LOUISBOURG.
Condition of the Fortress1 ? Arrival of the English ? Gallantry of Wolfe ? The English Camp ? The Siege begun ? Progress of the Besiegers ? Sallies of the French ? Madame Drucour ? Courtesies of War ? French Ships destroyed ? Conflagration3 ? Fury of the Bombardment ? Exploit of English Sailors ? The End near ? The White Flag ? Surrender ? Reception of the News in England and America ? Wolfe not satisfied ? His Letters to Amherst ? He destroys Gaspé ? Returns to England.
The stormy coast of Cape4 Breton is indented5 by a small land-locked bay, between which and the ocean lies a tongue of land dotted with a few grazing sheep, and intersected by rows of stone that mark more or less distinctly the lines of what once were streets. Green mounds6 and embankments of earth enclose the whole space, and beneath the highest of them yawn arches and caverns7 of ancient masonry8. This grassy9 solitude10 was once the "Dunkirk of America;" the vaulted11 caverns where the sheep find shelter from the rain were casemates where terrified women sought refuge from storms of shot and shell, and the shapeless green mounds were citadel12, bastion, rampart, and glacis. Here stood Louisbourg; and not all the efforts of its conquerors13, nor all the 53
V2 havoc14 of succeeding times, have availed to efface15 it. Men in hundreds toiled16 for months with lever, spade, and gunpowder18 in the work of destruction, and for more than a century it has served as a stone quarry19; but the remains20 of its vast defences still tell their tale of human valor21 and human woe22.
Stand on the mounds that were once the King's Bastion. The glistening23 sea spreads eastward24 three thousand miles, and its waves meet their first rebuff against this iron coast. Lighthouse Point is white with foam25; jets of spray spout26 from the rocks of Goat Island; mist curls in clouds from the seething27 surf that lashes28 the crags of Black Point, and the sea boils like a caldron among the reefs by the harbor's mouth; but on the calm water within, the small fishing vessels29 rest tranquil31 at their moorings. Beyond lies a hamlet of fishermen by the edge of the water, and a few scattered32 dwellings33 dot the rough hills, bristled34 with stunted35 firs, that gird the quiet basin; while close at hand, within the precinct of the vanished fortress, stand two small farmhouses36. All else is a solitude of ocean, rock, marsh37, and forest. [577]
[577] Louisbourg is described as I saw it ten days before writing the above, after an easterly gale38.
At the beginning of June, 1758, the place wore another aspect. Since the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle vast sums had been spent in repairing and strengthening it; and Louisbourg was the strongest fortress in French or British America. Nevertheless it had its weaknesses. The original plan of 54
V2 the works had not been fully40 carried out; and owing, it is said, to the bad quality of the mortar41, the masonry of the ramparts was in so poor a condition that it had been replaced in some parts with fascines. The circuit of the fortifications was more than a mile and a half, and the town contained about four thousand inhabitants. The best buildings in it were the convent, the hospital, the King's storehouses, and the chapel39 and governor's quarters, which were under the same roof. Of the private houses, only seven or eight were of stone, the rest being humble42 wooden structures, suited to a population of fishermen. The garrison43 consisted of the battalions45 of Artois, Bourgogne, Cambis, and Volontaires étrangers, with two companies of artillery47 and twenty-four of colony troops from Canada,—in all three thousand and eighty regular troops, besides officers; [578] and to these were added a body of armed inhabitants and a band of Indians. In the harbor were five ships of the line and seven frigates49, carrying in all five hundred and forty-four guns and about three thousand men. [579] Two hundred and nineteen cannon50 and seventeen mortars51 were mounted on the walls and outworks. [579] Of these last the most 55
V2 important were the Grand Battery on the shore of the harbor opposite its mouth, and the Island Battery on the rocky islet at its entrance.
[578] Journal du Siége de Louisbourg. Twenty-nine hundred regulars were able to bear arms when the siege began. Houllière, Commandant des Troupes53, au Ministre, 6 Ao?t, 1758.
[579] Le Prudent54, 74 guns; Entreprenant, 74; Capricieux, 64; Célèbre, 64; Bienfaisant, 64; Apollon, 50; Chèvre, 22; Biche, 18; Fidèle, 22; écho, 26; Aréthuse, 36; Comète, 30. The Bizarre, 64, sailed for France on the eighth of June, and was followed by the Comète.
[580] état d'Artillerie, appended to the Journal of Drucour. There were also forty-four cannon in reserve.
The strongest front of the works was on the land side, along the base of the peninsular triangle on which the town stood. This front, about twelve hundred yards in extent, reached from the sea on the left to the harbor on the right, and consisted of four bastions with their connecting curtains, the Princess's, the Queen's, the King's, and the Dauphin's. The King's Bastion formed part of the citadel. The glacis before it sloped down to an extensive marsh, which, with an adjacent pond, completely protected this part of the line. On the right, however, towards the harbor, the ground was high enough to offer advantages to an enemy, as was also the case, to a less degree, on the left, towards the sea. The best defence of Louisbourg was the craggy shore, that, for leagues on either hand, was accessible only at a few points, and even there with difficulty. All these points were vigilantly55 watched.
There had been signs of the enemy from the first opening of spring. In the intervals56 of fog, rain, and snow-squalls, sails were seen hovering57 on the distant sea; and during the latter part of May a squadron of nine ships cruised off the mouth of the harbor, appearing and disappearing, sometimes driven away by gales58, sometimes lost in fogs, and sometimes approaching to within cannon-shot of the batteries. Their object was to blockade the port,—in which they failed; for 56
V2 French ships had come in at intervals, till, as we have seen, twelve of them lay safe anchored in the harbor, with more than a year's supply of provisions for the garrison.
