(1534 and 1535.)
=INSTRUCTIONS TO THE CLERGY1.=
While the Roman papacy was triumphing in the Low Countries, a lay papacy was being established in England. Henry VIII. gave his orders like a sovereign bishop2, summus episcopus, and the majority of the priests obeyed him. They believed that such an extraordinary state of things would be but of short duration, and thought that it was not worth the trouble of dying in battle against what would perish of itself. They muttered with their lips what the king ordered them, and waited for the coming deliverance.
Every preacher was bound to preach once at least against the usurpations of the papacy; to explain on that occasion the engagements made by the pope with the king of England, the duplicity shown by Clement3, and the obligation by which the monarch4 was bound to thwart5 so much falsehood and trickery. The ministers of the Church were ordered to proclaim the Word of Christ purely6, but to say nothing about the adoration7 of saints, the marriage of priests, justification8 by works and other doctrines10 rejected by the reformers, which the king intended to preserve. The secular11 clergy generally obeyed.
There were however numerous exceptions, particularly in the north of England, and the execution of Henry's orders gave rise to scenes more or less riotous12. Generally speaking, the partisans13 of Rome did not
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merit a very lively interest; but we must give due credit to those who ventured to resist a formidable power in obedience14 to conscientious15 principles. There were here and there a few signs of opposition16. On the 24th of August Father Ricot, when preaching at Sion Monastery17, called the king, according to his orders, 'the head of the Church;' but added immediately after, that he who had given the order was alone responsible before God, and that he 'ought to take steps for the discharge of his conscience.' The other monks18 went farther still: as soon as they heard Henry's new title proclaimed, there was a movement among them. Father Lache, who far from resembling his name was inflexible19 even to impudence20, got up; eight other monks rose with him and left the chapel21 'contrary to the rule of their religion' and to the great scandal of all the audience.[83] These nine friars, boldly quitting the church one after another, were the living protest of the monks of England. That their desire was not to acknowledge Jesus Christ alone as head, is intelligible22: they wanted to maintain the dominion23 of the pope in the Church, and in the State also. The king pope would have none of these freaks of independence. Bedell, who had received Cromwell's order to inspect this convent, proposed to send the nine monks to prison, 'to the terrible example of their adherents24.'[84]
The priests, finding that they must act with prudence25, avoided a repetition of such outbreaks and began secretly to school their penitents26 in the confessional, bidding them employ mental reservations, in order to conciliate everything. They set the example themselves: 'I have abjured27 the pope in the outward man, but not in the inward man,' said one of them to some of his parishioners.[85] The confessor at Sion Monastery had
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proclaimed the king's new title and even preached upon it; yet when one of his penitents showed much uneasiness because he had heard Latimer say that the pope himself could not pardon sin: 'Do not be afraid,' said the confessor; 'the pope is assuredly the head of the Church. True, king and parliament have turned him out of office here in England; but that will not last long. The world will change again, you will see, and that too before long.'—'But we have made oath to the king as head of the Church,' said some persons to a priest. 'What matters!' replied he. 'An oath that is not very strictly28 made may be broken the same way.'
These mental reservations, however, made many ecclesiastics29 and laymen30 too feel uneasy. They longed for deliverance: they were on the look out; they turned their eyes successively towards Ireland which had risen for the pope, and towards the Low Countries, whence an imperial fleet was to sail for the subjugation31 of England. Men grew excited. In the convents there were fanatical and visionary monks who, maddened by the abuses of power under which they suffered, and fired by persecution32, dreamt of nothing but reaction and vengeance33, and expressed their cruel wishes in daring language. One of them named Maitland, belonging to the Dominican convent in London, exclaimed presumptuously34, as if he were a prophet: 'Soon I shall behold35 a scaffold erected36.... On that scaffold will pass in turn the heads of all those who profess37 the new doctrine9, and Cranmer will be one of them.... The king will die a violent and shameful38 death, and the queen will be burnt.' Being addicted39 to the black art, Maitland pretended to read the future by the help of Satanic beings. All were not so bold: there were the timid and fearful. Several monks of Sion House, despairing of the papacy, were making preparations to escape and hide themselves in some wilderness40 or foreign cloister41. 'If we succeed,' they said, 'we shall be heard of no
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more, and nobody will know where we are.' This being told to Bedell, Cromwell's agent, he was content to say: 'Let them go; the loss will not be great.' Roman-catholicism was, however, to find more honorable champions.
