac to join the war; Niverville, Langis, La Plante, Hertel, Longueuil, Herbin, Lorimier, Sabrevois, and Fleurimont; men familiar from childhood with forests and savages. 487
V1 Each tribe had its interpreter, often as lawless as those with whom he had spent his life; and for the converted tribes there were three missionaries112,—Piquet for the Iroquois, Mathevet for the Nipissings, who were half heathen, and Roubaud for the Abenakis. [500]
[500] The above is chiefly from Tableau113 des Sauvages qui se trouvent à l'Armée du Marquis de Montcalm, le 28 Juillet, 1757. Forty-one tribes and sub-tribes are here named, some, however, represented by only three or four warriors. Besides those set down under the head of Christians114, it is stated that a few of the Ottawas of Detroit and Michillimackinac still retained the faith.
There was some complaint among the Indians because they were crowded upon by the officers who came as spectators. This difficulty being removed, the council opened, Montcalm having already explained his plans to the chiefs and told them the part he expected them to play.
Pennahouel, chief of the Ottawas, and senior of all the Assembly, rose and said: "My father, I, who have counted more moons than any here, thank you for the good words you have spoken. I approve them. Nobody ever spoke better. It is the Manitou of War who inspires you."
Kikensick, chief of the Nipissings, rose in behalf of the Christian Indians, and addressed the heathen of the west. "Brothers, we thank you for coming to help us defend our lands against the English. Our cause is good. The Master of Life is on our side. Can you doubt it, brothers, after the great blow you have just struck? It covers you with glory. The lake, red with the blood of Corlaer [the English] bears witness forever 488
V1 to your achievement. We too share your glory, and are proud of what you have done." Then, turning to Montcalm: "We are even more glad than you, my father, who have crossed the great water, not for your own sake, but to obey the great King and defend his children. He has bound us all together by the most solemn of ties. Let us take care that nothing shall separate us."
The various interpreters, each in turn, having explained this speech to the Assembly, it was received with ejaculations of applause; and when they had ceased, Montcalm spoke as follows: "Children, I am delighted to see you all joined in this good work. So long as you remain one, the English cannot resist you. The great King has sent me to protect and defend you; but above all he has charged me to make you happy and unconquerable, by establishing among you the union which ought to prevail among brothers, children of one father, the great Onontio." Then he held out a prodigious115 wampum belt of six thousand beads: "Take this sacred pledge of his word. The union of the beads of which it is made is the sign of your united strength. By it I bind116 you all together, so that none of you can separate from the rest till the English are defeated and their fort destroyed."
Pennahouel took up the belt and said: "Behold, brothers, a circle drawn around us by the great Onontio. Let none of us go out from it; for so long as we keep in it, the Master of Life will help all our undertakings117." Other chiefs spoke to the 489
V1 same effect, and the council closed in perfect harmony. [501] Its various members bivouacked together at the camp by the lake, and by their carelessness soon set it on fire; whence the place became known as the Burned Camp. Those from the missions confessed their sins all day; while their heathen brothers hung an old coat and a pair of leggings on a pole as tribute to the Manitou. This greatly embarrassed the three priests, who were about to say Mass, but doubted whether they ought to say it in presence of a sacrifice to the devil. Hereupon they took counsel of Montcalm. "Better say it so than not at all," replied the military casuist. Brandy being prudently119 denied them, the allies grew restless; and the greater part paddled up the lake to a spot near the place where Parker had been defeated. Here they encamped to wait the arrival of the army, and amused themselves meantime with killing120 rattlesnakes, there being a populous121 "den24" of those reptiles122 among the neighboring rocks.
[501] Bougainville, Journal.
Montcalm sent a circular letter to the regular officers, urging them to dispense123 for a while with luxuries, and even comforts. "We have but few bateaux, and these are so filled with stores that a large division of the army must go by land;" and he directed that everything not absolutely necessary should be left behind, and that a canvas shelter to every two officers should serve them for a tent, and a bearskin for a bed. "Yet I do not forbid a mattress," he adds. "Age and infirmities 490
V1 may make it necessary to some; but I shall not have one myself, and make no doubt that all who can will willingly imitate me." [502]
[502] Circulaire du Marquis de Montcalm, 25 Juillet, 1757.
The bateaux lay ready by the shore, but could not carry the whole force; and Lévis received orders to march by the side of the lake with twenty-five hundred men, Canadians, regulars, and Iroquois. He set out at daybreak of the thirtieth of July, his men carrying nothing but their knapsacks, blankets, and weapons. Guided by the unerring Indians, they climbed the steep gorge65 at the side of Rogers Rock, gained the valley beyond, and marched southward along a Mohawk trail which threaded the forest in a course parallel to the lake. The way was of the roughest; many straggled from the line, and two officers completely broke down. The first destination of the party was the mouth of Ganouskie Bay, now called Northwest Bay, where they were to wait for Montcalm, and kindle124 three fires as a signal that they had reached the rendezvous125. [503]
[503] Guerre du Canada, par11 le Chevalier de Lévis. This manuscript of Lévis is largely in the nature of a journal.
