FALL OF CANADA.
Desperate Situation ? Efforts of Vaudreuil and Lévis ? Plans of Amherst ? A Triple Attack ? Advance of Murray ? Advance of Haviland ? Advance of Amherst ? Capitulation of Montreal ? Protest of Lévis ? Injustice1 of Louis XV. ? Joy in the British Colonies ? Character of the War.
The retreat of Lévis left Canada little hope but in a speedy peace. This hope was strong, for a belief widely prevailed that, even if the colony should be subdued2, it would be restored to France by treaty. Its available force did not exceed eight or ten thousand men, as most of the Canadians below the district of Three Rivers had sworn allegiance to King George; and though many of them had disregarded the oath to join the standard of Lévis, they could venture to do so no longer. The French had lost the best of their artillery3, their gunpowder4 was falling short, their provisions would barely carry them to harvest time, and no more was to be hoped for, since a convoy5 of ships which had sailed from France at the end of winter, laden6 with supplies of all kinds, had been captured by the English. The blockade of the St. Lawrence was complete. The Western Indians would not 361
Yet Vaudreuil and Lévis exerted themselves for defence with an energy that does honor to them both. "Far from showing the least timidity," says the ever-modest Governor, "I have taken positions such as may hide our weakness from the enemy." [836] He stationed Rochbeaucourt with three hundred men at Pointe-aux-Trembles; Repentigny with two hundred at Jacques-Cartier; and Dumas with twelve hundred at Deschambault to watch the St. Lawrence and, if possible, prevent Murray from moving up the river. Bougainville was stationed at Isle8-aux-Noix to bar the approach from Lake Champlain, and a force under La Corne was held ready to defend the rapids above Montreal, should the English attempt that dangerous passage. Prisoners taken by war parties near Crown Point gave exaggerated reports of hostile preparation, and doubled and trebled the forces that were mustering9 against Canada.
[836] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 22 Juin, 1760.
These forces were nevertheless considerable. Amherst had resolved to enter the colony by all its three gates at once, and, advancing from east, west, and south, unite at Montreal and crush it as in the jaws10 of a vice11. Murray was to ascend12 the St. Lawrence from Quebec, while Brigadier Haviland forced an entrance by way of Lake Champlain, and Amherst himself led the main army down the St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario. This last route was long, circuitous13, difficult, and full of 362
V2 danger from the rapids that obstructed14 the river. His choice of it for his chief line of operation, instead of the shorter and easier way of Lake Champlain, was meant, no doubt, to prevent the French army from escaping up the Lakes to Detroit and the other wilderness15 posts, where it might have protracted17 the war for an indefinite time; while the plan adopted, if successful, would make its capture certain. The plan was a critical one. Three armies advancing from three different points, hundreds of miles apart, by routes full of difficulty, and with no possibility of intercommunication, were to meet at the same place at the same time, or, failing to do so, run the risk of being destroyed in detail. If the French troops could be kept together, and if the small army of Murray or of Haviland should reach Montreal a few days before the co-operating forces appeared, it might be separately attacked and overpowered. In this lay the hope of Vaudreuil and Lévis. [837]
[837] Lévis à Bourlamaque, Juillet, Ao?t, 1760.
