(1534 to 1535.)
Henry VIII. having thrown down the pillar of the papacy—the monks—felt the necessity of strengthening the work he had begun by alliances with the continental1 protestants. He did not turn to the Swiss or the French Reformers: their small political importance, as well as the decided2 character of their Reform, alienated3 him from them. 'What inconsiderate men they are,' said Calvin, 'who exalt4 the king of England. To ascribe sovereign authority to the prince in everything, to call
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him supreme5 head of the Church under Christ, is in my opinion blasphemy6.'[222]
=MELANCHTHON.=
Henry hoped more from Germany than from Switzerland. As early as 1534 three senators of Lubeck had presented to him the Confession7 of Augsburg, and proposed an alliance against the Roman pontiff.[223] Anne Boleyn pressed the king to unite with the protestants, and in the spring of 1535 Barnes was sent to Wittemberg, where he induced the Reformers to claim his master's protection. Melanchthon, who was more inclined than Luther to have recourse to princes, since he did not refuse to unite with Francis I., did not reject the advances of Henry VIII. 'Sire,' he wrote in March 1535, 'this is now the golden age for Britain.[224] In times of old, when the armies of the Goths had stifled8 letters in Europe, your island restored them to the universe. I entreat9 you in the name of Jesus Christ to plead for us before kings.' The illustrious doctor dedicated10 to this prince the new edition of his Common-Places, and commissioned Alesius, a Scotchman, to present it with the hope that he should see England become the salvation12 of many nations, and even of the whole Church of Christ.[225] Alesius, who had taken refuge in Saxony, was happy to return to that island from which the fanaticism13 of the Scotch11 clergy15 had compelled him flee. He was presented to the uncle of his king, and Henry, delighted with the Scotchman, said to him: 'I name you my scholar,' and directed Cranmer to send Melanchthon two hundred crowns.
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They were accompanied by a letter for the illustrious professor, in which the king signed himself: Your friend Henry.
But it was not long before the hopes of a union between Germany and England seemed to vanish. Scarcely had Melanchthon vaunted in his dedication16 to Henry VIII. the moderation of the king—a moderation worthy17 (he had said) of a wise prince—when he heard of the execution of Fisher and More. He shrank back with terror. 'Morus,' he exclaimed, 'has been put to death, and others with him.' The cruelties of the king tortured the gentle Philip. The idea that a man of letters like More should fall by the hands of the executioner, scandalized him. He began to fear for his own life. 'I am myself,' he said, 'in great peril18.'[226]
Henry did not suspect the horror which his crime would excite on the continent, and had just read with delight a passage of Melanchthon's in which the latter compared him to Ptolemy Philadelphus! He therefore said to Barnes: 'Go and bring him back with you.' Barnes returned to Wittemberg in September and delivered his message. But the doctor of Germany had never received so alarming an invitation before. He imagined it to be a treacherous19 scheme. 'The mere20 thought of the journey,' he said, 'overwhelms me with distress21.' Barnes tried to encourage him. 'The king will give you a magnificent escort,' he said, 'and even hostages, if you desire it.'[227] Melanchthon, who had More's bleeding head continually before him, was immovable. Luther also regarded Barnes with an unfavorable eye, and called him the black Englishman.[228]
The envoy22 was more fortunate with the elector. John Frederick, hearing that the king of England was
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desirous of forming an alliance with the princes of Germany, replied that he would communicate this important demand to them. He then entertained Barnes at a sumptuous23 breakfast, made him handsome presents, and wrote to Henry VIII. that the desire manifested by him to reform religious doctrine24 augmented25 his love for him, 'for,' he added, 'it belongs to kings to propagate Christ's gospel far and wide.'[229]
Luther also, but from other motives26 than those of the elector, did not look so closely as Melanchthon; the suppression of the monasteries27 prepossessed him in favor of his ancient adversary29. The penalties with which the Carthusians and others had been visited did not alarm him. Vergerio, the papal legate, who was at Wittemberg at the beginning of November, invited Luther to breakfast with him. 'I know,' he said, 'that king Henry kills cardinals30 and bishops32, but ...' and biting his lips, he made a significant movement with his hand, as if he wished to cut off the king's head. When relating this anecdote33 to Melanchthon, who was then at Jena, Luther added: 'Would to God that we possessed28 several kings of England to put to death those bishops, cardinals, legates, and popes who are nothing but robbers, traitors34, and devils!'[230] Luther was less tender than he is represented when contrasted with Calvin. Those hasty words expressed really the thoughts of all parties. The spiritual leaven35 of the gospel had to work for a century or more upon the hard material of which the heart of man is made, before the errors of Romish legislation, a thousand years old, were banished36. No doubt there was an immediate37 mitigation produced by the Reformation; but if any one had told the men of the