Montcalm left a detachment to hold Ticonderoga; and then, on the first of August, at two in the afternoon, he embarked126 at the Burned Camp with all his remaining force. Including those with Lévis, the expedition counted about seven thousand six hundred men, of whom more than sixteen hundred were Indians. [504] At five in the 491
V1 afternoon they reached the place where the Indians, having finished their rattlesnake hunt, were smoking their pipes and waiting for the army. The red warriors embarked, and joined the French flotilla; and now, as evening drew near, was seen one of those wild pageantries of war which Lake George has often witnessed. A restless multitude of birch canoes, filled with painted savages, glided127 by shores and islands, like troops of swimming water-fowl. Two hundred and fifty bateaux came next, moved by sail and oar128, some bearing the Canadian militia, and some the battalions of Old France in trim and gay attire68: first, La Reine and Languedoc; then the colony regulars; then La Sarre and Guienne; then the Canadian brigade of Courtemanche; then the cannon and mortars130, each on a platform sustained by two bateaux lashed131 side by side, and rowed by the militia of Saint-Ours; then the battalions of Béarn and Royal Roussillon; then the Canadians of Gaspé, with the provision-bateaux and the field-hospital; and, lastly, a rear guard of regulars closed the line. So, under the flush of sunset, they held their course along the romantic lake, to play their part in the historic drama that lends a stern enchantment132 to its fascinating scenery. They passed the Narrows in mist and darkness; and when, a little before dawn, they rounded the high promontory of Tongue Mountain, 492
V1 they saw, far on the right, three fiery133 sparks shining through the gloom. These were the signal-fires of Lévis, to tell them that he had reached the appointed spot. [505]
[504] état de l'Armée Fran?aise devant le Fort George, autrement Guillaume-Henri, le 3 Ao?t, 1757. Tableau des Sauvages qui se trouvent à l'Armée du Marquis de Montcalm, le 28 Juillet, 1757. This gives a total of 1,799 Indians, of whom some afterwards left the army. état de l'Armée du Roi en Canada, sur le Lac St. Sacrement et dans les Camps de Carillon, le 29 Juillet, 1757. This gives a total of 8,019 men, of whom about four hundred were left in garrison134 at Ticonderoga.
[505] The site of the present village of Bolton.
Lévis had arrived the evening before, after his hard march through the sultry midsummer forest. His men had now rested for a night, and at ten in the morning he marched again. Montcalm followed at noon, and coasted the western shore, till, towards evening, he found Lévis waiting for him by the margin135 of a small bay not far from the English fort, though hidden from it by a projecting point of land. Canoes and bateaux were drawn up on the beach, and the united forces made their bivouac together.
The earthen mounds136 of Fort William Henry still stand by the brink137 of Lake George; and seated at the sunset of an August day under the pines that cover them, one gazes on a scene of soft and soothing138 beauty, where dreamy waters reflect the glories of the mountains and the sky. As it is to-day, so it was then; all breathed repose139 and peace. The splash of some leaping trout140, or the dipping wing of a passing swallow, alone disturbed the summer calm of that unruffled mirror.
About ten o'clock at night two boats set out from the fort to reconnoitre. They were passing a point of land on their left, two miles or more down the lake, when the men on board descried141 through the gloom a strange object against the bank; and they rowed towards it to learn what it 493
V1 might be. It was an awning142 over the bateaux that carried Roubaud and his brother missionaries. As the rash oarsmen drew near, the bleating144 of a sheep in one of the French provision-boats warned them of danger; and turning, they pulled for their lives towards the eastern shore. Instantly more than a thousand Indians threw themselves into their canoes and dashed in hot pursuit, making the lake and the mountains ring with the din33 of their war-whoops145. The fugitives146 had nearly reached land when their pursuers opened fire. They replied; shot one Indian dead, and wounded another; then snatched their oars143 again, and gained the beach. But the whole savage crew was upon them. Several were killed, three were taken, and the rest escaped in the dark woods.[506] The prisoners were brought before Montcalm, and gave him valuable information of the strength and position of the English. [507]
[506] Lettre du Père Roubaud, 21 Oct. 1757. Roubaud, who saw the whole, says that twelve hundred Indians joined the chase, and that their yells were terrific.
[507] The remains147 of Fort William Henry are now—1882—crowded between a hotel and the wharf148 and station of a railway. While I write, a scheme is on foot to level the whole for other railway structures. When I first knew the place the ground was in much the same state as in the time of Montcalm.
The Indian who was killed was a noted149 chief of the Nipissings; and his tribesmen howled in grief for their bereavement150. They painted his face with vermilion, tied feathers in his hair, hung pendants in his ears and nose, clad him in a resplendent war-dress, put silver bracelets on his arms, hung a gorget on his breast with a flame 494
V1 colored ribbon, and seated him in state on the top of a hillock, with his lance in his hand, his gun in the hollow of his arm, his tomahawk in his belt, and his kettle by his side. Then they all crouched151 about him in lugubrious152 silence. A funeral harangue followed; and next a song and solemn dance to the booming of the Indian drum. In the gray of the morning they buried him as he sat, and placed food in the grave for his journey to the land of souls. [508]
[508] Lettre du Père Roubaud.
As the sun rose above the eastern mountains the French camp was all astir. The column of Lévis, with Indians to lead the way, moved through the forest towards the fort, and Montcalm followed with the main body; then the artillery153 boats rounded the point that had hid them from the sight of the English, saluting154 them as they did so with musketry and cannon; while a host of savages put out upon the lake, ranged their canoes abreast155 in a line from shore to shore, and advanced slowly, with measured paddle-strokes and yells of defiance156.