After the siege of Quebec was raised, Murray had an effective force of about twenty-five hundred rank and file. [838] As the spring opened the invalids19 were encamped on the Island of Orleans, where fresh air, fresh provisions, and the change from the pestiferous town hospitals wrought20 such wonders on the scorbutic patients, that in a few weeks a considerable number of them were again fit for garrison21 duty, if not for the field. 363
V2 Thus it happened that on the second of July twenty-four hundred and fifty men and officers received orders to embark22 for Montreal; and on the fifteenth they set sail, in thirty-two vessels23, with a number of boats and bateaux. [839] They were followed some time after by Lord Rollo, with thirteen hundred additional men just arrived from Louisbourg, the King having ordered that fortress24 to be abandoned and dismantled25. They advanced slowly, landing from time to time, skirmishing with detachments of the enemy who followed them along the shore, or more frequently trading with the farmers who brought them vegetables, poultry26, eggs, and fresh meat. They passed the fortified27 hill of Jacques-Cartier, whence they were saluted28 with shot and shell, stopped at various parishes, disarmed29 the inhabitants, administered oaths of neutrality, which were taken without much apparent reluctance30, and on the fourth of August came within sight of Three Rivers, then occupied by a body of troops expecting an attack. "But," says Knox, "a delay here would be absurd, as that wretched place must share the fate of Montreal. Our fleet sailed this morning. The French troops, apparently31 about two thousand, lined their different works, and were in general clothed as regulars, except a very few Canadians and about fifty naked Picts or savages33, their bodies being painted of a reddish color and their faces of different colors, which I plainly discerned with my glass. Their light cavalry34, who 364
V2 paraded along shore, seemed to be well appointed, clothed in blue, faced with scarlet35; but their officers had white uniforms. In fine, their troops, batteries, fair-looking houses; their situation on the banks of a delightful36 river; our fleet sailing triumphantly37 before them, with our floating batteries drawn39 up in line of battle; the country on both sides interspersed40 with neat settlements, together with the verdure of the fields and trees and the clear, pleasant weather, afforded as agreeable a prospect41 as the most lively imagination can conceive."
[839] Knox, II. 344, 348.
This excellent lover of the picturesque43 was still more delighted as the fleet sailed among the islands of St. Peter. "I think nothing could equal the beauties of our navigation this morning: the meandering44 course of the narrow channel; the awfulness and solemnity of the dark forests with which these islands are covered; the fragrancy of the spontaneous fruits, shrubs45, and flowers; the verdure of the water by the reflection of the neighboring woods; the wild chirping46 notes of the feathered inhabitants; the masts and sails of ships appearing as if among the trees, both ahead and astern: formed altogether an enchanting47 diversity."
The evening recalled him from dreams to realities; for towards seven o'clock they reached the village of Sorel, where they found a large body of troops and militia48 intrenched along the strand49. Bourlamaque was in command here with two or three thousand men, and Dumas, with another body, was on the northern shore. Both had orders 365
V2 to keep abreast50 of the fleet as it advanced; and thus French and English alike drew slowly towards Montreal, where lay the main French force under Lévis, ready to unite with Bourlamaque and Dumas, and fall upon Murray at the first opportunity. Montreal was now but a few leagues distant, and the situation was becoming delicate. Murray sent five rangers51 towards Lake Champlain to get news of Haviland, and took measures at the same time to cause the desertion of the Canadians, who formed the largest part of the opposing force. He sent a proclamation among the parishes, advising the inhabitants to remain peacefully at home, promising53 that those who did so should be safe in person and property, and threatening to burn every house from which the men of the family were absent. These were not idle words. A detachment sent for the purpose destroyed a settlement near Sorel, the owners of which were in arms under Bourlamaque. "I was under the cruel necessity of burning the greatest part of these poor unhappy people's houses," wrote Murray. "I pray God this example may suffice, for my nature revolts when this becomes a necessary part of my duty." [840] On the other hand, he treated with great kindness all who left the army and returned to their families. The effect was soon felt. The Canadians came in by scores and by hundreds to give up their arms and take the oath of neutrality, till, before the end of August, half Bourlamaque's force had disappeared. Murray encamped on Isle 366
V2 Ste.-Thérèse, just below Montreal, and watched and waited for Haviland and Amherst to appear. [841]
[840] Murray to Pitt, 24 Aug. 1760.
[841] Knox, II. 382, 384. Mante, 340.