At length, on the first of June, the southeastern horizon was white with a cloud of canvas. The long-expected crisis was come. Drucour, the governor, sent two thousand regulars, with about a thousand militia59 and Indians, to guard the various landing-places; and the rest, aided by the sailors, remained to hold the town. [581]
At the end of May Admiral Boscawen was at Halifax with twenty-three ships of the line, eighteen frigates and fire-ships, and a fleet of transports, on board of which were eleven thousand and six hundred soldiers, all regulars, except five hundred provincial62 rangers46. [582] Amherst had not yet arrived, and on the twenty-eighth, Boscawen, in pursuance of his orders and to prevent loss of time, put to sea without him; but scarcely had the fleet sailed out of Halifax, when they met the ship that bore the expected general. Amherst took command of the troops; and the expedition held its way till the second of June, when they saw the rocky shore-line of Cape Breton, and descried63 the masts of the French squadron in the harbor of Louisbourg.
[582] Of this force, according to Mante, only 9,900 were fit for duty. The table printed by Knox (I. 127) shows a total of 11,112, besides officers, artillery, and rangers. The Authentic64 Account of the Reduction of Louisbourg, by a Spectator, puts the force at 11,326 men, besides officers. Entick makes the whole 11,936.
57
V2 Boscawen sailed into Gabarus Bay. The sea was rough; but in the afternoon Amherst, Lawrence, and Wolfe, with a number of naval65 officers, reconnoitred the shore in boats, coasting it for miles, and approaching it as near as the French batteries would permit. The rocks were white with surf, and every accessible point was strongly guarded. Boscawen saw little chance of success. He sent for his captains, and consulted them separately. They thought, like him, that it would be rash to attempt a landing, and proposed a council of war. One of them alone, an old sea officer named Ferguson, advised his commander to take the responsibility himself, hold no council, and make the attempt at every risk. Boscawen took his advice, and declared that he would not leave Gabarus Bay till he had fulfilled his instructions and set the troops on shore. [583]
[583] Entick, III. 224.
West of Louisbourg there were three accessible places, Freshwater Cove66, four miles from the town, and Flat Point, and White Point, which were nearer, the last being within a mile of the fortifications. East of the town there was an inlet called Lorambec, also available for landing. In order to distract the attention of the enemy, it was resolved to threaten all these places, and to form the troops into three divisions, two of which, under Lawrence and Whitmore, were to advance towards Flat Point and White Point, while a detached regiment68 was to make a feint at Lorambec. Wolfe, with the third division, was to make the 58
V2 real attack and try to force a landing at Freshwater Cove, which, as it proved, was the most strongly defended of all. When on shore Wolfe was an habitual69 invalid70, and when at sea every heave of the ship made him wretched; but his ardor71 was unquenchable. Before leaving England he wrote to a friend: "Being of the profession of arms, I would seek all occasions to serve; and therefore have thrown myself in the way of the American war, though I know that the very passage threatens my life, and that my constitution must be utterly72 ruined and undone73."
On the next day, the third, the surf was so high that nothing could be attempted. On the fourth there was a thick fog and a gale. The frigate48 "Trent" struck on a rock, and some of the transports were near being stranded75. On the fifth there was another fog and a raging surf. On the sixth there was fog, with rain in the morning and better weather towards noon, whereupon the signal was made and the troops entered the boats; but the sea rose again, and they were ordered back to the ships. On the seventh more fog and more surf till night, when the sea grew calmer, and orders were given for another attempt. At two in the morning of the eighth the troops were in the boats again. At daybreak the frigates of the squadron, anchoring before each point of real or pretended attack, opened a fierce cannonade on the French intrenchments; and, a quarter of an hour after, the three divisions rowed towards the shore. That of the left, under Wolfe, 59
V2 consisted of four companies of grenadiers, with the light infantry76 and New England rangers, followed and supported by Fraser's Highlanders and eight more companies of grenadiers. They pulled for Freshwater Cove. Here there was a crescent-shaped beach, a quarter of a mile long, with rocks at each end. On the shore above, about a thousand Frenchmen, under Lieutenant-Colonel de Saint-Julien, lay behind entrenchments covered in front by spruce and fir trees, felled and laid on the ground with the tops outward. [584] Eight cannon and swivels were planted to sweep every part of the beach and its approaches, and these pieces were masked by young evergreens79 stuck in the ground before them.
[584] Drucour reports 985 soldiers as stationed here under Saint-Julien; there were also some Indians. Freshwater Cove, otherwise Kennington Cove, was called La Cormorandière by the French.
