(1534-1535.)
In England it was reserved for Catholics as well as for evangelicals to give the world, amid great misery1, remarkable2 examples of Christian3 virtues4. Latimer and others preached the truth courageously5; martyrs6 like Bilney, Tewkesbury, and Fryth had laid down their lives for the Gospel. Now in the other party, laymen7, monks8, and priests, with unquestionably a less enlightened piety9, were about to furnish proofs of their sincerity10.
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There were Roman martyrs also. Two armies were in presence; many fell on both sides; but there was a sensible difference between this spiritual war and the wars of nations. Those who bit the dust did not fall under the weapons of a hostile army; there was a third power, the king-pope, who took his station between the two lines, and dealt his blows now to the right, now to the left. Leaders of the pontifical11 army were to be smitten12 in the struggle in which so many evangelicals had already fallen.
=MORE'S WRETCHED CONDITION.=
Sir Thomas More, while in prison, strove to banish13 afflicting14 thoughts by writing a history of Christ's passion. One day when he came to these words of the Gospel: Then came they and laid hands on Jesus, and took Him, the door opened, and Kingston, the governor of the Tower, accompanied by Rich, the attorney-general, appeared. 'Sir Thomas,' said Rich, 'if an act of parliament ordered all Englishmen to acknowledge me as their king, would you acknowledge me?'—'Yes, sir.'[104]— 'And if an act of parliament ordered all Englishmen to recognize me as pope?'—'Parliament has no authority to do it,' answered More. Sir Thomas held that an act of parliament was sufficient to dethrone a king of England: it is to a great grandson of More's that we are indebted for this opinion, which a grand-nephew of Cromwell put in practice a hundred years later. Was Henry VIII. exasperated15 because More disposed so freely of his crown? It is possible, but be that as it may, the harshness of his imprisonment16 was increased. Suffering preceded martyrdom. The illustrious scholar was forced to pick up little scraps17 of paper on which to write a few scattered18 thoughts with a coal.[105] This was not the worst. 'I have neither shirt nor sute,'[106] he wrote to the chief secretary of state, 'nor yet other clothes that are necessary for me to wear, but that be
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ragged19 and rent too shamefully20. Notwithstanding, I might easily suffer that if that would keep my body warm. And now in my age my stomach may not away but with a few kind of meats; which, if I want, I decay forthwith, and fall into crases and diseases of my body, and cannot keep myself in health.... I beseech21 you be a good master unto me in my necessity, and let me have such things as are necessary for me in mine age. Restore me to my liberty out of this cold and painful imprisonment. Let me have some priest to hear my confession22 against this holy time, and some books to say my devotions more effectually. The Lord send you a merry Christmas.
'At the Tower, 23rd December.'
It is a relief to hope that this scandalous neglect proceeded from heedlessness and not from cruelty. His requests were granted.
While these sad scenes were enacted23 in the Tower, there was great confusion in all England, where the most opposite parties were in commotion24. When the traditional yoke25 was broken, every man raised up his own banner. The friends of More and Fisher wished to restore the papacy of the Roman bishop26; Henry VIII., Cromwell, and the court thought how to establish the supremacy27 of the king; finally, Cranmer and a few men of the same stamp, endeavored to steer28 between these quicksands, and aspired29 to introduce the reign30 of Holy Scripture31 under the banner of royalty32. This contest between forces so different, complicated too by the passions of the sovereign, was a terrible drama destined33 to wind up not in a single catastrophe34, but in many. Illustrious victims, taken indiscriminately from all parties, were to fall beneath the oft-repeated blows and be buried in one common grave.