=MORE REFUSES TO TAKE THE OATH.=
Two men, a layman42 and a bishop, celebrated43 throughout Christendom, Fisher and Sir Thomas More, were about to present an opposition to the king which probably he had not expected. Since More had fathomed44 the king's intentions, and resigned the office of chancellor45, he often passed whole nights without sleep, shuddering46 at the future which threatened him, and watering his bed with tears. He feared that he was not firm enough to brave death. 'O God!' he exclaimed during his agitated47 vigils, 'come and help me. I am so weak I could not endure a fillip.'[86] His children wept, his wife stormed against her husband's enemies, and he himself employed a singular mode of preparing his family for the fate that awaited him. One day, when they were all at table, a serjeant entered the room and summoned him to appear before the king's commissioners48. 'Be of good cheer,' said More; 'the time is not yet come. I paid this man in order to prepare you for the calamity49 that hangs over you.' It was not long delayed.
Shortly after the condemnation50 of Elizabeth Barton the nun51, Sir Thomas More, Fisher, and many other influential52 men were summoned to the archbishop's palace to take the oath prescribed in the Act of Succession. More confessed, received the sacrament, and forbidding his wife and children to accompany him, as was their custom, to the boat which was to carry him to Lambeth, he proceeded in great emotion towards the place where his future would be decided53. His startled family watched him depart. The ex-chancellor taking his seat in the boat along with his son-in-law William Roper,
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endeavored to restrain his tears and struggled but without success against his sorrow. At length his face became more serene54, and turning to Roper, he whispered in his ear, 'I thank our Lord, my son; the field is won.'[87] On his arrival at Lambeth palace, where bishop Fisher and a great number of ecclesiastics assembled, More, who was the only layman, was introduced first. The chancellor read the form to him: it stated in the preamble55 that the troubles of England, the oceans of blood that had been shed in it and many other afflictions, originated in the usurped56 power of the popes; that the king was the head of the Anglican Church, and that the bishop of Rome possessed57 no authority out of his own diocese. 'I cannot subscribe58 that form,' said More, 'without exposing my soul to everlasting59 damnation. I am ready to give my adhesion to the Act of Succession which is a political act—but without the preamble.' 'You are the first man who has refused,' said the chancellor. 'Think upon it.' A great number of bishops61, doctors, and priests who were successively introduced, took the required oath. But More remained firm, and so did bishop Fisher.[88]
Cranmer, who earnestly desired to save these two conscientious men, asked Cromwell to accept the oath they proposed,[89] and the latter consulted the king upon it. 'They must give way,' exclaimed Henry, 'or I will make an example of them that shall frighten others.' As the king was inexorable, they were attainted by act of parliament for refusing to take the required oath, and sent to the Tower. This was in December 1534.[90]
The family of Sir Thomas More was plunged62 in affliction. His daughter Margaret having obtained permission to see him, hurried to the Tower, penetrated63
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to his cell, and incapable64 of speaking, fell weeping into his arms. 'Daughter,' said More, restraining himself with an effort, 'let us kneel down.' He repeated the seven penitential Psalms65, and then rising up, said: 'Dear Meg, those who have put me here think they have done me a high displeasure, but God treats me as He treats his best friends.'[91] Margaret, who thought of nothing but to save her father, exclaimed: 'Take the oath! death is hanging over your head.' 'Nothing will happen to me but what pleases God,' replied Sir Thomas More. His daughter left the Tower overwhelmed with grief. His wife, who also went to see him, chancellor Audley, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, Cromwell, and other of the king's counsellors were not more successful than Margaret. Bishop Fisher met similar solicitations with a similar refusal.
=RESISTANCE OF THE CARTHUSIANS.=
As the king's government did not wish to hurry on the trial of these illustrious men, they turned from the chiefs to the followers66. The Carthusians of London were in great odor of sanctity; they never spoke67 except at certain times, ate no meat, and affirmed that God had visited them in visions and miracles. Their house was not free from disorders68, but many of the monks took their vocation69 seriously. When the royal commissioners visited them to tender the oath of succession, Prior Haughton, a man of small stature70 but agreeable appearance and noble carriage, appeared before them. The commissioners required him to acknowledge Henry's second marriage to be lawful71; Haughton at first sought a loophole, and answered that the king might be divorced and married without him or his monks having anything to say to it. 'It is the king's command,' answered the commissioners, 'that you and your brethren acknowledge by oath the lawfulness72 of his union. Call the monks together.'[92] The Carthusians appeared, and all refused to take the
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oath. The prior and proctor were consequently sent to the Tower. The bishop of London used all his influence to make them change their opinions, and succeeded in persuading them that they might take the oath, by making several reservations. They therefore returned to the Charter House and prevailed upon their brethren to do as they had done.
Immediately all was confusion in the monastery. Several monks in deep distress73 could not tell which course to follow; others, more decided, exclaimed that they would not yield at any price. 'They are minded to offer themselves in sacrifice to the great idol74 of Rome,' wrote Bedell to Cromwell.[93] At last, when the soldiers appeared to take the rebels to the Tower, the terrified monks lost heart, and took the oath to the new marriage of Henry VIII. 'so far as it was lawful.' The bitter cup was removed, but not for long.