Vaudreuil on his part was not idle. He sent a counter-proclamation through the parishes as an antidote54 to that of Murray. "I have been compelled," he writes to the Minister, "to decree the pain of death to the Canadians who are so dastardly as to desert or give up their arms to the enemy, and to order that the houses of those who do not join our army shall be burned." [842] Execution was to be summary, without court-martial55. [843] Yet desertion increased daily. The Canadians felt themselves doubly ruined, for it became known that the Court had refused to redeem56 the paper that formed the whole currency of the colony; and, in their desperation, they preferred to trust the tried clemency57 of the enemy rather than exasperate58 him by persisting in a vain defence. Vaudreuil writes in his usual strain: "I am taking the most just measures to unite our forces, and, if our situation permits, fight a battle, or several battles. It is to be feared that we shall go down before an enemy so numerous and strong; but, whatever may be the event, we will save the honor of the King's arms. I have the honor to repeat to you, Monseigneur, that if any resource were left me, whatever the progress the English might make, I would maintain myself in some part of the colony with my remaining troops, after having 367
V2 fought with the greatest obstinacy59; but I am absolutely without the least remnant of the necessary means. In these unhappy circumstances I shall continue to use every man?uvre and device to keep the enemy in check; but if we succumb60 in the battles we shall fight, I shall apply myself to obtaining a capitulation which may avert61 the total ruin of a people who will remain forever French, and who could not survive their misfortunes but for the hope of being restored by the treaty of peace to the rule of His Most Christian62 Majesty. It is with this view that I shall remain in this town, the Chevalier de Lévis having represented to me that it would be an evil to the colonists63 past remedy if any accident should happen to me." Lévis was willing to go very far in soothing64 the susceptibilities of the Governor; but it may be suspected this time that he thought him more useful within four walls than in the open field.
[842] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 29 Ao?t, 1760.
[843] Lévis à Bourlamaque, 25 Ao?t, 1760.
There seemed good hope of stopping the advance of Haviland. To this end Vaudreuil had stationed Bougainville at Isle-aux-Noix with seventeen hundred men, and Roquemaure at St. John, a few miles distant, with twelve or fifteen hundred more, besides all the Indians. [844] Haviland embarked65 at Crown Point with thirty-four hundred regulars, provincials66, and Indians. [845] Four days brought him to Isle-aux-Noix; he landed, planted cannon67 in 368
V2 the swamp, and opened fire. Major Darby with the light infantry68, and Rogers with the rangers, dragged three light pieces through the forest, and planted them on the river-bank in the rear of Bougainville's position, where lay the French naval69 force, consisting of three armed vessels and several gunboats. The cannon were turned upon the principal ship; a shot cut her cable, and a strong west wind drove her ashore70 into the hands of her enemies. The other vessels and gunboats made all sail for St. John, but stranded71 in a bend of the river, where the rangers, swimming out with their tomahawks, boarded and took one of them, and the rest soon surrendered. It was a fatal blow to Bougainville, whose communications with St. John were now cut off. In accordance with instructions from Vaudreuil, he abandoned the island on the night of the twenty-seventh of August, and, making his way with infinite difficulty through the dark forest, joined Roquemaure at St. John, twelve miles below. Haviland followed, the rangers leading the way. Bougainville and Roquemaure fell back, abandoned St. John and Chambly, and joined Bourlamaque on the banks of the St. Lawrence, where the united force at first outnumbered that of Haviland, though fast melted away by discouragement and desertion. Haviland opened communication with Murray, and they both looked daily for the arrival of Amherst, whose approach was rumored72 by prisoners and deserters. [846]
[844] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 29 Ao?t, 1760.
[845] A List of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada, 1760. Compare Mante, 340, Knox, II. 392, and Rogers, 188. Chevalier Johnstone, who was with Bougainville, says "about four thousand," which Vaudreuil multiplies to twelve thousand.
[846] Rogers, Journals. Diary of a Sergeant73 in the Army of Haviland. Johnstone, Campaign of 1760. Bigot au Ministre, 29 Ao?t, 1760.
369
V2 The army of Amherst had gathered at Oswego in July. On the tenth of August it was all afloat on Lake Ontario, to the number of ten thousand one hundred and forty-two men, besides about seven hundred Indians under Sir William Johnson. [847] Before the fifteenth the whole had reached La Présentation, otherwise called Oswegatchie or La Galette, the seat of Father Piquet's mission. Near by was a French armed brig, the "Ottawa," with ten cannon and a hundred men, threatening destruction to Amherst's bateaux and whaleboats. Five gunboats attacked and captured her. Then the army advanced again, and were presently joined by two armed vessels of their own which had lingered behind, bewildered among the channels of the Thousand Islands.
