CONVERSION1 OF THE HEAD OF THE FRANCISCANS.
(Spring, 1535.)
=ULTRAMONTANE PLOTS.=
The ultramontanes were more zealous2 than ever. Many would only employ lawful3 arms; but there were some who were by no means scrupulous4 as to the means adopted to vanquish5 the enemies of Rome. Fanatics6 make a false conscience for themselves, and then look upon culpable7 actions as good ones. Empire was slipping from the hands of the Church; it must, at any cost, be restored to her, thought the extravagant8 Roman-catholics of Geneva. Canon Gruet, in particular—his famulus, Gardet the priest, and Barbier, in the service of the bishop10 of Maurienne, thought that, as neither duke, bishop, nor mameluke could do anything, other means must be devised to check that furious torrent11 which threatened to sweep away papacy, temples, priests, and images. Fanatics, whom the wise men of catholicism are unanimous in condemning12, were plotting in the dark and muttering softly that as Farel, Viret, and Froment were all living in the same house, they could easily be got rid of at one blow. Some inkling of these guilty designs got abroad, and the Reformers were warned to be on their guard; but such plots did not trouble them. 'If we were all three dead,' said Froment, 'God would soon raise up others. Out of stones can He not raise up children unto Abraham?' The work of darkness began.[494]
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There lived in Geneva at that time a married woman and mother of a family, Antonia Vax by name; she was of quick perception, melancholy13 temperament14, enthusiastic imagination, weak rather than depraved. In those days poison was much used; Bonivard had often related, 'how pope Alexander VI., wishing to have the money and benefices of two or three cardinals15, had drunk in mistake from the flagon in which stood the poisoned wine, and had been caught in his own trap.' Antonia had seen poison employed. When in service at Lyons, nine years before, she had remarked that one of her companions always carried with him a little box piously17 covered with an Agnus Dei: 'It contains sublimate18,' he had told her. More than once after this, when the unfortunate woman, of dark and dreamy temperament, felt the vapors19 rise to her brain, she had cried out: 'How wretched I am! how I should like to be out of this world! If I only had some sublimate!' At Bourg she had seen her mistress, in complicity with a Spanish doctor, give her husband poison; and entering afterwards the household of an illustrious family, the Seigneur de Challe, nephew to the bishop of Maurienne, she had seen her master poison his mother's husband. After this Antonia came to Geneva with her husband and children.[495]
=ANTONIA AND THE PRIESTS.=
Barbier, one of the chief instigators of the plot, had known Antonia when she was in M. de Challe's service. On his return from a conference held at Thonon, he cast his eyes upon her to carry out the guilty designs formed by him and his accomplices20. At Geneva, as in England, it was a woman whom the misguided priests selected to strike the blow which they hoped would destroy the Reformation. Neither of those wretched women was deprived of all moral sentiment; but the heated imaginations
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of the maid of Kent and of Antonia, and their unhealthy sensibility, made them embrace enthusiastically the schemes of wicked and crafty21 men. Barbier accosted22 the woman Vax, spoke23 to her of the preachers, and of the ills which threatened Holy Church; and when he thought he had sufficiently24 prepared the ground, he represented to her the great service she would do to religion, if she freed Geneva from the heretics. 'If any suspicions should be aroused,' he added, 'you will only have to remove to Canon Gruet's, secretary to Monseigneur of Maurienne.' Antonia hesitated. Some monks25 of the abbey of Ambournay, in Bresse, whom she had known, and who were then at Geneva, got round her, and endeavored to persuade her that such an action would merit the glory of heaven. She appeared sensible to their persuasions27, and yet the deed was repugnant to her. To decide her, Barbier took her to D'Orsière, a canon held in great esteem28. 'Act, act boldly,' said the canon; 'you need not be anxious.' The unhappy woman yielded.[496]
The next step was to prepare the means: by representing her as a poor woman who fled to Geneva for the Gospel, they contrived29 to get her admitted into Claude Bernard's house, where Farel, Viret, and Froment lodged30. Bernard's heart was touched, and he engaged Antonia to wait upon his three guests, who took their meals apart. She knew so well how to play her part, that she was in fact regarded as one of the more fervent31 seekers of the Gospel. To procure32 poison was not difficult: she had lived for some time with Michael Vallot, the apothecary33, and continued to go there. One day she paid him a visit, and, at a propitious34 moment, caught up some poison in a box and ran away.
