THE PEACE OF PARIS.
Exodus1 of Canadian Leaders ? Wreck2 of the "Auguste" ? Trial of Bigot and his Confederates ? Frederic of Prussia ? His Triumphs ? His Reverses ? His Peril3 ? His Fortitude4 ? Death of George II. ? Change of Policy ? Choiseul ? His Overtures5 of Peace ? The Family Compact ? Fall of Pitt ? Death of the Czarina ? Frederic saved ? War with Spain ? Capture of Havana ? Negotiations7 ? Terms of Peace ? Shall Canada be restored? ? Speech of Pitt ? The Treaty signed ? End of the Seven Years War.
In accordance with the terms of the capitulation of Montreal, the French military officers, with such of the soldiers as could be kept together, as well as all the chief civil officers of the colony, sailed for France in vessels9 provided by the conquerors10. They were voluntarily followed by the principal members of the Canadian noblesse, and by many of the merchants who had no mind to swear allegiance to King George. The peasants and poorer colonists12 remained at home to begin a new life under a new flag.
Though this exodus of the natural leaders of Canada was in good part deferred13 till the next year, and though the number of persons to be immediately embarked15 was reduced by the desertion of many French soldiers who had married 384
V2 Canadian wives, yet the English authorities were sorely perplexed16 to find vessels enough for the motley crowd of passengers. When at last they were all on their way, a succession of furious autumnal storms fell upon them. The ship that carried Lévis barely escaped wreck, and that which bore Vaudreuil and his wife fared little better. [858] Worst of all was the fate of the "Auguste," on board of which was the bold but ruthless partisan19, Saint-Luc de la Corne, his brother, his children, and a party of Canadian officers, together with ladies, merchants, and soldiers. A worthy20 ecclesiastical chronicler paints the unhappy vessel8 as a floating Babylon, and sees in her fate the stern judgment21 of Heaven. [859] It is true that New France ran riot in the last years of her existence; but before the "Auguste" was well out of the St. Lawrence she was so tossed and buffeted22, so lashed23 with waves and pelted24 with rain, that the most alluring25 forms of sin must have lost their charm, and her inmates26 passed days rather of penance27 than transgression28. There was a violent storm as the ship entered the Gulf29; then a calm, during which she took fire in the cook's galley30. The crew and passengers subdued31 the flames after desperate efforts; but their only food thenceforth was dry biscuit. Off the coast of Cape18 Breton another gale32 rose. They lost their reckoning and lay tossing blindly amid the tempest. The exhausted33 sailors took, in despair, to their hammocks, 385
V2 from which neither commands nor blows could rouse them, while amid shrieks34, tears, prayers, and vows35 to Heaven, the "Auguste" drove towards the shore, struck, and rolled over on her side. La Corne with six others gained the beach; and towards night they saw the ship break asunder36, and counted a hundred and fourteen corpses37 strewn along the sand. Aided by Indians and by English officers, La Corne made his way on snow-shoes up the St. John, and by a miracle of enduring hardihood reached Quebec before the end of winter. [860]
[858] Lévis à Belleisle, 27 Nov. 1760.
[859] Faillon, Vie de Mademoiselle Le Ber, 363-370.
The other ships weathered the November gales39, and landed their passengers on the shores of France, where some of them found a dismal40 welcome, being seized and thrown into the Bastille. These were Vaudreuil, Bigot, Cadet, Péan, Bréard, Varin, Le Mercier, Penisseault, Maurin, Corpron, and others accused of the frauds and peculations that had helped to ruin Canada. In the next year they were all put on trial, whether as an act of pure justice or as a device to turn public indignation from the Government. In December, 1761, judges commissioned for the purpose began their sessions at the Chatelet, and a prodigious41 mass of evidence was laid before them. Cadet, with brazen42 effrontery43, at first declared himself innocent, but ended with full and unblushing confession44. Bigot denied everything till silenced point by point with papers bearing his own signature. The prisoners defended themselves by accusing each other. Bigot 386
V2 and Vaudreuil brought mutual45 charges, while all agreed in denouncing Cadet. Vaudreuil, as before mentioned, was acquitted46. Bigot was banished47 from France for life, his property was confiscated48, and he was condemned49 to pay fifteen hundred thousand francs by way of restitution50. Cadet was banished for nine years from Paris and required to refund51 six millions; while others were sentenced in sums varying from thirty thousand to eight hundred thousand francs, and were ordered to be held in prison till the money was paid. Of twenty-one persons brought to trial ten were condemned, six were acquitted, three received an admonition, and two were dismissed for want of evidence. Thirty-four failed to appear, of whom seven were sentenced in default, and judgment was reserved in the case of the rest. [861] Even those who escaped from justice profited little by their gains, for unless they had turned them betimes into land or other substantial values, they lost them in a discredited52 paper currency and dishonored bills of exchange.