[847] A List of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada. Compare Mante, 301, and Knox, II. 403.
Near the head of the rapids, a little below La Galette, stood Fort Lévis, built the year before on an islet in mid-channel. Amherst might have passed its batteries with slight loss, continuing his voyage without paying it the honor of a siege; and this was what the French commanders feared that he would do. "We shall be fortunate," Lévis wrote to Bourlamaque, "if the enemy amuse themselves with capturing it. My chief anxiety is lest Amherst should reach Montreal so soon that we may not have time to unite our forces to attack Haviland or Murray." If he had better known the English commander, Lévis would have seen that he was not the man to leave a post of 370
V2 the enemy in his rear under any circumstances; and Amherst had also another reason for wishing to get the garrison into his hands, for he expected to find among them the pilots whom he needed to guide his boats down the rapids. He therefore invested the fort, and, on the twenty-third, cannonaded it from his vessels, the mainland, and the neighboring islands. It was commanded by Pouchot, the late commandant of Niagara, made prisoner in the last campaign, and since exchanged. As the rocky islet had but little earth, the defences, though thick and strong, were chiefly of logs, which flew in splinters under the bombardment. The French, however, made a brave resistance. The firing lasted all day, was resumed in the morning, and continued two days more; when Pouchot, whose works were in ruins, surrendered himself and his garrison. On this, Johnson's Indians prepared to kill the prisoners; and, being compelled to desist, three fourths of them went home in a rage. [848]
[848] On the capture of Fort Lévis, Amherst to Pitt, 26 Aug. 1760. Amherst to Monckton, same date. Pouchot, II. 264-282. Knox, II. 405-413. Mante, 303-306. All Canada in the Hands of the English (Boston, 1760). Journal of Colonel Nathaniel Woodhull.
Now began the critical part of the expedition, the descent of the rapids. The Galops, the Rapide Plat, the Long Saut, the C?teau du Lac were passed in succession, with little loss, till they reached the Cedars74, the Buisson, and the Cascades75, where the reckless surges dashed and bounded in the sun, beautiful and terrible as young tigers at play. Boat after boat, borne on 371
V2 their foaming76 crests77, rushed madly down the torrent78. Forty-six were totally wrecked79, eighteen were damaged, and eighty-four men were drowned. [849] La Corne was watching the rapids with a considerable body of Canadians; and it is difficult to see why this bold and enterprising chief allowed the army to descend80 undisturbed through passes so dangerous. At length the last rapid was left behind; and the flotilla, gliding81 in peace over the smooth breast of Lake St. Louis, landed at Isle Perrot, a few leagues from Montreal. In the morning, September sixth, the troops embarked again, landed unopposed at La Chine, nine miles from the city, marched on without delay, and encamped before its walls.
[849] Amherst to Pitt, 8 Sept. 1760.
The Montreal of that time was a long, narrow assemblage of wooden or stone houses, one or two stories high, above which rose the peaked towers of the Seminary, the spires82 of three churches, the walls of four convents, with the trees of their adjacent gardens, and, conspicuous83 at the lower end, a high mound84 of earth, crowned by a redoubt, where a few cannon were mounted. The whole was surrounded by a shallow moat and a bastioned stone wall, made for defence against Indians, and incapable85 of resisting cannon. [850]
[850] An East View of Montreal, drawn on the Spot by Thomas Patten (King's Maps, British Museum), Plan of Montreal, 1759. A Description of Montreal, in several magazines of the time. The recent Canadian publication called Le Vieux Montréal, is exceedingly incorrect as to the numbers of the British troops and the position of their camps.