When the poison was in her hands, she had still (as it would appear) a moment of uneasiness; but the
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wretches35, whose tool she was, pressed her to deliver Geneva from heresy36. Accordingly, on the 8th of March, Antonia, taking courage, prepared some spinach37 soup, which she made very thick, for fear the poison should be noticed, threw in the sublimate, and, entering the room where Farel, Viret, and Froment were at table, put the deadly broth38 before them. Farel looked at it, found it too thick for his taste, and, though he had no suspicion, asked for some household soup. Froment, less dainty than Farel, had taken the spoon, and was about to lift it to his mouth, when some one came in and informed him that his wife and children had just arrived in Geneva. He rose hastily, 'leaving everything,' and ran off to meet them. Viret was left, still pale and suffering from the sword-cut he had received from a priest near Payerne. The perfidious39 Antonia had told him that she would make him some soup 'good for his stomach,' and he therefore ate tranquilly40 the food she had 'dressed to kill him.'[497]
The crime was accomplished41. If the good providence42 of God had miraculously43 saved two of the evangelists, the third was to all appearance lost. At this moment the wretched woman suddenly became agitated44; her conscience reproached her with her crime; and bursting into tears, she ran hurriedly to the kitchen, where she began to moan. 'What is the matter with you?' asked her companions: but she made no answer. Unable to resist her remorse45, and believing pure water to be a good antidote46 to the poison, she formed the resolution of saving her victim, poured some water into a glass, hurried up-stairs, and desired Viret to drink it. The latter was astonished, and wanted at least to know the reason of such a request. She refused to tell him, but did not cease begging him until he had drunk. Froment, much irritated against the woman, regarded her
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emotion as 'mere47 crocodile's tears;' he says so in his Chronicle. We are inclined to believe them sincere.
=FLIGHT OF ANTONIA.=
Viret became ill, and his friends were heart-broken. 'Alas48!' said Froment, 'we expect death for him, and not life.' People asked the cause of this sudden illness, and Antonia, suspected of knowing something about it, was seized with terror. She felt herself already caught and sentenced. 'I know very well that it is no sport,' she exclaimed. Her imagination was heated; she went to the house where her children lived, and, taking the youngest in her arms, leading a second by the hand, the others following her, she ran with alarm to the shore of the lake, wishing to escape, and her little ones with her. 'Take me away from the city,' she said to the boatmen. They carried her as far as Coppet, about three leagues off. Claude Bernard and one or two of his friends, who had reasons for mistrusting the woman, jumped into a boat, and, having found her, brought her back. They did not, however, charge her with anything; but her conscience accused her: her agitation49 kept increasing during the passage; and her haggard eyes were fixed50 upon her old master, his friends, and the boatmen. 'You are betraying me,' she said: 'you are playing me a trick.' At length they arrived. Antonia got out of the boat first, and while Bernard and his friends were occupied in landing the children, she slipped away lightly, plunged51 into a dark alley52 between the Molard and the Fusterie, hurried through it, climbed the Rue9 de la Pélisserie, and reached the house of Canon D'Orsière, who had said to her: 'Act, act boldly, you need not be anxious.'—'Save me!' she exclaimed. The canon hid her in his cellar. But some people had seen a woman pass hurriedly along: the officers of justice searched the canon's house, found Antonia crouching53 in a dark underground cellar, and took her away to prison, where she confessed everything.
Meanwhile Viret was in peril54 of death, and, as there
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was no woman at Bernard's to tend him, Dame55 Pernette, a pious16 Christian56, and wife of the councillor Michael Balthasard, begged that he might be removed to her house, which was done. Froment, who went to see him often, said: 'Really, Dame Pernette is doing him a great service, and showing him great kindness.' One doctor said he was poisoned, another denied it. The whole city was filled with the affair: men and women assembled and expressed their sorrow. 'Must the Church be robbed of such a pearl,' they said, 'by such a miserable57 creature?... Poor Viret! Poor reformers!... Sword-cuts in the back, poison in front.... Such are the rewards of those who preach the Gospel!' Viret was saved, but he felt the effects of the poison all his life.[498]
The investigation58 began on the 13th of April. Antonia was not of a character to conceal59 her crime: the vénéfique, as they called the poisoner, declared openly she was led into it by the 'round caps (the clergy60).'[499] The priests, and even the canon who had ruined her, were arrested and taken to prison. A canon arrested by laymen61! All the clergy were in commotion62: Aimé de Gingins, the bishop's vicar-general, represented to the syndics that a canon ought not to be imprisoned63 by anybody, not being a subject of the State, but only of the chapter. The magistrates64 declared that the investigation of criminal matters belonged to them, and the priests were forced to submit to be tried according to the common law—a great innovation in the sixteenth century.