[861] Jugement rendu souverainement et en dernier Ressort dans l'Affaire du Canada. Papers at the Chatelet of Paris, cited by Dussieux.
While on the American continent the last scenes of the war were drawing to their close, the contest raged in Europe with unabated violence. England was in the full career of success; but her great ally, Frederic of Prussia, seemed tottering53 to his ruin. In the summer of 1758 his glory was at its height. French, Austrians, and Russians had all fled before him. But the autumn brought 387
V2 reverses; and the Austrian general, Daun, at the head of an overwhelming force, gained over him a partial victory, which his masterly strategy robbed of its fruits. It was but a momentary54 respite55. His kingdom was exhausted by its own triumphs. His best generals were dead, his best soldiers killed or disabled, his resources almost spent, the very chandeliers of his palace melted into coin; and all Europe was in arms against him. The disciplined valor56 of the Prussian troops and the supreme57 leadership of their undespairing King had thus far held the invading hosts at bay; but now the end seemed near. Frederic could not be everywhere at once; and while he stopped one leak the torrent58 poured in at another. The Russians advanced again, defeated General Wedell, whom he sent against them, and made a junction59 with the Austrians. In August, 1759, he attacked their united force at Kunersdorf, broke their left wing to pieces, took a hundred and eighty cannon60, forced their centre to give ground, and after hours of furious fighting was overwhelmed at last. In vain he tried to stop the rout61. The bullets killed two horses under him, tore his clothes, and crushed a gold snuff-box in his waistcoat pocket. "Is there no b—— of a shot that can hit me, then?" he cried in his bitterness, as his aides-de-camp forced him from the field. For a few days he despaired; then rallied to his forlorn task, and with smiles on his lip and anguish62 at his heart watched, man?uvred, and fought with cool and stubborn desperation. To his friend D'Argens he wrote 388
V2 soon after his defeat: "Death is sweet in comparison to such a life as mine. Have pity on me and it; believe that I still keep to myself a great many evil things, not wishing to afflict63 or disgust anybody with them, and that I would not counsel you to fly these unlucky countries if I had any ray of hope. Adieu, mon cher!" It was well for him and for Prussia that he had strong allies in the dissensions and delays of his enemies. But his cup was not yet full. Dresden was taken from him, eight of his remaining generals and twelve thousand men were defeated and captured at Maxen, and "this infernal campaign," as he calls it, closed in thick darkness.
"I wrap myself in my stoicism as best I can," he writes to Voltaire. "If you saw me you would hardly know me: I am old, broken, gray-headed, wrinkled. If this goes on there will be nothing left of me but the mania65 of making verses and an inviolable attachment66 to my duties and to the few virtuous67 men I know. But you will not get a peace signed by my hand except on conditions honorable to my nation. Your people, blown up with conceit68 and folly69, may depend on this."
The same stubborn conflict with overmastering odds70, the same intrepid71 resolution, the same subtle strategy, the same skill in eluding72 the blow and lightning-like quickness in retorting it, marked Frederic's campaign of 1760. At Liegnitz three armies, each equal to his own, closed round him, and he put them all to flight. While he was fighting in Silesia, the Allies marched upon Berlin, 389
V2 took it, and held it three days, but withdrew on his approach. For him there was no peace. "Why weary you with the details of my labors73 and my sorrows?" he wrote again to his faithful D'Argens. "My spirits have forsaken74 me; all gayety is buried with the loved noble ones to whom my heart was bound." He had lost his mother and his devoted75 sister Wilhelmina. "You as a follower76 of Epicurus put a value upon life; as for me, I regard death from the Stoic64 point of view. I have told you, and I repeat it, never shall my hand sign a humiliating peace. Finish this campaign I will, resolved to dare all, to succeed, or find a glorious end." Then came the victory of Torgau, the last and one of the most desperate of his battles: a success dearly bought, and bringing neither rest nor safety. Once more he wrote to D'Argens: "Adieu, dear Marquis; write to me sometimes. Don't forget a poor devil who curses his fatal existence ten times a day." "I live like a military monk77. Endless business, and a little consolation78 from my books. I don't know if I shall outlive this war, but if I do I am firmly resolved to pass the rest of my life in solitude79 in the bosom80 of philosophy and friendship. Your nation, you see, is blinder than you thought. These fools will lose their Canada and Pondicherry to please the Queen of Hungary and the Czarina."