On the morning after Amherst encamped above the place, Murray landed to encamp below it; and 372
V2 Vaudreuil, looking across the St. Lawrence, could see the tents of Haviland's little army on the southern shore. Bourlamaque, Bougainville, and Roquemaure, abandoned by all their militia, had crossed to Montreal with the few regulars that remained with them. The town was crowded with non-combatant refugees. Here, too, was nearly all the remaining force of Canada, consisting of twenty-two hundred troops of the line and some two hundred colony troops; for all the Canadians had by this time gone home. Many of the regulars, especially of the colony troops, had also deserted86; and the rest were so broken in discipline that their officers were forced to use entreaties87 instead of commands. The three armies encamped around the city amounted to seventeen thousand men; [851] Amherst was bringing up his cannon from La Chine, and the town wall would have crumbled88 before them in an hour.
[851] A List of the Forces employed in the Expedition against Canada. See Smith, History of Canada, I. Appendix xix. Vaudreuil writes to Charles Langlade, on the ninth, that the three armies amount to twenty thousand, and raises the number to thirty-two thousand in a letter to the Minister on the next day. Berniers says twenty thousand; Lévis, for obvious reasons, exaggerates the number to forty thousand.
On the night when Amherst arrived, the Governor called a council of war. [852] It was resolved that since all the militia and many of the regulars had abandoned the army, and the Indian allies of France had gone over to the enemy, further resistance was impossible. Vaudreuil laid before the assembled officers a long paper that he had drawn up, containing fifty-five articles of capitulation to 373
V2 be proposed to the English; and these were unanimously approved. [853] In the morning Bougainville carried them to the tent of Amherst. He granted the greater part, modified some, and flatly refused others. That which the French officers thought more important than all the rest was the provision that the troops should march out with arms, cannon, and the honors of war; to which it was replied: "The whole garrison of Montreal and all other French troops in Canada must lay down their arms, and shall not serve during the present war." This demand was felt to be intolerable. The Governor sent Bougainville back to remonstrate89; but Amherst was inflexible90. Then Lévis tried to shake his resolution, and sent him an officer with the following note: "I send your Excellency M. de la Pause, Assistant Quartermaster-General of the Army, on the subject of the too rigorous article which you dictate91 to the troops by the capitulation, to which it would not be possible for us to subscribe92." Amherst answered the envoy93: "I am fully52 resolved, for the infamous94 part the troops of France have acted in exciting the savages to perpetrate the most horrid95 and unheard of barbarities in the whole progress of the war, and for other open treacheries and flagrant breaches96 of faith, to manifest to all the world by this capitulation my detestation of such practices;" and he dismissed La Pause with a short note, refusing to change the conditions.
[852] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 10 Sept. 1760.
[853] Procès-verbal de la Déliberation du Conseil de Guerre tenu à Montréal, 6 Sept. 1760.
374
V2 On the next morning, September eighth, Vaudreuil yielded, and signed the capitulation. By it Canada and all its dependencies passed to the British Crown. French officers, civil and military, with French troops and sailors, were to be sent to France in British ships. Free exercise of religion was assured to the people of the colony, and the religious communities were to retain their possessions, rights, and privileges. All persons who might wish to retire to France were allowed to do so, and the Canadians were to remain in full enjoyment97 of feudal98 and other property, including negro and Indian slaves. [854]
[854] Articles of Capitulation, 8 Sept. 1760. Amherst to Pitt, same date.
The greatest alarm had prevailed among the inhabitants lest they should suffer violence from the English Indians, and Vaudreuil had endeavored to provide that these dangerous enemies should be sent back at once to their villages. This was refused, with the remark: "There never have been any cruelties committed by the Indians of our army." Strict precautions were taken at the same time, not only against the few savages whom the firm conduct of Johnson at Fort Lévis had not driven away, but also against the late allies of the French, now become a peril99 to them. In consequence, not a man, woman, or child was hurt. Amherst, in general orders, expressed his confidence "that the troops will not disgrace themselves by the least appearance of inhumanity, or by any unsoldierlike behavior in seeking for plunder100; and that as the Canadians are now become British subjects, 375
V2 they will feel the good effects of His Majesty's protection." They were in fact treated with a kindness that seemed to surprise them.