The position of the enemy was full in sight before them. At the head of the lake, towards the right, stood the fort, close to the edge of the water. On its left was a marsh157; then the rough piece of ground where Johnson had encamped two years before; then a low, flat, rocky hill, crowned with an entrenched158 camp; and, lastly, on the extreme left, another marsh. Far around the fort and up the slopes of the western mountain the 495
V1 forest had been cut down and burned, and the ground was cumbered with blackened stumps160 and charred161 carcasses and limbs of fallen trees, strewn in savage disorder162 one upon another. [509] This was the work of Winslow in the autumn before. Distant shouts and war-cries, the clatter163 of musketry, white puffs164 of smoke in the dismal165 clearing and along the scorched166 edge of the bordering forest, told that Lévis' Indians were skirmishing with parties of the English, who had gone out to save the cattle roaming in the neighborhood, and burn some out-buildings that would have favored the besiegers. Others were taking down the tents that stood on a plateau near the foot of the mountain on the right, and moving them to the entrenchment167 on the hill. The garrison sallied from the fort to support their comrades, and for a time the firing was hot.
[509] Précis des événements de la Campagne de 1757 en la Nouvelle France.
Fort William Henry was an irregular bastioned square, formed by embankments of gravel168 surmounted169 by a rampart of heavy logs, laid in tiers crossed one upon another, the interstices filled with earth. The lake protected it on the north, the marsh on the east, and ditches with chevaux-de-frise on the south and west. Seventeen cannon, great and small, besides several mortars and swivels, were mounted upon it; [510] and a brave Scotch170 veteran, Lieutenant-Colonel Monro, of the thirty-fifth regiment171, was in command.
[510] état des Effets et Munitions172 de Guerre qui se sont trouvés au Fort Guillaume-Henri. There were six more guns in the entrenched camp.
496
V1 General Webb lay fourteen miles distant at Fort Edward, with twenty-six hundred men, chiefly provincials. On the twenty-fifth of July he had made a visit to Fort William Henry, examined the place, given some orders, and returned on the twenty-ninth. He then wrote to the Governor of New York, telling him that the French were certainly coming, begging him to send up the militia, and saying: "I am determined173 to march to Fort William Henry with the whole army under my command as soon as I shall hear of the farther approach of the enemy." Instead of doing so he waited three days, and then sent up a detachment of two hundred regulars under Lieutenant-Colonel Young, and eight hundred Massachusetts men under Colonel Frye. This raised the force at the lake to two thousand and two hundred, including sailors and mechanics, and reduced that of Webb to sixteen hundred, besides half as many more distributed at Albany and the intervening forts. [511] If, according to his spirited intention, he should go to the rescue of Monro, he must leave some of his troops behind him to protect the lower posts from a possible French inroad by way of South Bay. Thus his power of aiding Monro was slight, so rashly had Loudon, intent on Louisburg, left this frontier open to attack. The defect, however, was as much in Webb himself as in his resources. His conduct in the past year had raised doubts of his 497
V1 personal courage; and this was the moment for answering them. Great as was the disparity of numbers, the emergency would have justified174 an attempt to save Monro at any risk. That officer sent him a hasty note, written at nine o'clock on the morning of the third, telling him that the French were in sight on the lake; and, in the next night, three rangers175 came to Fort Edward, bringing another short note, dated at six in the evening, announcing that the firing had begun, and closing with the words: "I believe you will think it proper to send a reinforcement as soon as possible." Now, if ever, was the time to move, before the fort was invested and access cut off. But Webb lay quiet, sending expresses to New England for help which could not possibly arrive in time. On the next night another note came from Monro to say that the French were upon him in great numbers, well supplied with artillery, but that the garrison were all in good spirits. "I make no doubt," wrote the hard-pressed officer, "that you will soon send us a reinforcement;" and again on the same day: "We are very certain that a part of the enemy have got between you and us upon the high road, and would therefore be glad (if it meets with your approbation) the whole army was marched." [512] But Webb gave no sign. [513]
[511] Frye, Journal of the Attack of Fort William Henry. Webb to Loudon, 1 Aug. 1757. Ibid., 5 Aug. 1757.
[512] Copy of four Letters from Lieutenant-Colonel Monro to Major-General Webb, enclosed in the General's Letter of the fifth of August to the Earl of Loudon.
[513] "The number of troops remaining under my Command at this place [Fort Edward], excluding the Posts on Hudson's River, amounts to but sixteen hundred men fit for duty, with which Army, so much inferior to that of the enemy, I did not think it prudent118 to pursue my first intentions of Marching to their Assistance." Webb to Loudon, 5 Aug. 1757.
498
V1 When the skirmishing around the fort was over, La Corne, with a body of Indians, occupied the road that led to Fort Edward, and Lévis encamped hard by to support him, while Montcalm proceeded to examine the ground and settle his plan of attack. He made his way to the rear of the entrenched camp and reconnoitred it, hoping to carry it by assault; but it had a breastwork of stones and logs, and he thought the attempt too hazardous176. The ground where he stood was that where Dieskau had been defeated; and as the fate of his predecessor177 was not of flattering augury178, he resolved to besiege7 the fort in form.
He chose for the site of his operations the ground now covered by the village of Caldwell. A little to the north of it was a ravine, beyond which he formed his main camp, while Lévis occupied a tract179 of dry ground beside the marsh, whence he could easily move to intercept4 succors180 from Fort Edward on the one hand, or repel181 a sortie from Fort William Henry on the other. A brook182 ran down the ravine and entered the lake at a small cove34 protected from the fire of the fort by a point of land; and at this place, still called Artillery Cove, Montcalm prepared to debark183 his cannon and mortars.