The campaign of 1761 was mainly defensive81 on the part of Frederic. In the exhaustion82 of his resources he could see no means of continuing the 390
V2 struggle. "It is only Fortune," says the royal sceptic, "that can extricate83 me from the situation I am in. I escape out of it by looking at the universe on the great scale like an observer from some distant planet. All then seems to be so infinitely84 small that I could almost pity my enemies for giving themselves so much trouble about so very little. I read a great deal, I devour85 my books. But for them I think hypochondria would have had me in Bedlam86 before now. In fine, dear Marquis, we live in troublous times and desperate situations. I have all the properties of a stage hero; always in danger, always on the point of perishing." [862] And in another mood: "I begin to feel that, as the Italians say, revenge is a pleasure for the gods. My philosophy is worn out by suffering. I am no saint, and I will own that I should die content if only I could first inflict87 a part of the misery88 that I endure."
[862] The above extracts are as translated by Carlyle in his History of Frederick II. of Prussia.
While Frederic was fighting for life and crown, an event took place in England that was to have great influence on the war. Walpole recounts it thus, writing to George Montagu on the twenty-fifth of October, 1760: "My man Harry89 tells me all the amusing news. He first told me of the late Prince of Wales's death, and to-day of the King's; so I must tell you all I know of departed majesty90. He went to bed well last night, rose at six this morning as usual, looked, I suppose, if all his money was in his purse, and called for his chocolate. 391
V2 A little after seven he went into the closet; the German valet-de-chambre heard a noise, listened, heard something like a groan91, ran in, and found the hero of Oudenarde and Dettingen on the floor with a gash92 on his right temple by falling against the corner of a bureau. He tried to speak, could not, and expired. The great ventricle of the heart had burst. What an enviable death!"
The old King was succeeded by his grandson, George III., a mirror of domestic virtues93, conscientious94, obstinate95, narrow. His accession produced political changes that had been preparing for some time. His grandfather was German at heart, loved his Continental96 kingdom of Hanover, and was eager for all measures that looked to its defence and preservation97. Pitt, too, had of late vigorously supported the Continental war, saying that he would conquer America in Germany. Thus with different views the King and the Minister had concurred98 in the same measures. But George III. was English by birth, language, and inclination99. His ruling passion was the establishment and increase of his own authority. He disliked Pitt, the representative of the people. He was at heart averse100 to a war, the continuance of which would make the Great Commoner necessary, and therefore powerful, and he wished for a peace that would give free scope to his schemes for strengthening the prerogative101. He was not alone in his pacific inclinations102. The enemies of the haughty103 Minister, who had ridden rough-shod over men far above him in rank, were tired of his ascendency, and saw 392
V2 no hope of ending it but by ending the war. Thus a peace party grew up, and the young King became its real, though not at first its declared, supporter.
The Tory party, long buried, showed signs of resurrection. There were those among its members who, even in a king of the hated line of Hanover, could recognize and admire the same spirit of arbitrary domination that had marked their fallen idols104, the Stuarts; and they now joined hands with the discontented Whigs in opposition105 to Pitt. The horrors of war, the blessings106 of peace, the weight of taxation107, the growth of the national debt, were the rallying cries of the new party; but the mainspring of their zeal108 was hostility109 to the great Minister. Even his own colleagues chafed110 under his spirit of mastery; the chiefs of the Opposition longed to inherit his power; and the King had begun to hate him as a lion in his path. Pitt held to his purpose regardless of the gathering111 storm. That purpose, as proclaimed by his adherents112, was to secure a solid and lasting113 peace, which meant the reduction of France to so low an estate that she could no more be a danger to her rival. In this he had the sympathy of the great body of the nation.
Early in 1761 the King, a fanatic114 for prerogative, set his enginery in motion. The elections for the new Parliament were manipulated in his interest. If he disliked Pitt as the representative of the popular will, he also disliked his colleague, the shuffling115 and uncertain Newcastle, as the representative of a too powerful nobility. Elements 393
V2 hostile to both were introduced into the Cabinet and the great offices. The King's favorite, the Earl of Bute, supplanted116 Holdernesse as Secretary of State for the Northern Department; Charles Townshend, an opponent of Pitt, was made Secretary of War; Legge, Chancellor117 of the Exchequer118, was replaced by Viscount Barrington, who was sure for the King; while a place in the Cabinet was also given to the Duke of Bedford, one of the few men who dared face the formidable Minister. It was the policy of the King and his following to abandon Prussia, hitherto supported by British subsidies119, make friends with Austria and Russia at her expense, and conclude a separate peace with France.