The prudent35 Cranmer lived in painful anxiety. Surrounded by enemies who watched every step, he feared to destroy the cause of truth, by undertaking36 reforms
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as extensive as those on the continent. The natural timidity of his character, the compromises he thought it his duty to make with regard to the hierarchy37, his fear of Henry VIII., his moderation, gentleness, and plasticity of character and in some respects of principle, prevented his applying to the work with the decision of a Luther, a Calvin, or a Knox. Tyndale, if he had possessed38 the influence that was his due, would have accomplished39 a reform similar to that of those great leaders. To have had him for a reformer would, in Wickliffe's native land, have been the source of great prosperity; but such a thing was impossible: his country gave him—not a professor's chair but exile. Cranmer moved forward slowly: he modified an evangelical movement by a clerical concession40. When he had taken a step forward, he stopped suddenly, and apparently41 drew back; not from cowardice42, but because his extreme prudence43 so urged him. The boldness of a Farel or a Knox is in our opinion far more noble; and yet this extreme moderation saved Cranmer and protestantism with him. Near a throne like that of Henry's, it was only a man of extreme precaution who could have retained his position in the see of Canterbury. If Cranmer should come into collision with the Tudor's sceptre, he will find that it is a sword. God gives to every people and to every epoch44 the man necessary to it. Cranmer was this man for England, at the time of her separation from the papacy. Notwithstanding his compromises, he never abandoned the great principles of the Reformation; notwithstanding his concessions45, he took advantage of every opportunity to encourage those who shared his faith to march towards a better future. The primate47 of England held a torch in his hand which had not the brilliancy of that borne by Luther and Calvin, but the tempest that blew upon it for fifteen or twenty years could not extinguish it. Sometimes he was seized with terror: as he heard
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the lion roar, he bent48 his head, kept in the background, and concealed49 the truth in his bosom50; but again he rose and again held out to the Church the light he had saved from the fury of the tyrant51. He was a reed and not an oak—a reed that bent too easily, but through this very weakness he was able to do what an oak with all its strength would never have accomplished. The truth triumphed.
=TRANSLATION OF THE SCRIPTURES52.=
At this time Cranmer thought himself in a position to take a step—the most important step of all: he undertook to give the Bible to the laity53. When the convocation of clergy54 and parliament had assembled, he made a proposition that the Holy Scriptures should be translated into English by certain honorable and learned men, and be circulated among the people.[107] To present Holy Scripture as the supreme55 rule instead of the pope, was a bold act that decided56 the evangelical reformation. Stokesley, Gardiner, and the other bishops57 of the catholic party cried out against such a monstrous58 design: 'The teaching of the Church is sufficient,' they said; 'we must prohibit Tyndale's Testament59 and the heretical books which come to us from beyond the sea.' The archbishop saw that he could only carry his point by giving up something: he consented to a compromise. Convocation resolved on the 19th of December, 1534, to lay Cranmer's proposal before the king, but with the addition that the Scriptures translated into the vulgar tongue should only be circulated among the king's subjects in proportion to their knowledge, and that all who possessed suspected books should be bound to give them up to the royal commissioners60: others might have called this resolution a defeat, Cranmer looked upon it as a victory. The Scriptures would no longer be admitted stealthily into the kingdom, like contraband61 goods: they would appear in broad daylight with the royal sanction. This was something.
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Henry granted the petition of Convocation, but hastened to profit by it. His great fixed62 idea was to destroy the Roman papacy in England, not because of its errors, but because he felt that it robbed princes of the affection and often of the obedience63 of their subjects. 'If I grant my bishops what they ask for,' he said, 'in my turn I ask them to make oath never to permit any jurisdiction64 to be restored to the Roman bishop in my kingdom; never to call him pope, universal bishop, or most holy lord, but only bishop of Rome, colleague and brother, according to the ancient custom of the oldest bishops.'[108] All the prelates were eager to obey the king; but the archbishop of York, secretly devoted65 to the Roman Church, added, to acquit66 his conscience, 'that he took the oath in order to preserve the unity46 of the faith and of the Catholic Church.'[109]
Cranmer was filled with joy by the victory he had won. 'If we possess the Holy Scriptures,' he said, 'we have at hand a remedy for every disease. Beset67 as we are with tribulations68 and temptations, where can we find arms to overcome them? In Scripture. It is the balm that will heal our wounds, and will be a more precious jewel in our houses than either gold or silver.'[110] He therefore turned his mind at once to the realization69 of the plan he had so much at heart. Taking for groundwork an existing translation (doubtless that by Tyndale), he divided the New Testament into ten portions, had each transcribed70 separately, and transmitted them to the most learned of the bishops, praying that they might be returned to him with their remarks. He even thought it his duty not to omit such decided catholics as Stokesley and Gardiner.
=SEDITIOUS PRIESTS AND PREACHERS.=
The day appointed for the return and examination of
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these various portions having arrived (June 1553), Cranmer set to work, and found that the Acts of the Apostles were wanting: they had fallen to the lot of the bishop of London. When the primate's secretary went to ask for the manuscript, Stokesley replied in a very bad humor: 'I do not understand my lord of Canterbury. By giving the people the Holy Scriptures, he will plunge71 them into heresy72. I certainly will not give an hour to such a task. Here, take the book back to my lord.' When the secretary delivered his message, Thomas Lawness, one of Cranmer's friends, said with a smile: 'My lord of London will not take the trouble to examine the Scriptures, persuaded that there is nothing for him in the Testament of Jesus Christ.' Many of the portions returned by the other bishops were pitiable. The archbishop saw that he must find colleagues better disposed.