Lévis was so incensed101 at the demand that the troops should lay down their arms and serve no longer during the war that, before the capitulation was signed, he made a formal protest [855] in his own name and that of the officers from France, and insisted that the negotiation102 should be broken off. "If," he added, "the Marquis de Vaudreuil, through political motives103, thinks himself obliged to surrender the colony at once, we ask his permission to withdraw with the troops of the line to the Island of St. Helen, in order to uphold there, on our own behalf, the honor of the King's arms." The proposal was of course rejected, as Lévis knew that it would be, and he and his officers were ordered to conform to the capitulation. When Vaudreuil reached France, three months after, he had the mortification104 to receive from the Colonial Minister a letter containing these words: "Though His Majesty was perfectly105 aware of the state of Canada, nevertheless, after the assurances you had given to make the utmost efforts to sustain the honor of his arms, he did not expect to hear so soon of the surrender of Montreal and the whole colony. But, granting that capitulation was a necessity, his Majesty was not the less surprised 376
V2 and ill pleased at the conditions, so little honorable, to which you submitted, especially after the representations made you by the Chevalier de Lévis." [856] The brother of Vaudreuil complained to the Minister of the terms of this letter, and the Minister replied: "I see with regret, Monsieur, that you are pained by the letter I wrote your brother; but I could not help telling him what the King did me the honor to say to me; and it would have been unpleasant for him to hear it from anybody else." [857]
[855] Protêt de M. de Lévis à M. de Vaudreuil contre la Clause dans les Articles de Capitulation qui exige que les Troupes106 mettront bas les Armes, avec l'Ordre de M. de Vaudreuil au Chevalier de Lévis de se conformer à la Capitulation proposée. Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine107, 10 Sept. 1760. Lévis au Ministre de la Guerre, 27 Nov. 1760.
[856] Le Ministre à Vaudreuil, 5 Déc. 1760.
[857] Le Ministre au Vicomte de Vaudreuil, Frère du Gouverneur, 21 Déc. 1760.
It is true that Vaudreuil had in some measure drawn this reproach upon himself by his boastings about the battles he would fight; yet the royal displeasure was undeserved. The Governor had no choice but to give up the colony; for Amherst had him in his power, and knew that he could exact what terms he pleased. Further resistance could only have ended in surrender at the discretion108 of the victor, and the protest of Lévis was nothing but a device to save his own reputation and that of his brother officers from France. Vaudreuil had served the King and the colony in some respects with ability, always with an unflagging zeal109; and he loved the land of his birth with a jealous devotion that goes far towards redeeming110 his miserable111 defects. The King himself, and not the servants whom he abandoned to their fate, was answerable for the loss of New France.
Half the continent had changed hands at the scratch of a pen. Governor Bernard, of Massachusetts, 377
V2 proclaimed a day of thanksgiving for the great event, and the Boston newspapers recount how the occasion was celebrated112 with a parade of the cadets and other volunteer corps113, a grand dinner in Faneuil Hall, music, bonfires, illuminations, firing of cannon, and, above all, by sermons in every church of the province; for the heart of early New England always found voice through her pulpits. Before me lies a bundle of these sermons, rescued from sixscore years of dust, scrawled114 on their title-pages with names of owners dead long ago, worm-eaten, dingy115, stained with the damps of time, and uttering in quaint116 old letterpress the emotions of a buried and forgotten past. Triumph, gratulation, hope, breathe in every line, but no ill-will against a fallen enemy. Thomas Foxcroft, pastor117 of the "Old Church in Boston," preaches from the text, "The Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad." "Long," he says, "had it been the common opinion, Delenda est Carthago, Canada must be conquered, or we could hope for no lasting118 quiet in these parts; and now, through the good hand of our God upon us, we see the happy day of its accomplishment119. We behold120 His Majesty's victorious121 troops treading upon the high places of the enemy, their last fortress delivered up, and their whole country surrendered to the King of Britain in the person of his general, the intrepid122, the serene123, the successful Amherst."