France was in sore need of peace. The infatuation that had turned her from her own true interest to serve the passions of Maria Theresa and the Czarina Elizabeth had brought military humiliation120 and financial ruin. Abbé de Bernis, Minister of Foreign Affairs, had lost the favor of Madame de Pompadour, and had been supplanted by the Duc de Choiseul. The new Minister had gained his place by pleasing the favorite; but he kept it through his own ability and the necessities of the time. The Englishman Stanley, whom Pitt sent to negotiate with him, drew this sketch121 of his character: "Though he may have his superiors, not only in experience of business, but in depth and refinement122 as a statesman, he is a person of as bold and daring a spirit as any man whatever in our country or in his own. Madame Pompadour 394
V2 has ever been looked upon by all preceding courtiers and ministers as their tutelary123 deity124, under whose auspices125 only they could exist, and who was as much out of their reach as if she were of a superior class of beings; but this Minister is so far from being in subordination to her influence that he seized the first opportunity of depriving her not of an equality, but of any share of power, reducing her to the necessity of applying to him even for those favors that she wants for herself and her dependents. He has effected this great change, which every other man would have thought impossible, in the interior of the Court, not by plausibility126, flattery, and address, but with a high hand, with frequent railleries and sarcasms127 which would have ruined any other, and, in short, by a clear superiority of spirit and resolution." [863]
[863] Stanley to Pitt, 6 Aug. 1761, in Grenville Correspondence, I. 367, note.
Choiseul was vivacious128, brilliant, keen, penetrating129; believing nothing, fearing nothing; an easy moralist, an uncertain ally, a hater of priests; light-minded, inconstant; yet a kind of patriot130, eager to serve France and retrieve131 her fortunes.
He flattered himself with no illusions. "Since we do not know how to make war," he said, "we must make peace;" [864] and he proposed a congress of all the belligerent132 Powers at Augsburg. At the same time, since the war in Germany was distinct from the maritime133 and colonial war of France and England, he proposed a separate negotiation6 with the British Court in order to settle the questions 395
V2 between them as a preliminary to the general pacification134. Pitt consented, and Stanley went as envoy135 to Versailles; while M. de Bussy came as envoy to London and, in behalf of Choiseul, offered terms of peace, the first of which was the entire abandonment of Canada to England. [865] But the offers were accompanied by the demand that Spain, which had complaints of its own against England, should be admitted as a party to the negotiation, and even hold in some measure the attitude of a mediator136. Pitt spurned137 the idea with fierce contempt. "Time enough to treat of all that, sir, when the Tower of London is taken sword in hand." [866] He bore his part with the ability that never failed him, and with a supreme arrogance138 that rose to a climax139 in his demand that the fortress140 of Dunkirk should be demolished141, not because it was any longer dangerous to England, but because the nation would regard its destruction "as an eternal monument of the yoke143 imposed on France." [867]
[864] Flassan, Diplomatie Fran?aise, V. 376 (Paris, 1809).
[865] See the proposals in Entick, V. 161.
[866] Beatson, Military Memoirs144, II. 434. The Count de Fuentes to the Earl of Egremont, 25 Dec. 1761, in Entick, V. 264.
[867] On this negotiation, see Mémoire historique sur la Négociation de la France et de l'Angleterre (Paris, 1761), a French Government publication containing papers on both sides. The British Ministry145 also published such documents as they saw fit, under the title of Papers relating to the Rupture146 with Spain. Compare Adolphus, George III., I. 31-39.
Choiseul replied with counter-propositions less humiliating to his nation. When the question of accepting or rejecting them came before the Ministry, the views of Pitt prevailed by a majority of one, and, to the disappointment of Bute and the 396
V2 King, the conferences were broken off. Choiseul, launched again on the billows of a disastrous147 war, had seen and provided against the event. Ferdinand VI. of Spain had died, and Carlos III. had succeeded to his throne. Here, as in England, change of kings brought change of policy. While negotiating vainly with Pitt, the French Minister had negotiated secretly and successfully with Carlos; and the result was the treaty known as the Family Compact, having for its object the union of the various members of the House of Bourbon in common resistance to the growing power of England. It provided that in any future war the Kings of France and Spain should act as one towards foreign Powers, insomuch that the enemy of either should be the enemy of both; and the Bourbon princes of Italy were invited to join in the covenant148. [868] What was more to the present purpose, a special agreement was concluded on the same day, by which Spain bound herself to declare war against England unless that Power should make peace with France before the first of May, 1762. For the safety of her colonies and her trade Spain felt it her interest to join her sister nation in putting a check on the vast expansion of British maritime power. She could bring a hundred ships of war to aid the dilapidated navy of France, and the wealth of the Indies to aid her ruined treasury149.