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sixteenth century that it was wrong to put men to death for acts of impiety38, they would have been as astonished, and perhaps more so, than our judges, if they were abused because, in conformity39 with the law, they visited murder with capital punishment. It is strange, however, that it required so many centuries to understand those glorious words of our Saviour40: The Son of man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them.[231]
The condition which the protestants placed on their union with Henry VIII. rendered the alliance difficult. 'We only ask one thing,' said the Reformers to Barnes, 'that the doctrine which is in conformity with Scripture41 be restored to the whole world;'[232] but Henry still observed the catholic doctrine. But he was told that the Lutherans and Francis I., thanks to Melanchthon's mediation42, were probably coming to an agreement, and that a general council would be summoned. What treatment could he expect from such an assembly, he who had so grievously offended the papacy! Desirous of preventing a council at any price, the king determined43 in September, 1535, to send a more important embassy to the Lutherans, in order to persuade them to renounce44 the idea of coming to terms with the pope, and rather to form an alliance with England.
=EMBASSY TO GERMANY.=
Consequently Fox, bishop31 of Hereford, a proud and insolent45 courtier, and Archdeacon Hare, an amiable46 and enlightened man, with some others, started for Germany and joined Barnes and Mount who had preceded them. On the 24th of December they were admitted into the presence of the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, and other protestant deputies and princes: 'The king our master,' they said, 'has abolished the power of the Roman bishop throughout his dominions47, and rejected
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his pretended pardons and his old wives' stories.[233] Accordingly the pope, in a transport of fury, has summoned all the kings of the earth to take arms against him. But neither pope nor papists alarm our prince. He offers you his person, his wealth, and his sceptre to combat the Roman power. Let us unite against it, and the Spirit of God will bind49 our confederation together.'[234] The princes replied to this eloquent50 harangue51, 'that if the king engaged to propagate the pure doctrine of the faith as it had been confessed at the diet of Augsburg; if he engaged, like them, never to concede to the Roman bishop any jurisdiction52 in his States, they would name him Defender53 and Protector of their confederation.'[235] They added that they would send a deputation, including one man of excellent learning (meaning Melanchthon), to confer with the king upon the changes to be made in the Church. The Englishmen could not conceal54 their joy, but the theologian had lost all confidence in Henry VIII. 'The death of More distresses55 me: I will have nothing to do with the business.'[236] Nevertheless the treaty of alliance was signed on the 25th December, 1535.[237] The catholic party, especially in England, was troubled at the news, and Gardiner, then ambassador in France, lost no time in writing to oppose designs which would establish protestantism in the Anglican Church.
While the king was uniting with the Confession of Augsburg, his relations with the most decided partisans56 of the papacy were far from improving. His daughter Mary, whose temper was melancholy57 and irritable58, observed
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no bounds as regards her father's friends or acts, and refused to submit to his orders. 'I bid her renounce the title of princess,' said Henry in a passion.—'If I consented not to be regarded as such,' she answered, 'I should go against my conscience and incur59 God's displeasure.'[238] Henry, no friend of half-measures, talked of putting his daughter to death, and thus frightening the rebels. That wretched prince had a remarkable60 tendency for killing61 those who were nearest to him. We may see a father correct his child with a stripe; but with this man, a blow from his hand was fatal. There was already some talk of sending the princess to the Tower, when the evangelical Cranmer ventured to intercede62 in behalf of the catholic Mary. He reminded Henry that he was her father, and that if he took away her life, he would incur universal reprobation63. The king gave way to these representations, predicting to the archbishop that this intervention64 would some day cost him dear. In fact, when Mary became queen she put to death the man who had saved her life. Henry was content to order his daughter to be separated from her mother. On the other hand, the terrified Catherine endeavored to mollify the princess. 'Obey the king in all things,' she wrote from Buckden, where she was living, 'except in those which would destroy your soul. Speak little; trouble yourself about nothing, play on the spinet65 or lute66.' This unhappy woman, who had found so much bitterness in the conjugal67 estate, added: 'Above all, do not desire a husband, nor even think of it, I beg you in the name of Christ's passion.