Having made his preparations, he sent Fontbrune, one of his aides-de-camp, with a letter to Monro. "I owe it to humanity," he wrote, "to 499
V1 summon you to surrender. At present I can restrain the savages, and make them observe the terms of a capitulation, as I might not have power to do under other circumstances; and an obstinate184 defence on your part could only retard185 the capture of the place a few days, and endanger an unfortunate garrison which cannot be relieved, in consequence of the dispositions186 I have made. I demand a decisive answer within an hour." Monro replied that he and his soldiers would defend themselves to the last. While the flags of truce187 were flying, the Indians swarmed188 over the fields before the fort; and when they learned the result, an Abenaki chief shouted in broken French: "You won't surrender, eh! Fire away then, and fight your best; for if I catch you, you shall get no quarter." Monro emphasized his refusal by a general discharge of his cannon.
The trenches189 were opened on the night of the fourth,—a task of extreme difficulty, as the ground was covered by a profusion190 of half-burned stumps, roots, branches, and fallen trunks. Eight hundred men toiled191 till daylight with pick, spade, and axe192, while the cannon from the fort flashed through the darkness, and grape and round-shot whistled and screamed over their heads. Some of the English balls reached the camp beyond the ravine, and disturbed the slumbers193 of the officers off duty, as they lay wrapped in their blankets and bear-skins. Before daybreak the first parallel was made; a battery was nearly finished on the left, 500
V1 and another was begun on the right. The men now worked under cover, safe in their burrows194; one gang relieved another, and the work went on all day.
The Indians were far from doing what was expected of them. Instead of scouting195 in the direction of Fort Edward to learn the movements of the enemy and prevent surprise, they loitered about the camp and in the trenches, or amused themselves by firing at the fort from behind stumps and logs. Some, in imitation of the French, dug little trenches for themselves, in which they wormed their way towards the rampart, and now and then picked off an artillery-man, not without loss on their own side. On the afternoon of the fifth, Montcalm invited them to a council, gave them belts of wampum, and mildly remonstrated196 with them. "Why expose yourselves without necessity? I grieve bitterly over the losses that you have met, for the least among you is precious to me. No doubt it is a good thing to annoy the English; but that is not the main point. You ought to inform me of everything the enemy is doing, and always keep parties on the road between the two forts." And he gently hinted that their place was not in his camp, but in that of Lévis, where missionaries were provided for such of them as were Christians, and food and ammunition for them all. They promised, with excellent docility197, to do everything he wished, but added that there was something on their hearts. Being encouraged to relieve themselves of the 501
V1 burden, they complained that they had not been consulted as to the management of the siege, but were expected to obey orders like slaves. "We know more about fighting in the woods than you," said their orator; "ask our advice, and you will be the better for it." [514]
[514] Bougainville, Journal.
Montcalm assured them that if they had been neglected, it was only through the hurry and confusion of the time; expressed high appreciation198 of their talents for bush-fighting, promised them ample satisfaction, and ended by telling them that in the morning they should hear the big guns. This greatly pleased them, for they were extremely impatient for the artillery to begin. About sunrise the battery of the left opened with eight heavy cannon and a mortar129, joined, on the next morning, by the battery of the right, with eleven pieces more. The fort replied with spirit. The cannon thundered all day, and from a hundred peaks and crags the astonished wilderness roared back the sound. The Indians were delighted. They wanted to point the guns; and to humor them, they were now and then allowed to do so. Others lay behind logs and fallen trees, and yelled their satisfaction when they saw the splinters fly from the wooden rampart.
Day after day the weary roar of the distant cannonade fell on the ears of Webb in his camp at Fort Edward. "I have not yet received the least reinforcement," he writes to Loudon; "this is the 502
V1 disagreeable situation we are at present in. The fort, by the heavy firing we hear from the lake, is still in our possession; but I fear it cannot long hold out against so warm a cannonading if I am not reinforced by a sufficient number of militia to march to their relief." The militia were coming; but it was impossible that many could reach him in less than a week. Those from New York alone were within call, and two thousand of them arrived soon after he sent Loudon the above letter. Then, by stripping all the forts below, he could bring together forty-five hundred men; while several French deserters assured him that Montcalm had nearly twelve thousand. To advance to the relief of Monro with a force so inferior, through a defile199 of rocks, forests, and mountains, made by nature for ambuscades,—and this too with troops who had neither the steadiness of regulars nor the bush-fighting skill of Indians,—was an enterprise for firmer nerve than his.
He had already warned Monro to expect no help from him. At midnight of the fourth, Captain Bartman, his aide-de-camp, wrote: "The General has ordered me to acquaint you he does not think it prudent to attempt a junction200 or to assist you till reinforced by the militia of the colonies, for the immediate201 march of which repeated expresses have been sent." The letter then declared that the French were in complete possession of the road between the two forts, that a prisoner just brought in reported their force in men and cannon to be very great, and that, unless the militia came soon, 503
V1 Monro had better make what terms he could with the enemy. [515]
[515] Frye, in his Journal, gives the letter in full. A spurious translation of it is appended to a piece called Jugement impartial202 sur les Opérations militaires en Canada.