[868] Flassan, Diplomatie Fran?aise, V. 317 (Paris, 1809).
Pitt divined the secret treaty, and soon found evidence of it. He resolved to demand at once 397
V2 full explanation from Spain; and, failing to receive a satisfactory reply, attack her at home and abroad before she was prepared. On the second of October he laid his plan before a Cabinet Council held at a house in St. James Street. There were present the Earl of Bute, the Duke of Newcastle, Earl Granville, Earl Temple, and others of the Ministry. Pitt urged his views with great warmth. "This," he exclaimed, "is the time for humbling150 the whole House of Bourbon!" [869] His brother-in-law, Temple, supported him. Newcastle kept silent. Bute denounced the proposal, and the rest were of his mind. "If these views are to be followed," said Pitt, "this is the last time I can sit at this board. I was called to the administration of affairs by the voice of the people; to them I have always considered myself as accountable for my conduct; and therefore cannot remain in a situation which makes me responsible for measures I am no longer allowed to guide." Nothing could be more offensive to George III. and his adherents.
[869] Beatson, II. 438.
The veteran Carteret, Earl Granville, replied angrily: "I find the gentleman is determined151 to leave us; nor can I say I am sorry for it, since otherwise he would certainly have compelled us to leave him. But if he is resolved to assume the office of exclusively advising His Majesty and directing the operations of the war, to what purpose are we called to this council? When he talks of being responsible to the people, he talks the language of the House of Commons, and forgets that at this 398
V2 board he is responsible only to the King. However, though he may possibly have convinced himself of his infallibility, still it remains152 that we should be equally convinced before we can resign our understandings to his direction, or join with him in the measure he proposes." [870]
[870] Annual Register, 1761, p. 44. Adolphus, George III., I. 40. Thackeray, Life of Chatham, I. 592.
Pitt resigned, and his colleagues rejoiced. [871] Power fell to Bute and the Tories; and great was the fall. The mass of the nation was with the defeated Minister. On Lord Mayor's Day Bute and Barrington were passing St. Paul's in a coach, which the crowd mistook for that of Pitt, and cheered lustily; till one man, looking in at the window, shouted to the rest: "This isn't Pitt; it's Bute, and be damned to him!" The cheers turned forthwith to hisses154, mixed with cries of "No Bute!" "No Newcastle salmon155!" "Pitt forever!" Handfuls of mud were showered against the coach, and Barrington's ruffles156 were besmirched157 with it. [872]
[871] Walpole, George III., I. 80, and note by Sir Denis Le Marchant, 80-82.
[872] Nuthall to Lady Chatham, 12 Nov. 1761, in Chatham Correspondence, II. 166.
The fall of Pitt was like the knell158 of doom159 to Frederic of Prussia. It meant abandonment by his only ally, and the loss of the subsidy160 which was his chief resource. The darkness around him grew darker yet, and not a hope seemed left; when as by miracle the clouds broke, and light streamed out of the blackness. The bitterest of his foes162, the Czarina Elizabeth, she whom he had called 399
V2 infame catin du Nord, died, and was succeeded by her nephew, Peter III. Here again, as in England and Spain, a new sovereign brought new measures. The young Czar, simple and enthusiastic, admired the King of Prussia, thought him the paragon163 of heroes, and proclaimed himself his friend. No sooner was he on the throne than Russia changed front. From the foe161 of Frederic she became his ally; and in the opening campaign of 1762 the army that was to have aided in crushing him was ranged on his side. It was a turn of fortune too sharp and sudden to endure. Ill-balanced and extreme in all things, Peter plunged164 into headlong reforms, exasperated165 the clergy166 and the army, and alienated167 his wife, Catherine, who had hoped to rule in his name, and who now saw herself supplanted by his mistress. Within six months he was deposed168 and strangled. Catherine, one of whose lovers had borne part in the murder, reigned169 in his stead, conspicuous170 by the unbridled disorders171 of her life, and by powers of mind that mark her as the ablest of female sovereigns. If she did not share her husband's enthusiasm for Frederic, neither did she share Elizabeth's hatred172 of him. He, on his part, taught by hard experience, conciliated instead of insulting her, and she let him alone.
Peace with Russia brought peace with Sweden, and Austria with the Germanic Empire stood alone against him. France needed all her strength to hold her own against the mixed English and German force under Ferdinand of Brunswick in the 400
V2 Rhine countries. She made spasmodic efforts to seize upon Hanover, but the result was humiliating defeat.