Cranmer had soon to discharge another function. As popery and rebellion were openly preached in the dioceses of Winchester and London,[111] the metropolitan73 announced his intention to visit them. The two bishops cried out vehemently74, and Gardiner hurried to the king: 'Your Grace,' he said, 'here is a new pope!' All who had anything to fear began to reproach the primate with aspiring75 to honors and dominion76. 'God forgive me,' he said with simplicity77, 'if there is any title in the world I care for more than the paring of an apple.[112] Neither paper, parchment, lead, nor wax, but the very Christian conversation of the people, are the letters and seals of our office.' The king supported Cranmer, knowing that certain of the clergy preached submission78 to the pope. The visitation took place. Even in London priests were found who had taken the oath prescribed by Henry VIII., and who yet 'made a god of
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the Roman pontiff,[113] setting his power and his laws above those of our Lord.' 'I command you,' said the king, 'to lay hold of all who circulate those pernicious doctrines79.'
Francis I. watched these severities from afar. He feared they would render an alliance between France and England impossible. He therefore sent Bryon, high-admiral of France, to London, to reconcile the king with the pope, to strengthen the bonds that united the two countries, and at the same time, he prevailed upon Paul III. to withdraw the decree of Clement80 VII. against Henry VIII.[114] But success did not crown his efforts: the king of England had no great confidence in the sincerity of the pope or of the French king. He was well pleased to be no longer confronted by a foreign authority in his own dominions81, and thought that his people would never give up the Reformation. Instead of being reconciled with the Roman pontiff, he found it more convenient to imitate the pope, and to break out against those subjects who refused to recognize him, the king, as head of the Church.
=RESOLUTION OF THE CARTHUSIANS.=
He first attacked the Carthusians, the most respectable of the religious orders in England, and whom he considered as the most dangerous. Where there was the most goodness, there was also the most strength; and that strength gave umbrage82 to the despotic Tudor king.
Monastic life, abominable83 in its abuses, was, even in principle, contrary to the Gospel. But we must confess that there was a certain harmony between the wants of society in the Middle Ages and conventual establishments. Many and various motives84 drove into the
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cloisters85 the men that filled them; and if some were condemnable86, there were others whose value deserves to be appreciated. It was these earnest monks who, even while defending the royalty of the pope, rejected most energetically the papacy of the king: this was enough to draw down upon them the royal vengeance87. One day a messenger from the court brought to the Charter-House of London an order to reject the Roman authority. The monks, summoned by their prior, remained silent when they heard the message, and their features alone betrayed the trouble of their minds.[115] 'My heart is full of sorrow,' said Prior Haughton. 'What are we to do? If we resist the king, our house will be shut up, and you young men will be cast into the midst of the world, so that after commencing here in the spirit you will end there in the flesh. But, on the other hand, how can we obey? Alas88! I am helpless to save those whom God has entrusted89 to my care!' At these words the Carthusians 'fell all a-weeping;'[116] and then taking courage from the presence of danger they said: 'We will perish together in our integrity; and heaven and earth shall cry out against the injustice90 that oppresses us.'—'Would to God it might be so,' exclaimed the Superior; 'but this is what they will do. They will put me to death—me and the oldest of us—and they will turn the younger ones into the world, which will teach them its wicked works. I am ready to give up my life to save you; but if one death does not satisfy the king, then let us all die!'—'Yes, we will all die,' answered the brethren.—'And now let us make preparation by a general confession,' said the prior, 'so that the Lord may find us ready.'
Next morning the chapel-doors opened and all the
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monks marched in. Their serious looks, their pale countenances91, their fixed eyes seemed to betoken92 men who were awaiting their last moments. The prior went into the pulpit and read the sixtieth Psalm93: 'O God, thou hast cast us off.' On coming to the end, he said: 'My brethren, we must die in charity. Let us pardon another.' At these words Haughton came down from the pulpit, and knelt in succession before every brother, saying: 'O my brother, I beg your forgiveness of all my offences!' The other monks, each in his turn, made this last confession.