The chance was small that this letter would reach its destination; and in fact the bearer was killed by La Corne's Indians, who, in stripping the body, found the hidden paper, and carried it to the General. Montcalm kept it several days, till the English rampart was half battered203 down; and then, after saluting his enemy with a volley from all his cannon, he sent it with a graceful204 compliment to Monro. It was Bougainville who carried it, preceded by a drummer and a flag. He was met at the foot of the glacis, blindfolded205, and led through the fort and along the edge of the lake to the entrenched camp, where Monro was at the time. "He returned many thanks," writes the emissary in his Diary, "for the courtesy of our nation, and protested his joy at having to do with so generous an enemy. This was his answer to the Marquis de Montcalm. Then they led me back, always with eyes blinded; and our batteries began to fire again as soon as we thought that the English grenadiers who escorted me had had time to re-enter the fort. I hope General Webb's letter may induce the English to surrender the sooner." [516]
[516] Bougainville, Journal. Bougainville au Ministre, 19 Ao?t, 1757.
By this time the sappers had worked their way to the angle of the lake, where they were stopped by a marshy206 hollow, beyond which was a tract of high ground, reaching to the fort and serving as 504
V1 the garden of the garrison. [517] Logs and fascines in large quantities were thrown into the hollow, and hurdles207 were laid over them to form a causeway for the cannon. Then the sap was continued up the acclivity beyond, a trench159 was opened in the garden, and a battery begun, not two hundred and fifty yards from the fort. The Indians, in great number, crawled forward among the beans, maize208, and cabbages, and lay there ensconced. On the night of the seventh, two men came out of the fort, apparently209 to reconnoitre, with a view to a sortie, when they were greeted by a general volley and a burst of yells which echoed among the mountains; followed by responsive whoops pealing210 through the darkness from the various camps and lurking-places of the savage warriors far and near.
[517] Now (1882) the site of Fort William Henry Hotel, with its grounds. The hollow is partly filled by the main road of Caldwell.
The position of the besieged was now deplorable. More than three hundred of them had been killed and wounded; small-pox was raging in the fort; the place was a focus of infection, and the casemates were crowded with the sick. A sortie from the entrenched camp and another from the fort had been repulsed211 with loss. All their large cannon and mortars had been burst, or disabled by shot; only seven small pieces were left fit for service; [518] and the whole of Montcalm's thirty-one cannon and fifteen mortars and howitzers would soon open fire, while the walls were already 505
V1 breached212, and an assault was imminent213. Through the night of the eighth they fired briskly from all their remaining pieces. In the morning the officers held a council, and all agreed to surrender if honorable terms could be had. A white flag was raised, a drum was beat, and Lieutenant-Colonel Young, mounted on horseback, for a shot in the foot had disabled him from walking, went, followed by a few soldiers, to the tent of Montcalm.
[518] Frye, Journal.
It was agreed that the English troops should march out with the honors of war, and be escorted to Fort Edward by a detachment of French troops; that they should not serve for eighteen months; and that all French prisoners captured in America since the war began should be given up within three months. The stores, munitions, and artillery were to be the prize of the victors, except one field-piece, which the garrison were to retain in recognition of their brave defence.
Before signing the capitulation Montcalm called the Indian chiefs to council, and asked them to consent to the conditions, and promise to restrain their young warriors from any disorder. They approved everything and promised everything. The garrison then evacuated214 the fort, and marched to join their comrades in the entrenched camp, which was included in the surrender. No sooner were they gone than a crowd of Indians clambered through the embrasures in search of rum and plunder. All the sick men unable to leave their beds were instantly butchered. [519] "I was 506
V1 witness of this spectacle," says the missionary Roubaud; "I saw one of these barbarians215 come out of the casemates with a human head in his hand, from which the blood ran in streams, and which he paraded as if he had got the finest prize in the world." There was little left to plunder; and the Indians, joined by the more lawless of the Canadians, turned their attention to the entrenched camp, where all the English were now collected.
[519] Attestation216 of William Arbuthnot, Captain in Frye's Regiment.
The French guard stationed there could not or would not keep out the rabble217. By the advice of Montcalm the English stove their rum-barrels; but the Indians were drunk already with homicidal rage, and the glitter of their vicious eyes told of the devil within. They roamed among the tents, intrusive218, insolent219, their visages besmirched220 with war-paint; grinning like fiends as they handled, in anticipation221 of the knife, the long hair of cowering222 women, of whom, as well as of children, there were many in the camp, all crazed with fright. Since the last war the New England border population had regarded Indians with a mixture of detestation and horror. Their mysterious warfare223 of ambush94 and surprise, their midnight onslaughts, their butcheries, their burnings, and all their nameless atrocities224, had been for years the theme of fireside story; and the dread225 they excited was deepened by the distrust and dejection of the time. The confusion in the camp lasted through the afternoon. "The Indians," says Bougainville, "wanted to plunder the 507
V1 chests of the English; the latter resisted; and there was fear that serious disorder would ensue. The Marquis de Montcalm ran thither immediately, and used every means to restore tranquillity226: prayers, threats, caresses227, interposition of the officers and interpreters who have some influence over these savages." [520] "We shall be but too happy if we can prevent a massacre. Detestable position! of which nobody who has not been in it can have any idea, and which makes victory itself a sorrow to the victors. The Marquis spared no efforts to prevent the rapacity228 of the savages and, I must say it, of certain persons associated with them, from resulting in something worse than plunder. At last, at nine o'clock in the evening, order seemed restored. The Marquis even induced the Indians to promise that, besides the escort agreed upon in the capitulation, two chiefs for each tribe should accompany the English on their way to Fort Edward." [521] He also ordered La Corne and the other Canadian officers attached to the Indians to see that no violence took place. He might well have done more. In view of the disorders229 of the afternoon, it would not have been too much if he had ordered the whole body of regular troops, whom alone he could trust for the purpose, to hold themselves ready to move to the spot in case of outbreak, and shelter their defeated foes230 behind a hedge of bayonets.