In England George III. pursued his policy of strengthening the prerogative, and, jealous of the Whig aristocracy, attacked it in the person of Newcastle. In vain the old politician had played false with Pitt, and trimmed to please his young master. He was worried into resigning his place in the Cabinet, and Bute, the obsequious173 agent of the royal will, succeeded him as First Lord of the Treasury. Into his weak and unwilling174 hands now fell the task of carrying on the war; for the nation, elated with triumphs and full of fight, still called on its rulers for fresh efforts and fresh victories. Pitt had proved a true prophet, and his enemies were put to shame; for the attitude of Spain forced Bute and his colleagues to the open rupture with her which the great Minister had vainly urged upon them; and a new and formidable war was now added to the old. [873] Their counsels were weak and half-hearted; but the armies and navies of England still felt the impulsion that the imperial hand of Pitt had given and the unconquerable spirit that he had roused.
[873] Declaration of War against the King of Spain, 4 Jan. 1762.
This spirit had borne them from victory to victory. In Asia they had driven the French from Pondicherry and all their Indian possessions; in Africa they had wrested175 from them Gorée and the Senegal country; in the West Indies they had taken Guadeloupe and Dominica; in the European 401
V2 seas they had captured ship after ship, routed and crippled the great fleet of Admiral Conflans, seized Belleisle, and defeated a bold attempt to invade Ireland. The navy of France was reduced to helplessness. Pitt, before his resignation, had planned a series of new operations, including an attack on Martinique, with other West Indian islands still left to France, and then in turn on the Spanish possessions of Havana, Panama, Manila, and the Philippines. Now, more than ever before, the war appeared in its true character. It was a contest for maritime and colonial ascendency; and England saw herself confronted by both her great rivals at once.
Admiral Rodney sailed for Martinique, and Brigadier Monckton joined him with troops from America. Before the middle of February the whole island was in their hands; and Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent soon shared its fate. The Earl of Albemarle and Admiral Sir George Pococke sailed in early spring on a more important errand, landed in June near Havana with eleven thousand soldiers, and attacked Moro Castle, the key of the city. The pitiless sun of the tropic midsummer poured its fierce light and heat on the parched176 rocks where the men toiled178 at the trenches179. Earth was so scarce that hardly enough could be had to keep the fascines in place. The siege works were little else than a mass of dry faggots; and when, after exhausting toil177, the grand battery opened on the Spanish defences, it presently took fire, was consumed, and had to be made anew. 402
V2 Fresh water failed, and the troops died by scores from thirst; fevers set in, killed many, and disabled nearly half the army. The sea was strewn with floating corpses, and carrion-birds in clouds hovered180 over the populous181 graveyards182 and infected camps. Yet the siege went on: a formidable sally was repulsed183; Moro Castle was carried by storm; till at length, two months and eight days after the troops landed, Havana fell into their hands. [874] At the same time Spain was attacked at the antipodes, and the loss of Manila and the Philippines gave her fresh cause to repent184 her rash compact with France. She was hardly more fortunate near home; for having sent an army to invade Portugal, which was in the interest of England, a small British force, under Brigadier Burgoyne, foiled it, and forced it to retire.
[874] Journal of the Siege, by the Chief Engineer, in Beatson, II. 544. Mante, 398-465. Entick, V. 363-383.
The tide of British success was checked for an instant in Newfoundland, where a French squadron attacked St. John's and took it, with its garrison185 of sixty men. The news reached Amherst at New York; his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Amherst, was sent to the scene of the mishap186. St. John's was retaken, and its late conquerers were made prisoners of war.
The financial condition of France was desperate. Her people were crushed with taxation; her debt grew apace; and her yearly expenditure187 was nearly double her revenue. Choiseul felt the need of immediate14 peace; and George III. and Bute were 403
V2 hardly less eager for it, to avert188 the danger of Pitt's return to power and give free scope to their schemes for strengthening the prerogative. Therefore, in September, 1762, negotiations were resumed. The Duke of Bedford was sent to Paris to settle the preliminaries, and the Duc de Nivernois came to London on the same errand. The populace were still for war. Bedford was hissed189 as he passed through the streets of London, and a mob hooted190 at the puny191 figure of Nivernois as he landed at Dover.