Two days afterwards they celebrated94 the mass of the Holy Ghost. Immediately after the elevation96, the monks fancied they heard 'a small hissing97 wind.'[117] Their hearts were filled with a tender affection: they believed that the Holy Ghost was descending98 upon them, and the prior, touched by this surprising grace, burst into tears. Enthusiasm mingled99 extraordinary fantasies with their pious100 emotions.
The king had evidently not much to fear in this quarter. His crown was threatened by more formidable enemies. In various parts, especially in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire,[118] there were daring partisans101 of the papacy to be found who endeavored to stir up the people to revolt; and thousands of Englishmen in the North were ready to help them by force of arms. At the same time Ireland wished to transport her soldiers across St. George's Channel and hurl102 the king from his throne. The decision with which Fisher, Sir Thomas More, and the Carthusians resisted Henry had not immediate95 insurrection for its object, but it encouraged the multitude to revolt. The government thinking, therefore, that it was time to strike, sent the Carthusians an absolute order to acknowledge the royal supremacy.
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=ROME AND LIBERTY INCOMPATIBLE103.=
At this time there was in reality no liberty on one side or the other. Rome, by not granting it, was consistent with herself; but not so the protestantism that denies it. The Reformation, acknowledging no other sovereign Lord and Teacher than God, must of necessity leave the conscience to that Supreme Master, man having nothing to do with it. But the Roman Church, acknowledging a man as its head, and honoring the pope as the representative of God on earth, claims authority over the soul. Men may say in vain that they are in harmony with God and His Word: that is not the question. The great business is to be in accord with the pope. That old man, throned in the Vatican on the traditions of the School and the bulls of his predecessors104, is their judge: they are bound to follow exactly his line, without wavering either to the right or the left. If they reject an article, a jot105 of a papal constitution, they must be cast away. Such a system, the enemy of every liberty, even of the most legitimate106, rose in the sixteenth century like a high wall to separate Rome and the new generation. It threatened to destroy in the future that power which had triumphed in the past.
After the festival of Easter 1535, the heads of two other Carthusian houses—Robert Laurence, prior of Belleval, and Augustine Webster, prior of Axholm—arrived in London in obedience to an order they had received, and, in company with Prior Haughton, waited upon Cromwell. As they refused to acknowledge the royal supremacy, they were sent to the Tower. A week later, they consented to take the oath, adding: 'So far as God's law permits.'—'No restrictions,' answered Cromwell. On the 29th of April they were placed on their trial, when they said: 'We will never believe anything contrary to the law of God and the teaching of our holy mother Church.' At first the jury expressed some interest in their behalf; but Haughton uselessly embittered107 his position. 'You can only produce in
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favor of your opinion,' he said, 'the parliament of one single kingdom; for mine, I can produce all Christendom.' The jury found the three prisoners guilty of high-treason.[119] Thence the government proceeded to more eminent108 victims.
Fisher and More, confined in the same prison, were now treated with more consideration.[120] It was said, however, that these illustrious captives were endeavoring, even in the Tower, to excite the people to revolt. The king and Cromwell could hardly have believed it, but they imagined that if these two leading men gave way, their example would carry the recalcitrants with them: they were therefore exposed to a new examination. But they proved as obstinate109 as their adversaries110, and perhaps more skilful111. 'I have no more to do with the titles to be given to popes and princes,' said Sir Thomas; 'my thoughts are with God alone.'[121]
The court hoped to intimidate112 these eminent personages by the execution of the three priors, which took place on the 4th May, 1535. Margaret hurried to her father's side. Before long the procession passed under his window, and the affectionate young woman used every means to draw Sir Thomas away from the sight; but he would not avert113 his eyes. When all was over, he turned to his daughter: 'Meg,' he said, 'you saw those saintly fathers; they went as cheerfully to death as if they were bridegrooms going to be married.'[122]
=EXECUTION OF THE CARTHUSIANS.=
The prisoners walked calmly along: they wore their clerical robes, the ceremony of degradation114 not having been performed, no doubt to show that a papal consecration115 could not protect offenders116. Haughton, prior of the London Charter-House, mounted the ladder first. 'I pray all who hear me,' he said, 'to bear witness for
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me in the terrible day of judgment117, that it is not out of obstinate malice118 or rebellion that I disobey the king, but only for the fear of God.' The rope was now placed round his neck. 'Holy Jesus!' he exclaimed, 'have mercy on me,' and he gave up the ghost. The other priors then stepped forward. 'God has manifested great grace to us,' they said, 'by calling us to die in defence of the catholic faith. No, the king is not head of the Church of England.' A few minutes later and these monks, dressed in the robes of their order, were swinging in the air. This was one of the crimes committed when the unlawful tiara of the pontiffs was placed unlawfully on the head of a king of England. Other Carthusians were put to death somewhat later.