V2 the tempest to come: "Let us fear God and honor the King, and be peaceable subjects of an easy and happy government. And may the blessing125 of Heaven be ever upon those enemies of our country that have now submitted to the English Crown, and according to the oath they have taken lead quiet lives in all godliness and honesty." Then he ventures to predict that America, now thrown open to British colonists, will be peopled in a century and a half with sixty million souls: a prophecy likely to be more than fulfilled.
"God has given us to sing this day the downfall of New France, the North American Babylon, New England's rival," cries Eli Forbes to his congregation of sober farmers and staid matrons at the rustic126 village of Brookfield. Like many of his flock, he had been to the war, having served two years as chaplain of Ruggles's Massachusetts regiment127; and something of a martial spirit breathes through his discourse128. He passes in review the events of each campaign down to their triumphant38 close. "Thus God was our salvation129 and our strength; yet he who directs the great events of war suffered not our joy to be uninterrupted, for we had to lament130 the fall of the valiant131 and good General Wolfe, whose death demands a tear from every British eye, a sigh from every Protestant heart. Is he dead? I recall myself. Such heroes are immortal132; he lives on every loyal tongue; he lives in every grateful breast; and charity bids me give him a place among the princes of heaven." Nor does he forget the praises of Amherst, "the 379
V2 renowned133 general, worthy134 of that most honorable of all titles, the Christian hero; for he loves his enemies, and while he subdues135 them he makes them happy. He transplants British liberty to where till now it was unknown. He acts the General, the Briton, the Conqueror136, and the Christian. What fair hopes arise from the peaceful and undisturbed enjoyment of this good land, and the blessing of our gracious God with it! Methinks I see towns enlarged, settlements increased, and this howling wilderness become a fruitful field which the Lord hath blessed; and, to complete the scene, I see churches rise and flourish in every Christian grace where has been the seat of Satan and Indian idolatry."
Nathaniel Appleton, of Cambridge, hails the dawning of a new era. "Who can tell what great and glorious things God is about to bring forward in the world, and in this world of America in particular? Oh, may the time come when these deserts, which for ages unknown have been regions of darkness and habitations of cruelty, shall be illuminated137 with the light of the glorious Gospel, and when this part of the world, which till the later ages was utterly138 unknown, shall be the glory and joy of the whole earth!"
On the American continent the war was ended, and the British colonists breathed for a space, as they drifted unwittingly towards a deadlier strife139. They had learned hard and useful lessons. Their mutual140 jealousies141 and disputes, the quarrels of their governors and assemblies, the want of any 380
V2 general military organization, and the absence, in most of them, of military habits, joined to narrow views of their own interest, had unfitted them to the last degree for carrying on offensive war. Nor were the British troops sent for their support remarkable142 in the beginning for good discipline or efficient command. When hostilities143 broke out, the army of Great Britain was so small as to be hardly worth the name. A new one had to be created; and thus the inexperienced Shirley and the incompetent144 Loudon, with the futile145 Newcastle behind them, had, besides their own incapacity, the disadvantage of raw troops and half-formed officers; while against them stood an enemy who, though weak in numbers, was strong in a centralized military organization, skilful146 leaders armed with untrammelled and absolute authority, practised soldiers, and a population not only brave, but in good part inured147 to war.
The nature of the country was another cause that helped to protract16 the contest. "Geography," says Von Moltke, "is three fourths of military science;" and never was the truth of his words more fully exemplified. Canada was fortified with vast outworks of defence in the savage32 forests, marshes148, and mountains that encompassed149 her, where the thoroughfares were streams choked with fallen trees and obstructed by cataracts150. Never was the problem of moving troops, encumbered151 with baggage and artillery, a more difficult one. The question was less how to fight the enemy than how to get at him. If a few practicable roads had crossed 381
From these and other reasons, the numerical superiority of the English was to some extent made unavailing. This superiority, though exaggerated by French writers, was nevertheless immense if estimated by the number of men called to arms; but only a part of these could be employed in offensive operations. The rest garrisoned152 forts and blockhouses and guarded the far reach of frontier from Nova Scotia to South Carolina, where a wily enemy, silent and secret as fate, choosing their own time and place of attack, and striking unawares at every unguarded spot, compelled thousands of men, scattered153 at countless154 points of defence, to keep unceasing watch against a few hundred savage marauders. Full half the levies155 of the colonies, and many of the regulars, were used in service of this kind.