The English were allowed to come within close range unmolested. Then the batteries opened, and a deadly storm of grape and musketry was poured upon the boats. It was clear in an instant that to advance farther would be destruction; and Wolfe waved his hand as a signal to sheer off. At some distance on the right, and little exposed to the fire, were three boats of light infantry under Lieutenants81 Hopkins and Brown and Ensign Grant; who, mistaking the signal or wilfully82 misinterpreting it, made directly for the shore before them. It was a few rods east of the beach; a craggy coast and a strand74 strewn with rocks and lashed83 with breakers, but sheltered from 60
V2 the cannon by a small projecting point. The three officers leaped ashore84, followed by their men. Wolfe saw the movement, and hastened to support it. The boat of Major Scott, who commanded the light infantry and rangers, next came up, and was stove in an instant; but Scott gained the shore, climbed the crags, and found himself with ten men in front of some seventy French and Indians. Half his followers85 were killed and wounded, and three bullets were shot through his clothes; but with admirable gallantry he held his ground till others came to his aid. [585] The remaining boats now reached the landing. Many were stove among the rocks, and others were overset; some of the men were dragged back by the surf and drowned; some lost their muskets86, and were drenched87 to the skin: but the greater part got safe ashore. Among the foremost was seen the tall, attenuated88 form of Brigadier Wolfe, armed with nothing but a cane89, as he leaped into the surf and climbed the crags with his soldiers. As they reached the top they formed in compact order, and attacked and carried with the bayonet the nearest French battery, a few rods distant. The division of Lawrence soon came up; and as the attention of the enemy was now distracted, they made their landing with little opposition90 at the farther end of the beach, whither they were followed by Amherst himself. The French, attacked on right and left, and fearing, with good reason, that they would be cut off from the town, 61
V2 abandoned all their cannon and fled into the woods. About seventy of them were captured and fifty killed. The rest, circling among the hills and around the marshes91, made their way to Louisbourg, and those at the intermediate posts joined their flight. The English followed through a matted growth of firs till they reached the cleared ground; when the cannon, opening on them from the ramparts, stopped the pursuit. The first move of the great game was played and won. [586]
[585] Pichon, Mémoires du Cap-Breton, 284.
[586] Journal of Amherst, in Mante, 117. Amherst to Pitt, 11 June, 1758. Authentic Account of the Reduction of Louisbourg, by a Spectator, 11. General Orders of Amherst, 3-7 June, 1759. Letter from an Officer, in Knox, I. 191; Entick, III. 225. The French accounts generally agree in essentials with the English. The English lost one hundred and nine, killed, wounded, and drowned.
Amherst made his camp just beyond range of the French cannon, and Flat Point Cove was chosen as the landing-place of guns and stores. Clearing the ground, making roads, and pitching tents filled the rest of the day. At night there was a glare of flames from the direction of the town. The French had abandoned the Grand Battery after setting fire to the buildings in it and to the houses and fish-stages along the shore of the harbor. During the following days stores were landed as fast as the surf would permit: but the task was so difficult that from first to last more than a hundred boats were stove in accomplishing it; and such was the violence of the waves that none of the siege-guns could be got ashore till the eighteenth. The camp extended two miles along a stream that flowed down 62
V2 to the Cove among the low, woody hills that curved around the town and harbor. Redoubts were made to protect its front, and blockhouses to guard its left and rear from the bands of Acadians known to be hovering in the woods.
Wolfe, with twelve hundred men, made his way six or seven miles round the harbor, took possession of the battery at Lighthouse Point which the French had abandoned, planted guns and mortars, and opened fire on the Island Battery that guarded the entrance. Other guns were placed at different points along the shore, and soon opened on the French ships. The ships and batteries replied. The artillery fight raged night and day; till on the twenty-fifth the island guns were dismounted and silenced. Wolfe then strengthened his posts, secured his communications, and returned to the main army in front of the town.
Amherst had reconnoitred the ground and chosen a hillock at the edge of the marsh, less than half a mile from the ramparts, as the point for opening his trenches92. A road with an epaulement to protect it must first be made to the spot; and as the way was over a tract67 of deep mud covered with water-weeds and moss93, the labor94 was prodigious95. A thousand men worked at it day and night under the fire of the town and ships.
When the French looked landward from their ramparts they could see scarcely a sign of the impending96 storm. Behind them Wolfe's cannon were playing busily from Lighthouse Point and the heights around the harbor; but, before them, the 63
V2 broad flat marsh and the low hills seemed almost a solitude. Two miles distant, they could descry97 some of the English tents; but the greater part were hidden by the inequalities of the ground. On the right, a prolongation of the harbor reached nearly half a mile beyond the town, ending in a small lagoon98 formed by a projecting sandbar, and known as the Barachois. Near this bar lay moored99 the little frigate "Aréthuse," under a gallant2 officer named Vauquelin. Her position was a perilous100 one; but so long as she could maintain it she could sweep with her fire the ground before the works, and seriously impede102 the operations of the enemy. The other naval captains were less venturous; and when the English landed, they wanted to leave the harbor and save their ships. Drucour insisted that they should stay to aid the defence, and they complied; but soon left their moorings and anchored as close as possible under the guns of the town, in order to escape the fire of Wolfe's batteries. Hence there was great murmuring among the military officers, who would have had them engage the hostile guns at short range. The frigate "écho," under cover of a fog, had been sent to Quebec for aid; but she was chased and captured; and, a day or two after, the French saw her pass the mouth of the harbor with an English flag at her mast-head.
When Wolfe had silenced the Island Battery, a new and imminent103 danger threatened Louisbourg. Boscawen might enter the harbor, overpower the French naval force, and cannonade the town on 64
V2 its weakest side. Therefore Drucour resolved to sink four large ships at the entrance; and on a dark and foggy night this was successfully accomplished104. Two more vessels were afterwards sunk, and the harbor was then thought safe.