[520] Bougainville au Ministre, 19 Ao?t, 1757.
[521] Bougainville, Journal.
508
V1 Bougainville was not to see what ensued; for Montcalm now sent him to Montreal, as a special messenger to carry news of the victory. He embarked at ten o'clock. Returning daylight found him far down the lake; and as he looked on its still bosom231 flecked with mists, and its quiet mountains sleeping under the flush of dawn, there was nothing in the wild tranquillity of the scene to suggest the tragedy which even then was beginning on the shore he had left behind.
The English in their camp had passed a troubled night, agitated232 by strange rumors233. In the morning something like a panic seized them; for they distrusted not the Indians only, but the Canadians. In their haste to be gone they got together at daybreak, before the escort of three hundred regulars had arrived. They had their muskets234, but no ammunition; and few or none of the provincials had bayonets. Early as it was, the Indians were on the alert; and, indeed, since midnight great numbers of them had been prowling about the skirts of the camp, showing, says Colonel Frye, "more than usual malice235 in their looks." Seventeen wounded men of his regiment lay in huts, unable to join the march. In the preceding afternoon Miles Whitworth, the regimental surgeon, had passed them over to the care of a French surgeon, according to an agreement made at the time of the surrender; but, the Frenchman being absent, the other remained with them attending to their wants. The French surgeon had 509
V1 caused special sentinels to be posted for their protection. These were now removed, at the moment when they were needed most; upon which, about five o'clock in the morning, the Indians entered the huts, dragged out the inmates236, and tomahawked and scalped them all, before the eyes of Whitworth, and in presence of La Corne and other Canadian officers, as well as of a French guard stationed within forty feet of the spot; and, declares the surgeon under oath, "none, either officer or soldier, protected the said wounded men." [522] The opportune237 butchery relieved them of a troublesome burden.
A scene of plundering239 now began. The escort had by this time arrived, and Monro complained to the officers that the capitulation was broken; but got no other answer than advice to give up the baggage to the Indians in order to appease240 them. To this the English at length agreed; but it only increased the excitement of the mob. They demanded rum; and some of the soldiers, afraid to refuse, gave it to them from their canteens, thus adding fuel to the flame. When, after much difficulty, the column at last got out of the camp and began to move along the road that crossed the rough plain between the entrenchment and the forest, the Indians crowded upon them, impeded241 their march, snatched caps, coats, and weapons from men and officers, tomahawked those that resisted, and, seizing upon shrieking242 women and children, dragged them off or murdered them 510
V1 on the spot. It is said that some of the interpreters secretly fomented243 the disorder. [523] Suddenly there rose the screech244 of the war-whoop. At this signal of butchery, which was given by Abenaki Christians from the mission of the Penobscot, [524] a mob of savages rushed upon the New Hampshire men at the rear of the column, and killed or dragged away eighty of them. [525] A frightful245 tumult246 ensued, when Montcalm, Lévis, Bourlamaque, and many other French officers, who had hastened from their camp on the first news of disturbance247, threw themselves among the Indians, and by promises and threats tried to allay248 their frenzy249. "Kill me, but spare the English who are under my protection," exclaimed Montcalm. He took from one of them a young officer whom the savage had seized; upon which several other Indians immediately tomahawked their prisoners, lest they too should be taken from them. One writer says that a French grenadier was killed and two wounded in attempting to restore order; but the statement is doubtful. The English seemed paralyzed, and fortunately did not attempt a resistance, which, without ammunition as they were, would have ended in a general massacre. Their broken column straggled forward in wild disorder, amid the din of whoops and shrieks250, till they reached the 511
V1 French advance-guard, which consisted of Canadians; and here they demanded protection from the officers, who refused to give it, telling them that they must take to the woods and shift for themselves. Frye was seized by a number of Indians, who, brandishing251 spears and tomahawks, threatened him with death and tore off his clothing, leaving nothing but breeches, shoes, and shirt. Repelled252 by the officers of the guard, he made for the woods. A Connecticut soldier who was present says of him that he leaped upon an Indian who stood in his way, disarmed253 and killed him, and then escaped; but Frye himself does not mention the incident. Captain Burke, also of the Massachusetts regiment, was stripped, after a violent struggle, of all his clothes; then broke loose, gained the woods, spent the night shivering in the thick grass of a marsh, and on the next day reached Fort Edward. Jonathan Carver, a provincial88 volunteer, declares that, when the tumult was at its height, he saw officers of the French army walking about at a little distance and talking with seeming unconcern. Three or four Indians seized him, brandished254 their tomahawks over his head, and tore off most of his clothes, while he vainly claimed protection from a sentinel, who called him an English dog, and violently pushed him back among his tormentors. Two of them were dragging him towards the neighboring swamp, when an English officer, stripped of everything but his scarlet255 breeches, ran by. One of Carver's captors sprang upon him, but was 512
V1 thrown to the ground; whereupon the other went to the aid of his comrade and drove his tomahawk into the back of the Englishman. As Carver turned to run, an English boy, about twelve years old, clung to him and begged for help. They ran on together for a moment, when the boy was seized, dragged from his protector, and, as Carver judged by his shrieks, was murdered. He himself escaped to the forest, and after three days of famine reached Fort Edward.