Whilst England was separating from Rome, Clement VII. was dying of vexation.[94] The hatred75 felt by the Romans towards him[95] was only equalled by the joy they experienced at the election of his successor. Alexander Farnese, the choice of the French party, was a man of the world, desirous of putting down the protestants, recovering England, reforming the Church, and above all enriching his own family. When Da Casale, Henry's envoy76, presented his homage77: 'There is nothing in the world,' said Paul III. to him, 'that I have more at heart than to satisfy your master.' It was too late.
=HENRY REJECTS THE PAPACY.=
Clement's behavior had produced an evil influence on the character of the Tudor king. The services rendered by this prince to the papacy had been overlooked, his
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long patience had not been rewarded: he fancied himself despised and deceived. His pride was irritated, his temper grew fiercer, his violence for some time restrained, broke out, and unable to reach the pope, he revenged himself on the papacy. Until now, he had scarcely been worse than most of the sovereigns of Christendom: from this moment, when he proclaimed himself head of the Church, he became harsh, and cared for nothing but gratifying his evil inclinations78, his despotic humors, his blood-thirsty cruelty. As a prince, he had at times shown a few amiable79 qualities; as a pope, he was nothing but a tyrant80.
Henry VIII. observing the agitation81 his pretensions82 caused in England, and wishing to strengthen his new authority, had caused several bills concerning the Church to be brought into the parliament, which met on the 3rd of November, 1534. The ministers who had drafted them, far from being protestants, were zealous84 partisans of scholastic85 orthodoxy. It was the cunning Gardiner, a furious Catholic; the duke of Norfolk who assisted in the king's movements against Rome, only to prevent him from falling into the arms of the reformers; and the politic60 Cromwell, who, despite his zeal83 against the pope, declared at his death, possibly giving a particular meaning to the words, that he died in the catholic faith.[96]
The first act passed by parliament was the ratification86 of the king's new title, already officially recognized by the clergy. Henry's ministers knew how to make the law strict and rigorous. 'It is enacted87,' so ran the act, 'that our lord the king be acknowledged sole and supreme88 head on earth of the Church of England; that he shall possess not only the honors, jurisdictions90, and profits attached to that dignity, but also full authority to put down all heresies91 and enormities, whatever be
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the customs and the laws that may be opposed to it.'[97] Shortly after, on the 1st of February, parliament still more imperious, enacted that 'whoever should do anything tending to deprive the king or his heirs of any of their titles, or should call him heretic, schismatic, usurper92, &c., should be guilty of high treason.'[98]
=THE KING, NOT HEAD OF THE CHURCH.=
Thus Henry VIII. united the two swords in his hand.—'A Mohammedan union,' says a modern historian.[99] This writer might have contented93 himself with calling it 'a papal union.' Whether a pope claims to be king, or a king claims to be pope, it comes to nearly the same thing. At the time when the Reformation was emancipating94 the long-enslaved Church, a new master was given it, and what a master! The consciences of Christians95 revolted against this order of things. One day—it was some time later—Cranmer was asked: 'Who is the supreme head of the Church of England?'—'Christ,' was the reply, 'as He is of the universal Church.'—'But did you not recognize the king as supreme head of the Church?'—'We recognized him as head of all the people of England,' answered Cranmer, 'of churchmen as well as of laymen.'[100]— 'What! not of the Church?' 'No! Supreme head of the Church never had any other meaning than what I tell you.' This is explicit96. If the title given Henry only signified that he was king of the clergy as well as of the laity97, and that the former were under the jurisdiction89 of the royal courts as well as the latter, in all matters of common law, there can be nothing fairer. But how was it that Cranmer did not find as much courage in Henry's lifetime to speak according to his conscience, as when examined in 1555 by Brokes, the papal sub-delegate? An
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interpretative document drawn98 up by the government at almost the same time as the act of parliament, corroborates99 however the explanation made by Cranmer; it said: 'The title of supreme head of the Church gives the king no new authority: it does not signify that he can assume any spiritual power.'[101] This document declares that the words reform abuses and heresies, indicate the authority which the king possesses to suppress the powers which the bishop of Rome or other bishops have usurped in his realm. 'We heartily100 detest,' said Fulke, master of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, 'the notion that the king can do what he likes in matters of religion.'[102] Even Elizabeth refused the title of head of the Church.[103] Probably these are facts which are not generally known.
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1
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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penitents
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| n.后悔者( penitent的名词复数 )；忏悔者 | |
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abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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presumptuously
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| adv.自以为是地，专横地，冒失地 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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fathomed
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| 理解…的真意( fathom的过去式和过去分词 )； 彻底了解； 弄清真相 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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shuddering
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| v.战栗( shudder的现在分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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lawfulness
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| 法制，合法 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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corroborates
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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