=EXECUTION OF ANTONIA.=
Antonia was condemned65 to have her head cut off, her body hung on the gibbet of Champel, and her head fixed on a nail. At first she remained firm. 'Take care, my lords,' she said, 'that your servants do not
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poison you, for there are many who practise it.' But when she had returned to prison, she became quite prostrated66. Pale and speechless, she rolled her haggard eyes around her. It was still worse when she was led to the place of execution. Her mind wandered: she was like one of those personages spoken of in antiquity67, who were said to be pursued by the Furies. Although surrounded by an immense crowd, she did not observe it: her eyes seemed fixed on some mysterious beings. She fancied she saw the priests of Geneva and the monks of Ambournay standing68 round her. 'Take them away, take them away!' she exclaimed, waving her hand; and as the guards showed by their looks of astonishment69 that they did not know what she meant, 'Take them away,' she resumed, pointing with her finger at what she believed she saw; 'in heaven's name take away those round-caps who are before me; ... it is they who are the cause of my death!' Having mounted the scaffold, she cried out again in great anguish70: 'Take them away!' and her head fell.[500] She paid dearly for her crime—a crime too frequent in those days, when fanatics thought it their duty to serve by violence the cause which they said was the cause of God. The adversaries71 of the Reformation, in the countries which it reached, have too frequently employed the arms of iniquity72 against it.
The guilty project of getting rid of the three Reformers at once had the opposite consequences to what its authors had hoped. The atrocity73 of the attempt increased the love of the people for the Reform, and detracted greatly from the reputation of the priests. The most sinister74 reports were circulated about them. It was said that they had tried to poison the bread and wine of the Lord's Supper, in order to cut off all the
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reformed at a blow. People shrank from them in the streets as they passed, as if their simple approach could inflict75 death.[501]
All Geneva was in commotion: a transformation76 of that little state became imminent77. At this time ambitious popes and despotic princes exercised absolute power. Two kinds of enfranchisement78 were necessary for Christendom: that of the nation and that of the Church. The Genevese sought after both: some rallied round the banner of faith, others round that of liberty; but the more enlightened minds saw that these two holy causes should never be separated; and that the political awakening79 of a nation can only succeed so far as the awakening of the conscience tends to prevent disorder80.[502] In no country, perhaps, were these two movements so simultaneous as in Geneva. Certain natural phenomena81 are studied in microscopic82 animalcules: a moral phenomenon may be illustrated83 in the history of this small city which may be enunciated84 in these words: 'He who desires to be free must believe.'[503]
The Gospel, however, was not as yet triumphant86. While the Roman-catholics always had their parishes, their churches, and numerous priests, the reformed had but one place of worship, and three ministers. Such a state of things could not last long. An important event occurred to hasten the victory of the Gospel and of liberty.
=JACQUES BERNARD CONVERTED.=
At the very moment when a pious reformer was descending87 near to the gates of death, the head of the Franciscans in Geneva was taking the new road 'that leadeth unto life.' The three brothers Bernard—Claude, the elder, in whose house the reformers received a Christian hospitality; Louis, priest of St. Pierre; and
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Jacques, guardian88 or superior of the Franciscan convent—were among the most notable citizens of Geneva. The two elder had for some time embraced the Reform; but the third, a monk26, had remained a zealot for popery. Ere long he himself was shaken. Seeing the three ministers closely at his brother Claude's, he learnt by their life to esteem their doctrine89, and their virtues90 struck him so much the more, as he had lived in popery a life by no means regular himself. He examined himself seriously whether he would not do well to renounce91 monasticism.[504] The light of the Gospel began to shine into his heart. Nothing struck him so much as the thought that Christ, in his great love, had procured92 for his followers93 by his death a perfect reconciliation94 with God. The character which popery ascribed to the mass appeared to him to do injury to the infinite price of the Saviour's passion. 'I am convinced,' said he to Farel, at the end of one of their conversations. 'I am one of you!'—'Good!' answered the reformer, 'but if faith is kindled95 in your heart, it is necessary that the light should be shown abroad. Confess your faith publicly before men.' Jacques was determined96 not to spare himself, and not only to declare for the Gospel, but, further, to endeavor to make it known to his fellow-citizens. He posted up bills on February 19th, that during Lent he would preach every afternoon in the convent church.