The English had at last finished their preparations, and were urging on the siege with determined105 vigor106. The landward view was a solitude no longer. They could be seen in multitudes piling earth and fascines beyond the hillock at the edge of the marsh. On the twenty-fifth they occupied the hillock itself, and fortified107 themselves there under a shower of bombs. Then they threw up earth on the right, and pushed their approaches towards the Barachois, in spite of a hot fire from the frigate "Aréthuse." Next they appeared on the left towards the sea about a third of a mile from the Princess's Bastion. It was Wolfe, with a strong detachment, throwing up a redoubt and opening an entrenchment77. Late on the night of the ninth of July six hundred French troops sallied to interrupt the work. The English grenadiers in the trenches fought stubbornly with bayonet and sword, but were forced back to the second line, where a desperate conflict in the dark took place; and after severe loss on both sides the French were driven back. Some days before, there had been another sortie on the opposite side, near the Barachois, resulting in a repulse108 of the French and the seizure109 by Wolfe of a more advanced position.
Various courtesies were exchanged between the two commanders. Drucour, on occasion of a flag 65
V2 of truce110, wrote to Amherst that there was a surgeon of uncommon111 skill in Louisbourg, whose services were at the command of any English officer who might need them. Amherst on his part sent to his enemy letters and messages from wounded Frenchmen in his hands, adding his compliments to Madame Drucour, with an expression of regret for the disquiet112 to which she was exposed, begging her at the same time to accept a gift of pineapples from the West Indies. She returned his courtesy by sending him a basket of wine; after which amenities113 the cannon roared again. Madame Drucour was a woman of heroic spirit. Every day she was on the ramparts, where her presence roused the soldiers to enthusiasm; and every day with her own hand she fired three cannon to encourage them.
The English lines grew closer and closer, and their fire more and more destructive. Desgouttes, the naval commander, withdrew the "Aréthuse" from her exposed position, where her fire had greatly annoyed the besiegers. The shot-holes in her sides were plugged up, and in the dark night of the fourteenth of July she was towed through the obstructions114 in the mouth of the harbor, and sent to France to report the situation of Louisbourg. More fortunate than her predecessor115, she escaped the English in a fog. Only five vessels now remained afloat in the harbor, and these were feebly manned, as the greater part of their officers and crews had come ashore, to the number of two thousand, lodging116 under tents in the town, 66
On the eighth of July news came that the partisan118 Boishébert was approaching with four hundred Acadians, Canadians, and Micmacs to attack the English outposts and detachments. He did little or nothing, however, besides capturing a few stragglers. On the sixteenth, early in the evening, a party of English, led by Wolfe, dashed forward, drove off a band of French volunteers, seized a rising ground called Hauteur-de-la-Potence, or Gallows119 Hill, and began to entrench78 themselves scarcely three hundred yards from the Dauphin's Bastion. The town opened on them furiously with grape-shot; but in the intervals of the firing the sound of their picks and spades could plainly be heard. In the morning they were seen throwing up earth like moles80 as they burrowed120 their way forward; and on the twenty-first they opened another parallel, within two hundred yards of the rampart. Still their sappers pushed on. Every day they had more guns in position, and on right and left their fire grew hotter. Their pickets121 made a lodgment along the foot of the glacis, and fired up the slope at the French in the covered way.
The twenty-first was a memorable122 day. In the afternoon a bomb fell on the ship "Célèbre" and set her on fire. An explosion followed. The few men on board could not save her, and she drifted from her moorings. The wind blew the flames into the rigging of the "Entreprenant," and then into that 67
V2 of the "Capricieux." At night all three were in full blaze; for when the fire broke out the English batteries turned on them a tempest of shot and shell to prevent it from being extinguished. The glare of the triple conflagration lighted up the town, the trenches, the harbor, and the surrounding hills, while the burning ships shot off their guns at random123 as they slowly drifted westward124, and grounded at last near the Barachois. In the morning they were consumed to the water's edge; and of all the squadron the "Prudent" and the "Bienfaisant" alone were left.
In the citadel, of which the King's Bastion formed the front, there was a large oblong stone building containing the chapel, lodgings125 for men and officers, and at the southern end the quarters of the Governor. On the morning after the burning of the ships a shell fell through the roof among a party of soldiers in the chamber126 below, burst, and set the place on fire. In half an hour the chapel and all the northern part of the building were in flames; and no sooner did the smoke rise above the bastion than the English threw into it a steady shower of missiles. Yet soldiers, sailors, and inhabitants hastened to the spot, and labored127 desperately128 to check the fire. They saved the end occupied by Drucour and his wife, but all the rest was destroyed. Under the adjacent rampart were the casemates, one of which was crowded with wounded officers, and the rest with women and children seeking shelter in these subterranean129 dens130. Before the entrances there 68
V2 was a long barrier of timber to protect them from exploding shells; and as the wind blew the flames towards it, there was danger that it would take fire and suffocate131 those within. They rushed out, crazed with fright, and ran hither and thither132 with outcries and shrieks133 amid the storm of iron.
In the neighboring Queen's Bastion was a large range of barracks built of wood by the New England troops after their capture of the fortress in 1745. So flimsy and combustible134 was it that the French writers call it a "house of cards" and "a paper of matches." Here were lodged135 the greater part of the garrison: but such was the danger of fire, that they were now ordered to leave it; and they accordingly lay in the streets or along the foot of the ramparts, under shelters of timber which gave some little protection against bombs. The order was well timed; for on the night after the fire in the King's Bastion, a shell filled with combustibles set this building also in flames. A fearful scene ensued. All the English batteries opened upon it. The roar of mortars and cannon, the rushing and screaming of round-shot and grape, the hissing136 of fuses and the explosion of grenades and bombs mingled137 with a storm of musketry from the covered way and trenches; while, by the glare of the conflagration, the English regiments138 were seen drawn139 up in battle array, before the ramparts, as if preparing for an assault.