[523] This is stated by Pouchot and Bougainville; the latter of whom confirms the testimony256 of the English witnesses, that Canadian officers present did nothing to check the Indians.
[524] See note, end of chapter.
[525] Belknap, History of New Hampshire, says that eighty were killed. Governor Wentworth, writing immediately after the event, says "killed or captivated."
The bonds of discipline seem for the time to have been completely broken; for while Montcalm and his chief officers used every effort to restore order, even at the risk of their lives, many other officers, chiefly of the militia, failed atrociously to do their duty. How many English were killed it is impossible to tell with exactness. Roubaud says that he saw forty or fifty corpses257 scattered258 about the field. Lévis says fifty; which does not include the sick and wounded before murdered in the camp and fort. It is certain that six or seven hundred persons were carried off, stripped, and otherwise maltreated. Montcalm succeeded in recovering more than four hundred of them in the course of the day; and many of the French officers did what they could to relieve their wants by buying back from their captors the clothing that had been torn from them. Many of the fugitives had taken refuge in the fort, whither Monro himself had gone to demand protection for his followers259; and here 513
V1 Roubaud presently found a crowd of half-frenzied women, crying in anguish260 for husbands and children. All the refugees and redeemed261 prisoners were afterwards conducted to the entrenched camp, where food and shelter were provided for them and a strong guard set for their protection until the fifteenth, when they were sent under an escort to Fort Edward. Here cannon had been fired at intervals262 to guide those who had fled to the woods, whence they came dropping in from day to day, half dead with famine.
On the morning after the massacre the Indians decamped in a body and set out for Montreal, carrying with them their plunder and some two hundred prisoners, who, it is said, could not be got out of their hands. The soldiers were set to the work of demolishing263 the English fort; and the task occupied several days. The barracks were torn down, and the huge pine-logs of the rampart thrown into a heap. The dead bodies that filled the casemates were added to the mass, and fire was set to the whole. The mighty264 funeral pyre blazed all night. Then, on the sixteenth, the army reimbarked. The din of ten thousand combatants, the rage, the terror, the agony, were gone; and no living thing was left but the wolves that gathered from the mountains to feast upon the dead. [526]
[526] The foregoing chapter rests largely on evidence never before brought to light, including the minute Journal of Bougainville,—a document which can hardly be commended too much,—the correspondence of Webb, a letter of Colonel Frye, written just after the massacre, and a journal of the siege, sent by him to Governor Pownall as his official report. Extracts 514
V1 from these, as well as from the affidavit of Dr. Whitworth, which is also new evidence, are given in Appendix F.
The Diary of Malartic and the correspondence of Montcalm, Lévis, Vaudreuil, and Bigot, also throw light on the campaign, as well as numerous reports of the siege, official and semi-official. The long letter of the Jesuit Roubaud, printed anonymously266 in the Lettres édifiantes et Curieuses, gives a remarkably267 vivid account of what he saw. He was an intelligent person, who may be trusted where he has no motive268 for lying. Curious particulars about him will be found in a paper called, The deplorable Case of Mr. Roubaud, printed in the Historical Magazine, Second Series, VIII. 282. Compare Verreau, Report on Canadian Archives, 1874.
Impressions of the massacre at Fort William Henry have hitherto been derived269 chiefly from the narrative270 of Captain Jonathan Carver, in his Travels. He has discredited271 himself by his exaggeration of the number killed; but his account of what he himself saw tallies272 with that of the other witnesses. He is outdone in exaggeration by an anonymous265 French writer of the time, who seems rather pleased at the occurrence, and affirms that all the English were killed except seven hundred, these last being captured, so that none escaped (Nouvelles du Canada envoyées de Montréal, Ao?t, 1757). Carver puts killed and captured together at fifteen hundred. Vaudreuil, who always makes light of Indian barbarities, goes to the other extreme, and avers273 that no more than five or six were killed. Lévis and Roubaud, who saw everything, and were certain not to exaggerate the number, give the most trustworthy evidence on this point. The capitulation, having been broken by the allies of France, was declared void by the British Government.
The Signal of Butchery. Montcalm, Bougainville, and several others say that the massacre was begun by the Abenakis of Panaouski. Father Martin, in quoting the letter in which Montcalm makes this statement, inserts the word idolatres, which is not in the original. Dussieux and O'Callaghan give the passage correctly. This Abenaki band, ancestors of the present Penobscots, were no idolaters, but had been converted more than half a century. In the official list of the Indian allies they are set down among the Christians. Roubaud, who had charge of them during the expedition, speaks of these and other converts with singular candor274: "Vous avez d? vous apercevoir … que nos sauvages, pour être Chrétiens, n'en sont pas plus irrépréhensibles dans leur conduite."
END OF VOL. I.