In actual encounters the advantage of numbers was often with the French, through the comparative ease with which they could concentrate their forces at a given point. Of the ten considerable sieges or battles of the war, five, besides the great bushfight in which the Indians defeated Braddock, were victories for France; and in four of these—Oswego, Fort William Henry, Montmorenci, and Ste.-Foy—the odds156 were greatly on her side.
Yet in this the most picturesque and dramatic of American wars, there is nothing more noteworthy than the skill with which the French and Canadian 382
V2 leaders used their advantages; the indomitable spirit with which, slighted and abandoned as they were, they grappled with prodigious157 difficulties, and the courage with which they were seconded by regulars and militia alike. In spite of occasional lapses158, the defence of Canada deserves a tribute of admiration159.
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1
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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3
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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4
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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5
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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8
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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9
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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10
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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12
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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13
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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14
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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15
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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16
protract
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| v.延长，拖长 | |
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17
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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18
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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19
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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20
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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21
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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22
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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23
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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24
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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25
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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26
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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27
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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28
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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29
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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30
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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31
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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32
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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33
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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34
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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35
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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36
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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37
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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38
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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39
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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40
interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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41
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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42
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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43
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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44
meandering
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| 蜿蜒的河流，漫步，聊天 | |
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45
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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46
chirping
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| 鸟叫，虫鸣( chirp的现在分词 ) | |
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47
enchanting
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| a.讨人喜欢的 | |
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48
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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49
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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50
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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51
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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52
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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53
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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54
antidote
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| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
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55
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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56
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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57
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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58
exasperate
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| v.激怒，使（疾病）加剧，使恶化 | |
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59
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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60
succumb
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| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
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61
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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62
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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63
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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64
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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65
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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66
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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67
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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68
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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69
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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70
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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71
stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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72
rumored
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.传闻( rumor的过去式和过去分词 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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73
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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74
cedars
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| 雪松，西洋杉( cedar的名词复数 ) | |
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75
cascades
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| 倾泻( cascade的名词复数 )； 小瀑布（尤指一连串瀑布中的一支）； 瀑布状物； 倾泻（或涌出）的东西 | |
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76
foaming
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| adj.布满泡沫的；发泡 | |
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77
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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78
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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79
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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80
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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81
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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82
spires
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| n.（教堂的） 塔尖，尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
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83
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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84
mound
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| n.土墩，堤，小山；v.筑堤，用土堆防卫 | |
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85
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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86
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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87
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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88
crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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89
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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90
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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91
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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92
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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93
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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94
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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95
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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96
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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97
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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98
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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99
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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100
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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101
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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102
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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103
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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104
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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105
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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106
troupes
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| n. （演出的）一团, 一班 vi. 巡回演出 | |
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107
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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108
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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109
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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110
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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111
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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112
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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113
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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114
scrawled
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| 乱涂，潦草地写( scrawl的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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116
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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117
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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118
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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119
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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120
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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121
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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122
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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123
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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124
boding
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| adj.凶兆的，先兆的n.凶兆，前兆，预感v.预示，预告，预言( bode的现在分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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125
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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126
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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127
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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128
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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129
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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130
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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131
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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subdues
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| 征服( subdue的第三人称单数 )； 克制； 制服 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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138
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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139
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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141
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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142
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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143
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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144
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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145
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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146
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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148
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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151
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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158
lapses
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| n.失误，过失( lapse的名词复数 )；小毛病；行为失检；偏离正道v.退步( lapse的第三人称单数 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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159
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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