Two days after, at one o'clock in the morning, a burst of loud cheers was heard in the distance, followed by confused cries and the noise of musketry, 69
V2 which lasted but a moment. Six hundred English sailors had silently rowed into the harbor and seized the two remaining ships, the "Prudent" and the "Bienfaisant." After the first hubbub140 all was silent for half an hour. Then a light glowed through the thick fog that covered the water. The "Prudent" was burning. Being aground with the low tide, her captors had set her on fire, allowing the men on board to escape to the town in her boats. The flames soon wrapped her from stem to stern; and as the broad glare pierced the illumined mists, the English sailors, reckless of shot and shell, towed her companion-ship, with all on board, to a safe anchorage under Wolfe's batteries.
The position of the besieged141 was deplorable. Nearly a fourth of their number were in the hospitals; while the rest, exhausted142 with incessant143 toil17, could find no place to snatch an hour of sleep; "and yet," says an officer, "they still show ardor." "To-day," he again says, on the twenty-fourth, "the fire of the place is so weak that it is more like funeral guns than a defence." On the front of the town only four cannon could fire at all. The rest were either dismounted or silenced by the musketry from the trenches. The masonry of the ramparts had been shaken by the concussion144 of their own guns; and now, in the Dauphin's and King's bastions, the English shot brought it down in masses. The trenches had been pushed so close on the rising grounds at the right that a great part of the covered way was enfiladed, while a battery on a hill across the 70
V2 harbor swept the whole front with a flank fire. Amherst had ordered the gunners to spare the houses of the town; but, according to French accounts, the order had little effect, for shot and shell fell everywhere. "There is not a house in the place," says the Diary just quoted, "that has not felt the effects of this formidable artillery. From yesterday morning till seven o'clock this evening we reckon that a thousand or twelve hundred bombs, great and small, have been thrown into the town, accompanied all the time by the fire of forty pieces of cannon, served with an activity not often seen. The hospital and the houses around it, which also serve as hospitals, are attacked with cannon and mortar. The surgeon trembles as he amputates a limb amid cries of Gare la bombe! and leaves his patient in the midst of the operation, lest he should share his fate. The sick and wounded, stretched on mattresses146, utter cries of pain, which do not cease till a shot or the bursting of a shell ends them." [587] On the twenty-sixth the last cannon was silenced in front of the town, and the English batteries had made a breach147 which seemed practicable for assault.
[587] Early in the siege Drucour wrote to Amherst asking that the hospitals should be exempt148 from fire. Amherst answered that shot and shell might fall on any part of so small a town, but promised to insure the sick and wounded from molestation149 if Drucour would send them either to the island at the mouth of the harbor, or to any of the ships, if anchored apart from the rest. The offer was declined, for reasons not stated. Drucour gives the correspondence in his Diary.
On the day before, Drucour, with his chief officers and the engineer, Franquet, had made the 71
V2 tour of the covered way, and examined the state of the defences. All but Franquet were for offering to capitulate. Early on the next morning a council of war was held, at which were present Drucour, Franquet, Desgouttes, naval commander, Houllière, commander of the regulars, and the several chiefs of battalions. Franquet presented a memorial setting forth150 the state of the fortifications. As it was he who had reconstructed and repaired them, he was anxious to show the quality of his work in the best light possible; and therefore, in the view of his auditors151, he understated the effects of the English fire. Hence an altercation152 arose, ending in a unanimous decision to ask for terms. Accordingly, at ten o'clock, a white flag was displayed over the breach in the Dauphin's Bastion, and an officer named Loppinot was sent out with offers to capitulate. The answer was prompt and stern: the garrison must surrender as prisoners of war; a definite reply must be given within an hour; in case of refusal the place will be attacked by land and sea. [588]
[588] Mante and other English writers give the text of this reply.
Great was the emotion in the council; and one of its members, D'Anthonay, lieutenant-colonel of the battalion44 of Volontaires étrangers, was sent to propose less rigorous terms. Amherst would not speak with him; and jointly154 with Boscawen despatched this note to the Governor:—
Sir,—We have just received the reply which it has pleased your Excellency to make as to the conditions of the capitulation offered you. We shall not change in the least 72
V2 our views regarding them. It depends on your Excellency to accept them or not; and you will have the goodness to give your answer, yes or no, within half an hour.
We have the honor to be, etc.,
E. Boscawen.
J. Amherst. [589]
Drucour answered as follows:—
Gentlemen,—To reply to your Excellencies in as few words as possible, I have the honor to repeat that my position also remains the same, and that I persist in my first resolution.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
The Chevalier de Drucour.
[589] Translated from the Journal of Drucour.
In other words, he refused the English terms, and declared his purpose to abide155 the assault. Loppinot was sent back to the English camp with this note of defiance156. He was no sooner gone than Prévost, the intendant, an officer of functions purely157 civil, brought the Governor a memorial which, with or without the knowledge of the military authorities, he had drawn up in anticipation158 of the emergency. "The violent resolution which the council continues to hold," said this document, "obliges me, for the good of the state, the preservation159 of the King's subjects, and the averting160 of horrors shocking to humanity, to lay before your eyes the consequences that may ensue. What will become of the four thousand souls who compose the families of this town, of the thousand or twelve hundred sick in the hospitals, and the officers and crews of our unfortunate ships? They will be delivered over to carnage and the rage of 73
V2 an unbridled soldiery, eager for plunder161, and impelled162 to deeds of horror by pretended resentment163 at what has formerly164 happened in Canada. Thus they will all be destroyed, and the memory of their fate will live forever in our colonies…. It remains, Monsieur," continues the paper, "to remind you that the councils you have held thus far have been composed of none but military officers. I am not surprised at their views. The glory of the King's arm and the honor of their several corps165 have inspired them. You and I alone are charged with the administration of the colony and the care of the King's subjects who compose it. These gentlemen, therefore, have had no regard for them. They think only of themselves and their soldiers, whose business it is to encounter the utmost extremity166 of peril101. It is at the prayer of an intimidated167 people that I lay before you the considerations specified168 in this memorial."