Meanwhile Henry VIII. desired to preserve a balance between papists and heretics. The Roman tribunals struck one side only, but this strange prince gloried in striking both sides at once. An opportunity of doing so occurred. Some anabaptists from the Low Countries were convicted on the 25th of May: two of them were taken to Smithfield and twelve others sent to different cities, where they suffered the punishment by fire. All of them went to death with cheerful hearts.[123]
The turn of the illustrious captives was at hand.
点击收听单词发音
1 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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2 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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3 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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4 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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5 courageously | |
ad.勇敢地,无畏地 | |
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6 martyrs | |
n.martyr的复数形式;烈士( martyr的名词复数 );殉道者;殉教者;乞怜者(向人诉苦以博取同情) | |
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7 laymen | |
门外汉,外行人( layman的名词复数 ); 普通教徒(有别于神职人员) | |
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8 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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9 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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10 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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11 pontifical | |
adj.自以为是的,武断的 | |
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12 smitten | |
猛打,重击,打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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13 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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14 afflicting | |
痛苦的 | |
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15 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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16 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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17 scraps | |
油渣 | |
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18 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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19 ragged | |
adj.衣衫褴褛的,粗糙的,刺耳的 | |
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20 shamefully | |
可耻地; 丢脸地; 不体面地; 羞耻地 | |
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21 beseech | |
v.祈求,恳求 | |
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22 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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23 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24 commotion | |
n.骚动,动乱 | |
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25 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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26 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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27 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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28 steer | |
vt.驾驶,为…操舵;引导;vi.驾驶 | |
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29 aspired | |
v.渴望,追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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31 scripture | |
n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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32 royalty | |
n.皇家,皇族 | |
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33 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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34 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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35 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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36 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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37 hierarchy | |
n.等级制度;统治集团,领导层 | |
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38 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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39 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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40 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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41 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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42 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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43 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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44 epoch | |
n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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45 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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46 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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47 primate | |
n.灵长类(目)动物,首席主教;adj.首要的 | |
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48 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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49 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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50 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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51 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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52 scriptures | |
经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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53 laity | |
n.俗人;门外汉 | |
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54 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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55 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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56 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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57 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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58 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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59 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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60 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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61 contraband | |
n.违禁品,走私品 | |
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62 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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63 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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64 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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65 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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66 acquit | |
vt.宣判无罪;(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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67 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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68 tribulations | |
n.苦难( tribulation的名词复数 );艰难;苦难的缘由;痛苦 | |
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69 realization | |
n.实现;认识到,深刻了解 | |
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70 transcribed | |
(用不同的录音手段)转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 ); 改编(乐曲)(以适应他种乐器或声部); 抄写; 用音标标出(声音) | |
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71 plunge | |
v.跳入,(使)投入,(使)陷入;猛冲 | |
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72 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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73 metropolitan | |
adj.大城市的,大都会的 | |
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74 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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75 aspiring | |
adj.有志气的;有抱负的;高耸的v.渴望;追求 | |
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76 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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77 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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78 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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79 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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80 clement | |
adj.仁慈的;温和的 | |
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81 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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82 umbrage | |
n.不快;树荫 | |
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83 abominable | |
adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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84 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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85 cloisters | |
n.(学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的)走廊( cloister的名词复数 );回廊;修道院的生活;隐居v.隐退,使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
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86 condemnable | |
adj.该罚的,该受责备的 | |
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87 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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88 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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89 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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91 countenances | |
n.面容( countenance的名词复数 );表情;镇静;道义支持 | |
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92 betoken | |
v.预示 | |
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93 psalm | |
n.赞美诗,圣诗 | |
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94 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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95 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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96 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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97 hissing | |
n. 发嘶嘶声, 蔑视 动词hiss的现在分词形式 | |
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98 descending | |
n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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99 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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100 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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101 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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102 hurl | |
vt.猛投,力掷,声叫骂 | |
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103 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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104 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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105 jot | |
n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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106 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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107 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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109 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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110 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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111 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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112 intimidate | |
vt.恐吓,威胁 | |
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113 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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114 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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115 consecration | |
n.供献,奉献,献祭仪式 | |
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116 offenders | |
n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 );犯规者;罪犯;妨害…的人(或事物) | |
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117 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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118 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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