The great question was, Should Canada be restored? Should France still be permitted to keep a foothold on the North American continent? Ever since the capitulation of Montreal a swarm192 of pamphlets had discussed the momentous193 subject. Some maintained that the acquisition of Canada was not an original object of the war; that the colony was of little value and ought to be given back to its old masters; that Guadeloupe should be kept instead, the sugar trade of that island being worth far more than the Canadian fur trade; and, lastly, that the British colonists, if no longer held in check by France, would spread themselves over the continent, learn to supply all their own wants, grow independent, and become dangerous. Nor were these views confined to Englishmen. There were foreign observers who clearly saw that the adhesion of her colonies to Great Britain would be jeopardized194 by the extinction195 of French power in America. Choiseul warned Stanley that they "would not fail to shake off their dependence196 the 404
V2 moment Canada should be ceded197;" while thirteen years before, the Swedish traveller Kalm declared that the presence of the French in America gave the best assurance to Great Britain that its own colonies would remain in due subjection. [875]
[875] Kalm, Travels in North America, I. 207.
The most noteworthy argument on the other side was that of Franklin, whose words find a strange commentary in the events of the next few years. He affirmed that the colonies were so jealous of each other that they would never unite against England. "If they could not agree to unite against the French and Indians, can it reasonably be supposed that there is any danger of their uniting against their own nation, which it is well known they all love much more than they love one another? I will venture to say union amongst them for such a purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible;" that is, he prudently198 adds, without "the most grievous tyranny and oppression," like the bloody199 rule of "Alva in the Netherlands." [876]
[876] Interest of Great Britain in regard to her Colonies (London, 1760).
Lord Bath argues for retaining Canada in A Letter addressed to Two Great Men on the Prospect200 of Peace (1759). He is answered by another pamphlet called Remarks on the Letter to Two Great Men (1760). The Gentleman's Magazine for 1759 has an ironical201 article styled Reasons for restoring Canada to the French; and in 1761 a pamphlet against the restitution appeared under the title, Importance of Canada considered in Two Letters to a Noble Lord. These are but a part of the writings on the question.
If Pitt had been in office he would have demanded terms that must ruin past redemption the maritime and colonial power of France; but 405
V2 Bute was less exacting202. In November the plenipotentiaries of England, France, and Spain agreed on preliminaries of peace, in which the following were the essential points. France ceded to Great Britain Canada and all her possessions on the North American continent east of the River Mississippi, except the city of New Orleans and a small adjacent district. She renounced203 her claims to Acadia, and gave up to the conqueror11 the Island of Cape Breton, with all other islands in the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence. Spain received back Havana, and paid for it by the cession17 of Florida, with all her other possessions east of the Mississippi. France, subject to certain restrictions204, was left free to fish in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and off a part of the coast of Newfoundland; and the two little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon were given her as fishing stations on condition that she should not fortify205 or garrison them. In the West Indies, England restored the captured islands of Guadeloupe, Marigalante, Désirade, and Martinique, and France ceded Grenada and the Grenadines; while it was agreed that of the so-called neutral islands, St. Vincent, Dominica, and Tobago should belong to England, and St. Lucia to France. In Europe, each side promised to give no more help to its allies in the German war. France restored Minorca, and England restored Belleisle; France gave up such parts of Hanoverian territory as she had occupied, and evacuated206 certain fortresses207 belonging to Prussia, pledging herself at the same time to demolish142, under the inspection208 406
V2 of English engineers, her own maritime fortress of Dunkirk. In Africa France ceded Senegal, and received back the small Island of Gorée. In India she lost everything she had gained since the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle; recovered certain trading stations, but renounced the right of building forts or maintaining troops in Bengal.
On the day when the preliminaries were signed, France made a secret agreement with Spain, by which she divested209 herself of the last shred210 of her possessions on the North American continent. As compensation for Florida, which her luckless ally had lost in her quarrel, she made over to the Spanish Crown the city of New Orleans, and under the name of Louisiana gave her the vast region spreading westward211 from the Mississippi towards the Pacific.
On the ninth of December the question of approving the preliminaries came up before both Houses of Parliament. There was a long debate in the Commons. Pitt was not present, confined, it was said, by gout; till late in the day the House was startled by repeated cheers from the outside. The doors opened, and the fallen Minister entered, carried in the arms of his servants, and followed by an applauding crowd. His bearers set him down within the bar, and by the help of a crutch212 he made his way with difficulty to his seat. "There was a mixture of the very solemn and the theatric in this apparition," says Walpole, who was present. "The moment was so well timed, the importance of the man and his services, 407
V2 the languor213 of his emaciated214 countenance215, and the study bestowed216 on his dress were circumstances that struck solemnity into a patriot mind, and did a little furnish ridicule217 to the hardened and insensible. He was dressed in black velvet218, his legs and thighs219 wrapped in flannel220, his feet covered with buskins of black cloth, and his hands with thick gloves." Not for the first time, he was utilizing221 his maladies for purposes of stage effect. He spoke222 for about three hours, sometimes standing153, and sometimes seated; sometimes with a brief burst of power, more often with the accents of pain and exhaustion. He highly commended the retention223 of Canada, but denounced the leaving to France a share in the fisheries, as well as other advantages tending to a possible revival224 of her maritime power. But the Commons listened coldly, and by a great majority approved the preliminaries of peace.