"In view of these considerations," writes Drucour, "joined to the impossibility of resisting an assault, M. le Chevalier de Courserac undertook in my behalf to run after the bearer of my answer to the English commander and bring it back." It is evident that the bearer of the note had been in no hurry to deliver it, for he had scarcely got beyond the fortifications when Courserac overtook and stopped him. D'Anthonay, with Duvivier, major of the battalion of Artois, and Loppinot, the first messenger, was then sent to the English camp, empowered to accept the terms imposed. An English spectator thus describes their arrival: "A lieutenant-colonel 74
V2 came running out of the garrison, making signs at a distance, and bawling169 out as loud as he could, 'We accept! We accept!' He was followed by two others; and they were all conducted to General Amherst's headquarters." [590] At eleven o'clock at night they returned with the articles of capitulation and the following letter:—
Sir,—We have the honor to send your Excellency the articles of capitulation signed.
Lieutenant-Colonel D'Anthonay has not failed to speak in behalf of the inhabitants of the town; and it is nowise our intention to distress170 them, but to give them all the aid in our power.
Your Excellency will have the goodness to sign a duplicate of the articles and send it to us.
It only remains to assure your Excellency that we shall with great pleasure seize every opportunity to convince your Excellency that we are with the most perfect consideration,
Sir, your Excellency's most obedient servants,
E. Boscawen.
J. Amherst.
[590] Authentic Account of the Siege of Louisbourg, by a Spectator.
The articles stipulated171 that the garrison should be sent to England, prisoners of war, in British ships; that all artillery, arms, munitions172, and stores, both in Louisbourg and elsewhere on the Island of Cape Breton, as well as on Isle52 St.-Jean, now Prince Edward's Island, should be given up intact; that the gate of the Dauphin's Bastion should be delivered to the British troops at eight o'clock in the morning; and that the garrison should lay down their arms at noon. The victors, 75
V2 on their part, promised to give the French sick and wounded the same care as their own, and to protect private property from pillage173.
Drucour signed the paper at midnight, and in the morning a body of grenadiers took possession of the Dauphin's Gate. The rude soldiery poured in, swarthy with wind and sun, and begrimed with smoke and dust; the garrison, drawn up on the esplanade, flung down their muskets and marched from the ground with tears of rage; the cross of St. George floated over the shattered rampart; and Louisbourg, with the two great islands that depended on it, passed to the British Crown. Guards were posted, a stern discipline was enforced, and perfect order maintained. The conquerors and the conquered exchanged greetings, and the English general was lavish174 of courtesies to the brave lady who had aided the defence so well. "Every favor she asked was granted," says a Frenchman present.
Drucour and his garrison had made a gallant defence. It had been his aim to prolong the siege till it should be too late for Amherst to co-operate with Abercromby in an attack on Canada; and in this, at least, he succeeded.
Five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven officers, soldiers, and sailors were prisoners in the hands of the victors. Eighteen mortars and two hundred and twenty-one cannon were found in the town, along with a great quantity of arms, munitions, and stores. [591] At the middle of August such 76
V2 of the prisoners as were not disabled by wounds or sickness were embarked175 for England, and the merchants and inhabitants were sent to France. Brigadier Whitmore, as governor of Louisbourg, remained with four regiments to hold guard over the desolation they had made.
[591] Account of the Guns, Mortars, Shot, Shell, etc., found in the Town of Louisbourg upon its Surrender this day, signed Jeffrey Amherst, 27 July, 1758.
The fall of the French stronghold was hailed in England with noisy rapture176. Addresses of congratulation to the King poured in from all the cities of the kingdom, and the captured flags were hung in St. Paul's amid the roar of cannon and the shouts of the populace. The provinces shared these rejoicings. Sermons of thanksgiving resounded178 from countless179 New England pulpits. At Newport there were fireworks and illuminations; and, adds the pious180 reporter, "We have reason to believe that Christians181 will make wise and religious improvement of so signal a favor of Divine Providence182." At Philadelphia a like display was seen, with music and universal ringing of bells. At Boston "a stately bonfire like a pyramid was kindled183 on the top of Fort Hill, which made a lofty and prodigious blaze;" though here certain jealous patriots184 protested against celebrating a victory won by British regulars, and not by New England men. At New York there was a grand official dinner at the Province Arms in Broadway, where every loyal toast was echoed by the cannon of Fort George; and illuminations and fireworks closed the day. [592] In the camp of Abercromby at Lake George, Chaplain Cleaveland, of Bagley's 77
V2 Massachusetts regiment, wrote: "The General put out orders that the breastwork should be lined with troops, and to fire three rounds for joy, and give thanks to God in a religious way." [593] But nowhere did the tidings find a warmer welcome than in the small detached forts scattered through the solitudes185 of Nova Scotia, where the military exiles, restless from inaction, listened with greedy ears for every word from the great world whence they were banished186. So slow were their communications with it that the fall of Louisbourg was known in England before it had reached them all. Captain John Knox, then in garrison at Annapolis, tells how it was greeted there more than five weeks after the event. It was the sixth of September. A sloop187 from Boston was seen coming up the bay. Soldiers and officers ran down to the wharf188 to ask for news. "Every soul," says Knox, "was impatient, yet shy of asking; at length, the vessel30 being come near enough to be spoken to, I called out, 'What news from Louisbourg?' To which the master simply replied, and with some gravity, 'Nothing strange.' This answer, which was so coldly delivered, threw us all into great consternation189, and we looked at each other without being able to speak; some of us even turned away with an intent to return to the fort. At length one of our soldiers, not yet satisfied, called out with some warmth: 'Damn you, Pumpkin190, isn't Louisbourg taken yet?' The poor New England man then answered: 'Taken, yes, above a month 78
V2 ago, and I have been there since; but if you have never heard it before, I have got a good parcel of letters for you now.' If our apprehensions191 were great at first, words are insufficient192 to express our transports at this speech, the latter part of which we hardly waited for; but instantly all hats flew off, and we made the neighboring woods resound177 with our cheers and huzzas for almost half an hour. The master of the sloop was amazed beyond expression, and declared he thought we had heard of the success of our arms eastward before, and had sought to banter193 him." [594] At night there was a grand bonfire and universal festivity in the fort and village.