'Your loving mother, Catherine the Queen.'[239]
=CATHERINE'S FIRMNESS.=
But the mother was not less decided than the daughter in maintaining her rights, and would not renounce
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her title of queen, notwithstanding Henry's orders. A commission composed of the Duke of Suffolk, Lord Sussex, and others, arrived at Buckden to try and induce her to do so, and all the household of the princess was called together. The intrepid68 daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella said with a firm voice: 'I am the queen, the king's true wife.'[240] Being informed that it was intended to remove her to Somersham and separate her from some of her best friends, she answered: 'I will not go unless you bind me with ropes.'[241] And to prevent this she took to her bed and refused to dress, saying she was ill.[242] The king sent two catholic prelates, the archbishop of York and the bishop of Durham, hoping to soften69 her. 'Madam,' said the archbishop, 'your marriage being invalid70....'—'It is a lawful71 marriage,' she exclaimed with passionate72 vehemence73.[243] 'Until death I shall be his Majesty74's wife.'—'Members of your own council,' continued the archbishop, 'acknowledge that your marriage with Prince Arthur was actually consummated75.'—'It is all false!' she exclaimed in a loud tone.—'The divorce was consequently pronounced.'...—'By whom?' she asked.—'By my lord of Canterbury.'—'And who is he?' returned the queen. 'A shadow![244] The pope has declared in my favor, and he is Christ's vicar.'—'The king will treat you like a dear sister,' said bishop Tonstall.[245]—'Nothing in the world,' answered Catherine, 'neither the loss of my possessions nor the prospect76 of death, will make me give up my rights.'
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In October, 1535, Catherine was still at Buckden. That noble but fanatic14 woman increased her austerity, indulged in the harshest practices of an ascetic77 life, prayed frequently bare-kneed on the floor, while at the same time a deadly sorrow was undermining her health. At last consumption declared itself;[246] and as her condition required a change of air, she was removed to Kimbolton. She longed for the society of her daughter, which would no doubt have alleviated78 her sufferings; but she asked in vain with tears to see her. Mary also entreated79 the king to let her visit her mother: he was inflexible80.[247]
=CHARLES ARMS AGAINST HENRY.=
Henry's harshness towards the aunt of Charles V. excited the wrath81 of that monarch82 to the highest degree. He was then returning victorious83 from his first African expedition, and determined to delay no longer in carrying out the mission he had received from the pope. To that end it was necessary to obtain, if not the co-operation, at least the neutrality of Francis I. That was not easy. The king of France had always courted the alliance of England: he had signed a treaty with Henry against the emperor and against the pope, and had just sought an alliance with the Lutheran princes. But the emperor knew that the acquisition of Italy, or at least of Lombardy, was the favorite idea of Francis I. Charles was equally desirous of it, but he was so impatient to re-establish Catherine of Aragon on the throne, and bring England again under the dominion48 of the pope, that he determined to sacrifice Italy, if only in appearance. Sforza, duke of Milan, having just died without children, the emperor offered Francis I. the duchy of Milan for his second son, the duke of Orleans,
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if he would not oppose his designs against England.[248] The king of France eagerly accepted the proposal, and wishing to give a proof of his zeal84, he even proposed that the pope should summon all the princes of Christendom to force the king of England to submit to the See of Rome. The love he had for Milan went so far as to make him propose a crusade against his natural ally, Henry VIII.[249]
=DEATH OF CATHERINE.=
The matter was becoming serious: rarely had a greater danger threatened England, when an important event suddenly removed it. At the very time when Charles V., aided by Francis I., desired to rouse Europe in order to replace his aunt on the throne, she died. About the end of December, 1535, Catherine became seriously ill, and felt that God was bringing her great sorrows to an end. The king, wishing to keep up appearances, sent to inquire after her. The queen, firm to the last in her principles, sent for her lawyers and dictated85 her will to them. 'I am ready,' she said, 'to yield up my soul unto God.... I supplicate86 that five hundred masses be said for my soul; and that some personage go in pilgrimage for me to Our Lady of Walsingham.[250] I bequeath my gowns to the convent, and the furs of the same I give to my daughter.' Then Catherine thought of the king: to her he was always her husband, and despite his injustice87, she would not address him but with respect. Feeling that the end was not far off, she dictated the following letter, at once so simple and so noble:—
'My most dear Lord, King, and Husband:
'The hour of my death now approaching, I cannot choose but, out of the love I bear you, advise you of your soul's health. You have cast me into many
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calamities88 and yourself into many troubles; but I forgive you all, and pray God to do likewise. I commend unto you Mary our daughter, beseeching89 you to be a good father to her. Lastly, I make this vow90, that mine eyes desire you above all things.'[251]
The queen, therefore, sought to bid farewell of him who had wrought91 her so much evil. Henry was moved, and even shed tears,[252] but did not comply with the queen's wish: his conscience reproached him with his faults. On the 7th January Catherine received the last sacraments, and at two o'clock she expired.
Anne felt at the bottom of her heart the rights of this princess. She had yielded to her imagination, to the absolute will of the king; her marriage had given her some moments of happiness, but her soul was often troubled. She thought to herself that the proud Spanish woman was the one to whom Henry had given his faith; and doubted whether the crown did not belong to the daughter of Isabella. Catherine's death removed her anxieties. 'Now,' she said, 'now I am indeed a queen.' She went into mourning, but according to the custom in France at that period. The tears of the people accompanied to the tomb that unhappy and (to say truth) superstitious92 woman; but she was an affectionate mother, a high-spirited wife, and a queen of indomitable pride.[253]