These preliminaries were embodied225 in the definitive226 treaty concluded at Paris on the tenth of February, 1763. Peace between France and England brought peace between the warring nations of the Continent. Austria, bereft227 of her allies, and exhausted by vain efforts to crush Frederic, gave up the attempt in despair, and signed the treaty of Hubertsburg. The Seven Years War was ended.
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1
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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2
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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3
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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13
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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14
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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15
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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18
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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buffeted
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| 反复敲打( buffet的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续猛击； 打来打去； 推来搡去 | |
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23
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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24
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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25
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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transgression
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| n.违背；犯规；罪过 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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30
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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31
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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32
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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shrieks
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| n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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38
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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39
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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40
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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41
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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42
brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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43
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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44
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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45
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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46
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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47
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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50
restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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51
refund
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| v.退还，偿还；n.归还，偿还额，退款 | |
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52
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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53
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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54
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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55
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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56
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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57
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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58
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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59
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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60
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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61
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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62
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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63
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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64
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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65
mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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66
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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67
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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68
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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69
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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70
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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71
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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72
eluding
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的现在分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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73
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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74
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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75
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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76
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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77
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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78
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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79
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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80
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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81
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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82
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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83
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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84
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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85
devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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86
bedlam
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| n.混乱，骚乱；疯人院 | |
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87
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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88
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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91
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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92
gash
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| v.深切，划开；n.(深长的)切(伤)口；裂缝 | |
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93
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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94
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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concurred
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| 同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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99
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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100
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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101
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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102
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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103
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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104
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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105
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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106
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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107
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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108
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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109
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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110
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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111
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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112
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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113
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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114
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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115
shuffling
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| adj. 慢慢移动的, 滑移的 动词shuffle的现在分词形式 | |
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116
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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118
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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119
subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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120
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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121
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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122
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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123
tutelary
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| adj.保护的；守护的 | |
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124
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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125
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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126
plausibility
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| n. 似有道理, 能言善辩 | |
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127
sarcasms
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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128
vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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129
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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130
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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131
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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132
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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133
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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134
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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135
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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136
mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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137
spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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139
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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140
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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141
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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142
demolish
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| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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143
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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144
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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145
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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146
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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147
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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148
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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149
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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150
humbling
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| adj.令人羞辱的v.使谦恭( humble的现在分词 )；轻松打败（尤指强大的对手）；低声下气 | |
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151
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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152
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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153
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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154
hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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155
salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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156
ruffles
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| 褶裥花边( ruffle的名词复数 ) | |
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157
besmirched
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| v.弄脏( besmirch的过去式和过去分词 )；玷污；丑化；糟蹋（名誉等） | |
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158
knell
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| n.丧钟声；v.敲丧钟 | |
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159
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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160
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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161
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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162
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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163
paragon
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| n.模范，典型 | |
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164
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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165
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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166
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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167
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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168
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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169
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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170
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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171
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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172
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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173
obsequious
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| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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174
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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175
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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176
parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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177
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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178
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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179
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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180
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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181
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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182
graveyards
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| 墓地( graveyard的名词复数 )； 垃圾场； 废物堆积处； 收容所 | |
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183
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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184
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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185
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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186
mishap
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| n.不幸的事，不幸；灾祸 | |
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187
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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188
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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189
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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190
hooted
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| （使）作汽笛声响，作汽车喇叭声( hoot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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192
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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193
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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194
jeopardized
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| 危及，损害( jeopardize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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196
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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197
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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198
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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199
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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200
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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201
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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202
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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203
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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204
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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205
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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206
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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207
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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208
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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209
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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210
shred
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| v.撕成碎片，变成碎片；n.碎布条，细片，些少 | |
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211
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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212
crutch
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| n.T字形拐杖；支持，依靠，精神支柱 | |
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213
languor
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| n.无精力，倦怠 | |
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214
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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215
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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216
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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217
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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218
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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219
thighs
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| n.股，大腿( thigh的名词复数 )；食用的鸡（等的）腿 | |
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220
flannel
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| n.法兰绒；法兰绒衣服 | |
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221
utilizing
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的现在分词 ) | |
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222
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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223
retention
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| n.保留，保持，保持力，记忆力 | |
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224
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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225
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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226
definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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227
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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