[592] These particulars are from the provincial newspapers.
[593] Cleaveland, Journal.
[594] Knox, Historical Journal, I. 158.
Amherst proceeded to complete his conquest by the subjection of all the adjacent possessions of France. Major Dalling was sent to occupy Port Espagnol, now Sydney. Colonel Monckton was despatched to the Bay of Fundy and the River St. John with an order "to destroy the vermin who are settled there." [595] Lord Rollo, with the thirty-fifth regiment and two battalions of the sixtieth, received the submission194 of Isle St.-Jean, and tried to remove the inhabitants,—with small success; for out of more than four thousand he could catch but seven hundred. [595]
[595] Orders of Amherst to Wolfe, 15 Aug. 1758; Ibid. to Monckton, 24 Aug. 1758; Report of Monckton, 12 Nov. 1758.
[596] Villejouin, commandant à l'Isle St.-Jean, au Ministre, 8 Sept. 1758.
The ardent195 and indomitable Wolfe had been the life of the siege. Wherever there was need of a quick eye, a prompt decision, and a bold dash, 79
V2 there his lank145 figure was always in the front. Yet he was only half pleased with what had been done. The capture of Louisbourg, he thought, should be but the prelude196 of greater conquests; and he had hoped that the fleet and army would sail up the St. Lawrence and attack Quebec. Impetuous and impatient by nature, and irritable197 with disease, he chafed198 at the delay that followed the capitulation, and wrote to his father a few days after it: "We are gathering199 strawberries and other wild fruits of the country, with a seeming indifference200 about what is doing in other parts of the world. Our army, however, on the continent wants our help." Growing more anxious, he sent Amherst a note to ask his intentions; and the General replied, "What I most wish to do is to go to Quebec. I have proposed it to the Admiral, and yesterday he seemed to think it impracticable." On which Wolfe wrote again: "If the Admiral will not carry us to Quebec, reinforcements should certainly be sent to the continent without losing a moment. This damned French garrison take up our time and attention, which might be better bestowed201. The transports are ready, and a small convoy202 would carry a brigade to Boston or New York. With the rest of the troops we might make an offensive and destructive war in the Bay of Fundy and the Gulf203 of St. Lawrence. I beg pardon for this freedom, but I cannot look coolly upon the bloody204 inroads of those hell-hounds, the Canadians; and if nothing further is to be done, I must desire leave to quit the army."
80
V2 Amherst answered that though he had meant at first to go to Quebec with the whole army, late events on the continent made it impossible; and that he now thought it best to go with five or six regiments to the aid of Abercromby. He asked Wolfe to continue to communicate his views to him, and would not hear for a moment of his leaving the army; adding, "I know nothing that can tend more to His Majesty's service than your assisting in it." Wolfe again wrote to his commander, with whom he was on terms of friendship: "An offensive, daring kind of war will awe61 the Indians and ruin the French. Blockhouses and a trembling defensive205 encourage the meanest scoundrels to attack us. If you will attempt to cut up New France by the roots, I will come with pleasure to assist."
Amherst, with such speed as his deliberate nature would permit, sailed with six regiments for Boston to reinforce Abercromby at Lake George, while Wolfe set out on an errand but little to his liking206. He had orders to proceed to Gaspé, Miramichi, and other settlements on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, destroy them, and disperse207 their inhabitants; a measure of needless and unpardonable rigor153, which, while detesting208 it, he executed with characteristic thoroughness. "Sir Charles Hardy209 and I," he wrote to his father, "are preparing to rob the fishermen of their nets and burn their huts. When that great exploit is at an end, I return to Louisbourg, and thence to England." Having finished the work, he wrote to 81
V2 Amherst: "Your orders were carried into execution. We have done a great deal of mischief210, and spread the terror of His Majesty's arms through the Gulf, but have added nothing to the reputation of them." The destruction of property was great; yet, as Knox writes, "he would not suffer the least barbarity to be committed upon the persons of the wretched inhabitants." [597]
[597] "Les Anglais ont très-bien traités les prisonniers qu'ils ont faits dans cette partie" [Gaspé, etc]. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 4 Nov. 1758.
He returned to Louisbourg, and sailed for England to recruit his shattered health for greater conflicts.