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cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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embarks
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| 乘船( embark的第三人称单数 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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tiresome
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| adj.令人疲劳的，令人厌倦的 | |
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10
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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11
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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12
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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13
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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15
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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17
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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19
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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20
tramples
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| 踩( trample的第三人称单数 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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21
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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22
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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23
cadence
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| n.（说话声调的）抑扬顿挫 | |
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24
den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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25
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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26
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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27
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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28
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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29
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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30
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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31
choir
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| n.唱诗班，唱诗班的席位，合唱团，舞蹈团；v.合唱 | |
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32
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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33
din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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34
cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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35
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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36
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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37
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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38
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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39
foaming
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| adj.布满泡沫的；发泡 | |
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40
ledge
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| n.壁架，架状突出物；岩架，岩礁 | |
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41
cascade
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| n.小瀑布，喷流；层叠；vi.成瀑布落下 | |
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42
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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43
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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44
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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45
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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46
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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47
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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48
foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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49
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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50
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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51
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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52
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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53
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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54
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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55
vapors
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| n.水汽，水蒸气，无实质之物( vapor的名词复数 )；自夸者；幻想 [药]吸入剂 [古]忧郁（症）v.自夸，（使）蒸发( vapor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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56
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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57
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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58
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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59
soot
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| n.煤烟，烟尘；vt.熏以煤烟 | |
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60
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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61
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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62
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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63
bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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64
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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65
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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66
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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67
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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69
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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70
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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71
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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72
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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73
bragging
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| v.自夸，吹嘘( brag的现在分词 )；大话 | |
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74
taunting
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| 嘲讽( taunt的现在分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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75
glorifying
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| 赞美( glorify的现在分词 )； 颂扬； 美化； 使光荣 | |
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76
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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77
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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78
witticism
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| n.谐语，妙语 | |
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79
promenade
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| n./v.散步 | |
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80
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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81
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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82
diabolically
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83
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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84
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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85
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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86
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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87
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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88
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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89
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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90
jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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91
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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92
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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93
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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94
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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95
ambushed
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| v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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96
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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97
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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98
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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99
darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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100
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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101
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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102
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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103
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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104
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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105
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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106
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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107
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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108
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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109
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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110
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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111
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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112
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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113
tableau
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| n.画面，活人画（舞台上活人扮的静态画面） | |
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114
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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115
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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116
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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117
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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118
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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119
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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120
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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121
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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122
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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123
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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124
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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125
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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126
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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127
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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128
oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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129
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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130
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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131
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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132
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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133
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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134
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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135
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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136
mounds
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| 土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆 | |
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137
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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138
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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139
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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140
trout
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| n.鳟鱼；鲑鱼(属) | |
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141
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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142
awning
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| n.遮阳篷；雨篷 | |
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143
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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144
bleating
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| v.（羊，小牛）叫( bleat的现在分词 )；哭诉；发出羊叫似的声音；轻声诉说 | |
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145
whoops
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| int.呼喊声 | |
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146
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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147
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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148
wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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149
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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150
bereavement
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| n.亲人丧亡，丧失亲人，丧亲之痛 | |
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151
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
lugubrious
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| adj.悲哀的，忧郁的 | |
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153
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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154
saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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155
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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156
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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157
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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158
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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159
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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160
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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161
charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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162
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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163
clatter
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| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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164
puffs
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| n.吸( puff的名词复数 )；（烟斗或香烟的）一吸；一缕（烟、蒸汽等）；（呼吸或风的）呼v.使喷出( puff的第三人称单数 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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165
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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166
scorched
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶； 枯焦 | |
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167
entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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168
gravel
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| n.砂跞；砂砾层；结石 | |
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169
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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170
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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171
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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172
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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173
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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174
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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175
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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176
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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177
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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178
augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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179
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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180
succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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181
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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182
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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183
debark
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| v.卸载；下船，下飞机，下车 | |
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184
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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185
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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186
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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187
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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188
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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189
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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190
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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191
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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192
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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193
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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194
burrows
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| n.地洞( burrow的名词复数 )v.挖掘（洞穴），挖洞( burrow的第三人称单数 )；翻寻 | |
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195
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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196
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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197
docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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198
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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199
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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200
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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201
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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202
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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203
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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204
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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205
blindfolded
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| v.（尤指用布）挡住（某人）的视线( blindfold的过去式 )；蒙住（某人）的眼睛；使不理解；蒙骗 | |
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206
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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207
hurdles
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| n.障碍( hurdle的名词复数 )；跳栏；（供人或马跳跃的）栏架；跨栏赛 | |
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208
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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209
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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210
pealing
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| v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的现在分词 ) | |
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211
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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212
breached
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| 攻破( breach的现在分词 )； 破坏，违反 | |
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213
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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214
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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215
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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216
attestation
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| n.证词 | |
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217
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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218
intrusive
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| adj.打搅的；侵扰的 | |
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219
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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220
besmirched
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| v.弄脏( besmirch的过去式和过去分词 )；玷污；丑化；糟蹋（名誉等） | |
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221
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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222
cowering
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| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的现在分词 ) | |
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223
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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224
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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225
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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226
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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227
caresses
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| 爱抚，抚摸( caress的名词复数 ) | |
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228
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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229
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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230
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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231
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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232
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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233
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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234
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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235
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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236
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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237
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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238
affidavit
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| n.宣誓书 | |
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239
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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240
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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241
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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242
shrieking
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| v.尖叫( shriek的现在分词 ) | |
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243
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244
screech
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| n./v.尖叫；(发出)刺耳的声音 | |
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245
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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246
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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247
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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248
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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249
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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250
shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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251
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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252
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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253
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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254
brandished
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| v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 )；炫耀 | |
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255
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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256
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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257
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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258
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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259
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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260
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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261
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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262
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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263
demolishing
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| v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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264
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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265
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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266
anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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267
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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268
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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269
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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270
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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271
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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272
tallies
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| n.账( tally的名词复数 )；符合；（计数的）签；标签v.计算，清点( tally的第三人称单数 )；加标签（或标记）于；（使）符合；（使）吻合 | |
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273
avers
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| v.断言( aver的第三人称单数 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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274
candor
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| n.坦白，率真 | |
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