This was something new: a numerous crowd filled the place. 'Men and women, catholics and Lutherans, crowded in,' says the nun85 of Ste. Claire, 'and that during all the first week.' Some fancied that the guardian was going to thunder against the Reform; but all doubts were soon dispersed97. He spoke, and the astonishment was universal. The reformed were surprised at seeing one who formerly98 had rejected so rudely the grace of Christ, now rushing like a common soldier into
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the midst of the battle and defending it. The catholics were still more amazed. 'This scandalized them so much,' adds the sister, 'that they never went afterwards.'[505] It seemed impossible to come to an understanding, and the confusion continued increasing.
How could they get out of a struggle which looked as if it would never end? There appeared one very natural means which does honor to the epoch99 in which men had recourse to it. The magistrates of the sixteenth century, whether in Switzerland or elsewhere, studied their charters when there was a question of establishing what was right, and assimilated the principles which had dictated100 them. But their love of the right was not a platonic101 love, as among enervated102 jurists. These notable men wished to realize in the government of the people what was in its constitution. Now if the book of the Liberties, Franchises103, Immunities104, Uses, and Customs of Geneva was the charter of the state, the Holy Scriptures105 were the charter of the Church: the Bible was the grand muniment of their spiritual franchises. Nothing must be decided107, therefore, except by this sovereign rule.[506] While such thoughts occupied the syndics, the same desire animated108 the Reformers. 'We will forfeit109 our lives,' they said, 'if we do not prove by Holy Scripture106 that what we preach is true.' A conference, at which, with the divine charter before them, the faith, duties, and rights of Christians110 should be established, seemed the wisest way of getting out of the difficulty.
=A PUBLIC DISCUSSION DEMANDED.=
One thing stopped the members of the council: they were reluctant that foreigners—two Frenchmen and a Vaudois—should be at the head of the disputation. Farel respected such a feeling, and desired that the name of an old Genevan should be inscribed111 first in Geneva on the list of the Reformation. He went to
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Jacques Bernard: 'Brother,' said he, 'it is necessary that your change of life should turn to the edification of the people.[507] Write down some propositions; announce that you are ready to answer all men in a public disputation, and defend your theses by clear and manifest reasons. They would refuse us this favor, for we are foreigners; but you are a citizen of Geneva,[508] and superior of an important order. They will grant your request.' The recent epoch of Bernard's conversion, his want of Christian experience, the annoyances112, the dangers to which he would be exposed, might have induced him to refuse this demand. But he knew that in the new life on which he had entered, the rule was, that every one, forgetful of himself, should work for the good of others; and that with regard to his insufficiency, God would provide. The head of the Cordeliers asked the council's permission to maintain publicly the evangelical doctrine in a conference to which all the learned in the city and abroad should be invited. The syndics, who desired that the Reformation should be accomplished by reason and not by force, granted his prayer, and everything was got ready for this important action. For a long time Geneva had seen the parties armed from head to foot, crossing their swords and halberds: now minds were to be ranged in battle-array, and the spiritual combat would, to all appearance, decide the future of the Reformation.
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1
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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vanquish
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| v.征服，战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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sublimate
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| v.(使)升华，净化 | |
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vapors
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| n.水汽，水蒸气，无实质之物( vapor的名词复数 )；自夸者；幻想 [药]吸入剂 [古]忧郁（症）v.自夸，（使）蒸发( vapor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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accosted
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| v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 )；跟…搭讪；（乞丐等）上前向…乞讨；（妓女等）勾搭 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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apothecary
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| n.药剂师 | |
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propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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spinach
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| n.菠菜 | |
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broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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tranquilly
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| adv. 宁静地 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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miraculously
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| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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antidote
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| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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alley
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| n.小巷，胡同；小径，小路 | |
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crouching
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的现在分词 ) | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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microscopic
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| adj.微小的，细微的，极小的，显微的 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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enunciated
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| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
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nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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platonic
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| adj.精神的；柏拉图（哲学）的 | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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