This decease was destined93 to effect great changes in Europe. The emperor, who was forming a holy alliance to replace his aunt on the throne, and who, to succeed, had gone so far as to sacrifice the northern part of Italy, having nothing more to do with Catherine, sheathed94 his sword and kept Milan. Francis I., vexed95 at seeing
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the prey96 slip from him which he had so eagerly coveted97, and fancied already in his hands, went into a furious passion, and prepared for a war to the death. The emperor and the king of France, instead of marching together against Henry, began each of them to court him, desiring to have him for an ally in the fierce struggle that was about to begin.
At the same time Catherine's death facilitated, as we have said, the alliance of the king with the protestants of Germany, who had maintained the validity of his marriage with the princess of Aragon. One of their chief grievances98 against Henry VIII. had thus disappeared. Both sides now thought they could make a step forward and strive to come to an understanding theologically. The points on which they differed were important. 'The king of England,' they said at Wittemberg, 'wishes to be pope in the place of the pope, and maintains most of the errors of the old popery, such as monasteries,[254] indulgences, the mass, prayers for the dead, and other Romish fables99.'[255]
=DISCUSSION AT WITTEMBERG.=
The discussion began at Wittemberg. The champions in the theological tournament were Bishop Fox and Archdeacon Heath on one side; Melanchthon and Luther on the other. Heath, one of the young doctors whom Queen Anne had maintained at Cambridge University, charmed Melanchthon exceedingly. 'He excels in urbanity and sound doctrine,' said the latter. Fox, on the other hand, who was the king's man, showed, in Philip's opinion, no taste either for philosophy or for agreeable and graceful100 conversation. The doctrine of the mass was the principal point of the discussion. They could not come to an understanding. Luther, who thought it would be only a three days' matter, seeing the time slip away, said to the elector: 'I have done more in four weeks than these Englishmen in twelve
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years. If they continue reforming in that style, England will never be inside or out.'[256] This definition of the English Reformation amused the Germans. They did not discuss, they disputed: it became a regular quarrel.[257] 'I am disgusted with these debates,' said Luther to vice-chancellor Burkhard, 'they make me sick.'[258] Even the gentle Melanchthon exclaimed: 'All the world seems to me to be burning with hatred101 and anger.'[259]
Accordingly the theological discussions were broken off, and the ambassadors of Henry VIII. were admitted on the 12th of March into the presence of the elector. 'England is tranquil102 now,' said the bishop of Hereford; 'the death of a woman has forever terminated all wrangling103. At this moment the creed104 of Jesus Christ alone is the concern of his Majesty. The king therefore prays you to make an alliance between you and him possible, by modifying a few points of your Confession.' Whereupon the vice-chancellor of Saxony addressed Luther: 'What can we concede to the king of England?'—'Nothing,' answered the reformer. 'If we had been willing to concede anything, we might just as well have come to terms with the pope.' After this very positive declaration, Luther softened105 down a little. He knew well, as another reformer has said, 'that some men are weaker than others, and if we do not treat them very mildly, they lose their courage and turn away from religion; and that Christians106 who are more advanced in doctrine are bound to comfort the infirmities of the ignorant.'[260] The Saxon reformer, retracing107 his steps a little, wrote to the vice-chancellor: 'It is true that
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England cannot embrace the whole truth all at once.'[261] He thought it possible in certain cases to adopt other expressions, and tolerate some diversity of usages. 'But,' he said, always firm in the faith, 'the great doctrines108 can neither be given up nor modified. Whether to make an alliance or not with the king, is for my most gracious lord to decide: it is a secular109 matter. Only it is dangerous to unite outwardly, when the hearts are not in harmony.' The protestant states assembled on the 24th of April, 1536, at Frankfort on the Main, required Henry VIII. to receive the faith confessed at Augsburg, and in that case expressed themselves ready to acknowledge him as protector of the evangelical alliance. The elector, who was much displeased110 with certain English ceremonies, added: 'Let your Majesty thoroughly111 reform the pontifical112 idolomania in England.'[262] It was agreed that Melanchthon, Sturm, Bucer, and Dracon should go to London to complete this great work of union. England and evangelical Germany were about to join hands.
This alliance of the king with the Lutherans deeply chafed113 the catholics of the kingdom, already so seriously offended by the suppression of the monasteries and the punishment of the two men to whom Henry (they said) was most indebted. While the Roman party was filled with anger, the political party was surprised by the bold step the prince had taken. But the blow which had struck two great victims had taught them that they must submit to the will of the monarch or perish. The scaffolds of Fisher and More had read them a great lesson of docility114, and moulded all those around Henry to
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that servile spirit which leaves in the palace of a king nothing but a master and slaves.
They were about to see an illustrious instance in the trial of Anne Boleyn.
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1
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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mere
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distress
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envoy
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sumptuous
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doctrine
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Augmented
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motives
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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possessed
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adversary
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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leaven
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banished
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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impiety
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conformity
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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mediation
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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47
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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49
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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50
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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51
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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52
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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53
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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54
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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55
distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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57
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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58
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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59
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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61
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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62
intercede
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| vi.仲裁，说情 | |
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63
reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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64
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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65
spinet
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| n.小型立式钢琴 | |
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66
lute
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| n.琵琶，鲁特琴 | |
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67
conjugal
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| adj.婚姻的，婚姻性的 | |
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68
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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69
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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73
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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82
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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85
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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supplicate
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| v.恳求；adv.祈求地，哀求地，恳求地 | |
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87
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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90
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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91
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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93
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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94
sheathed
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| adj.雕塑像下半身包在鞘中的；覆盖的；铠装的；装鞘了的v.将（刀、剑等）插入鞘( sheathe的过去式和过去分词 )；包，覆盖 | |
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95
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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96
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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98
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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99
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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100
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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101
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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102
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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103
wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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104
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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105
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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106
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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107
retracing
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| v.折回( retrace的现在分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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108
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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109
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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110
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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111
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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112
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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113
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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114
docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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