Note.—Four long and minute French diaries of the siege of Louisbourg are before me. The first, that of Drucour, covers a hundred and six folio pages, and contains his correspondence with Amherst, Boscawen, and Desgouttes. The second is that of the naval captain Tourville, commander of the ship "Capricieux," and covers fifty pages. The third is by an officer of the garrison whose name does not appear. The fourth, of about a hundred pages, is by another officer of the garrison, and is also anonymous211. It is an excellent record of what passed each day, and of the changing conditions, moral and physical, of the besieged. These four Journals, though clearly independent of each other, agree in nearly all essential particulars. I have also numerous letters from the principal officers, military, naval, and civil, engaged in the defence,—Drucour, Desgouttes, Houllière, Beaussier, Marolles, Tourville, Courserac, Franquet, Villejouin, Prévost, and Querdisien. These, with various other documents relating to the siege, were copied from the originals in the Archives de la Marine212. Among printed authorities on the French side may be mentioned Pichon, Lettres et Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire du Cap-Breton, and the Campaign of Louisbourg, by the Chevalier Johnstone, a Scotch213 Jacobite serving under Drucour.
The chief authorities on the English side are the official Journal of Amherst, printed in the London Magazine and in other contemporary periodicals, and also in Mante, History of the Late War; five letters from Amherst to Pitt, written during the siege (Public Record Office); an excellent private Journal called An Authentic Account of the Reduction of Louisbourg, by a Spectator, parts of which have been copied verbatim by Entick without acknowledgement; the admirable Journal of Captain John Knox, which contains numerous letters and orders relating to the 82
V2 siege; and the correspondence of Wolfe contained in his Life by Wright. Before me is the Diary of a captain or subaltern in the army of Amherst at Louisbourg, found in the garret of an old house at Windsor, Nova Scotia, on an estate belonging in 1760 to Chief Justice Deschamps. I owe the use of it to the kindness of George Wiggins, Esq., of Windsor, N. S. Mante gives an excellent plan of the siege operations, and another will be found in Jefferys, Natural and Civil History of French Dominions214 in North America.
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1
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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mounds
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| 土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆 | |
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caverns
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| 大山洞，大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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grassy
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| adj.盖满草的；长满草的 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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vaulted
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| adj.拱状的 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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glistening
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| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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spout
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| v.喷出，涌出；滔滔不绝地讲；n.喷管；水柱 | |
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seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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lashes
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| n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 )；鞭子；突然猛烈的一击；急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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vessels
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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scattered
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dwellings
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bristled
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stunted
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farmhouses
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marsh
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gale
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chapel
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fully
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mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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humble
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garrison
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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frigate
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frigates
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cannon
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mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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isle
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troupes
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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vigilantly
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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militia
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rapport
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awe
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provincial
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descried
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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naval
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cove
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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regiment
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habitual
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invalid
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ardor
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utterly
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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78
entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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79
evergreens
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| n.常青树，常绿植物，万年青( evergreen的名词复数 ) | |
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80
moles
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| 防波堤( mole的名词复数 )； 鼹鼠； 痣； 间谍 | |
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81
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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82
wilfully
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| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
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83
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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84
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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85
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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86
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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87
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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88
attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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89
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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90
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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91
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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92
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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93
moss
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| n.苔，藓，地衣 | |
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94
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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95
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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96
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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97
descry
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| v.远远看到；发现；责备 | |
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98
lagoon
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| n.泻湖，咸水湖 | |
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99
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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100
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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101
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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102
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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103
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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104
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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105
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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106
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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107
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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108
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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109
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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110
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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111
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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112
disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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113
amenities
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| n.令人愉快的事物；礼仪；礼节；便利设施；礼仪( amenity的名词复数 )；便利设施；（环境等的）舒适；（性情等的）愉快 | |
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114
obstructions
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| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
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115
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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116
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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117
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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118
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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119
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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120
burrowed
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| v.挖掘（洞穴），挖洞( burrow的过去式和过去分词 )；翻寻 | |
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121
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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122
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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123
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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124
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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125
lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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126
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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127
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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128
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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129
subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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130
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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131
suffocate
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| vt.使窒息，使缺氧，阻碍；vi.窒息，窒息而亡，阻碍发展 | |
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132
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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133
shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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134
combustible
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| a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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135
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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136
hissing
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| n. 发嘶嘶声, 蔑视 动词hiss的现在分词形式 | |
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137
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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138
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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139
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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140
hubbub
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| n.嘈杂；骚乱 | |
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141
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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143
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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144
concussion
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| n.脑震荡；震动 | |
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145
lank
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| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
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146
mattresses
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| 褥垫，床垫( mattress的名词复数 ) | |
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147
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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148
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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149
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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150
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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151
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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152
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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153
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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154
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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155
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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156
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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157
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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158
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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159
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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160
averting
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| 防止，避免( avert的现在分词 )； 转移 | |
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161
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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162
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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163
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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164
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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165
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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166
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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167
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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168
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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169
bawling
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| v.大叫，大喊( bawl的现在分词 )；放声大哭；大声叫出；叫卖（货物） | |
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170
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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171
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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172
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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173
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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174
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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175
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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176
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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177
resound
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| v.回响 | |
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178
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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179
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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180
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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181
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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182
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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183
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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184
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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185
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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186
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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188
wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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189
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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190
pumpkin
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| n.南瓜 | |
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191
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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192
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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193
banter
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| n.嘲弄，戏谑；v.取笑，逗弄，开玩笑 | |
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194
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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195
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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196
prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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197
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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198
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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199
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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200
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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201
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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203
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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204
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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205
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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206
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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207
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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208
detesting
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的现在分词 ) | |
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209
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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210
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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211
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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212
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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213
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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214
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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