(From April To Whitsuntide, 1535.)
=THE TEN PROPOSITIONS.=
Jacques Bernard and the Reformers had a meeting for the purpose of drawing up their propositions. The justifying1 power of faith was to hold the first place, for, according to the Gospel, man must, before everything, condemn2 the selfish existence he has lived until the moment of his awakening3, and place all his confidence in the redemption accomplished4 by Jesus Christ alone. The theses drawn5 up by the Reformers were as follows:—
I. Man must seek justification6 for his sins in Jesus Christ ALONE.[509]
II. Religious worship must be paid to God ALONE.
III. The constitution of the Church must be regulated by the Word of God ALONE.
IV. The atonement for sins must be ascribed to Christ's sacrifice, offered up ONCE, and which procures7 full and entire remission.
V. We must acknowledge ONE ONLY Mediator8 between God and man—Jesus Christ.
The fault of Rome had been to add to the Gospel many strange dogmas and ceremonies, and place them above the primitive9 edifice10, stage after stage, pile after pile, thus crushing it: this is indeed the proper meaning conveyed by the word superstition11. The Reformers aspired12
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to pull down this framework, and liberate13 Christian14 truth from all the fables15 by which it was disfigured. Hence, as we see, the word alone plays a great part in this disputation. Its object was to exclude all human additions and to exalt16 God alone, Christ alone, the Gospel alone. These propositions, however, did not entirely17 satisfy Farel. In his opinion it was necessary, after laying down truths, to point out errors. Five negative theses were, therefore, added to the five positive theses:—
VI. It is wrong to put our trust in good works and look for our justification in them.
VII. To worship saints and images is to be guilty of idolatry.
VIII. Hence our traditions and ecclesiastical (or rather Roman) constitutions are not only useless but pernicious.
IX. The sacrifice of the mass, and prayers to the dead or for them, are a sin against the Word of God, and men are wrong to look to them for salvation19.
X. The intercession of saints was introduced into the Church by the authority of men and not of God.
These propositions seem to us now mere20 theological formulæ: they were more than that. There was the true spirit in them. 'There are different ways of speaking,' said the friend[510] to whom Farel wrote an account of this disputation; 'the roaring of a lion is different from the braying21 of an ass18.' There was indeed in these theses, destined22 to throw down a whole world of errors, the formidable 'roaring of a lion.'
On the 23d of April Jacques Bernard went to the hôtel-de-ville and presented his propositions to the council, who authorized23 him to defend them, and desired him to inform the members of the chapter of St. Pierre and other priests, monks24, and doctors.[511] At Constance, freedom of discussion had been suppressed; and that
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assembly, therefore, had produced no other light than the flames of the scaffold. It was not thus that the Reformation was to advance. 'Let the truth appear and triumph!'
The theses were immediately distributed in all the churches and monasteries25 of the city. No worshipper crossed the threshold of the sanctuary26 without receiving one of the printed handbills. The superior of the Franciscans waited personally upon the canons and presented each of them with a copy of the propositions. He gave them to every member of the government, lay and clerical: there was no shop or refectory in which the ten propositions were not read and commented upon. They were posted on the church doors and in the public places, not only in Geneva, but in the allied27 and neighboring cities. They were even sent to gentlemen at their châteaux. In its very infancy28, the Reformation proclaimed and practised the widest publicity29. The trumpet30 sounded in every quarter of the city, and the herald31 announced that a discussion would take place on the 30th of May in the great hall of the Cordeliers of Rive, and that scholars of all classes, Genevese or foreigners, clerks or laymen32, were invited with full liberty of speaking, and the offer of a safe-conduct. 'Ah!' said Froment, one of the champions, 'if such a license33 were given by every prince, the business would be soon settled, without burning so many poor Christians34. But the pope and his cardinals35 forbid all discussion of this or that, except it be with fire and sword: a fashion they have learnt no doubt from the Grand Seignor.'[512]
=ALARM OF THE PAPISTS.=
The remark was but too true. The news of the discussion had no sooner reached the bishop36 than a feeling of horror came over him. 'What!' he said, 'convoke37 a council in my own city! nobody has the right to do it but myself.' And he immediately published
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throughout his diocese a proclamation 'forbidding the faithful to be present at the assembly under pain of excommunication.' The duke of Savoy also forbade his subjects to attend it, and the Franciscans, at that time assembled in general chapter at Grenoble, having received the invitation, declared they would not come.[513] There were, no doubt, capable men among them; but to discuss the truths taught by the Church was, in their eyes, aiming a blow at its authority. The result was a universal silence on the part of the priests. They were very clever in making the most of miraculous38 appearances, of dead children restored to life; but of discussion, not a word. One or two fervent39 Catholics would, however, have willingly broken a lance with Farel, but the orders of their chiefs held them back. The army of the pope, summoned by the voice of the trumpet, was wanting on the day of combat.
Still Roman-catholicism did something. Monsignor de Bonmont went to the council on the 25th of May, and begged the syndics to take part in a torchlight procession and other ceremonies which were to take place on the 27th of the month, the festival of Corpus Christi. That procession, however brilliant it might be, was very displeasing40 to the zealous42 Reformers: they did not like that the Word of God should be supplanted43 by millinery, lace, and all the empty glitter which dazzles the eye in sacerdotal costumes. The answer of the council was judicious44: 'We have appointed a discussion,' said the premier45 syndic to the vicar-episcopal; 'that will decide whether the procession is holy or not. Wait a little, then; if the conference is in favor of the procession, it shall be proclaimed with sound of trumpet.'[514]
At the same time the council resolved to send a
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deputation to all the convents to invite the monks, who answered, 'We have no learned men among us; it is impossible for us to take part in the discussion.'[515]
One convent, however, displayed resolution: it was that of the nuns46 of Ste. Claire. The mother-vicar, Mademoiselle de Montluet de Château-Fort, a woman of warm and fiery47 temperament48, answered the invitation: 'Begone! you are wicked people who want to vex49 the servants of God.' The deputies replied, 'It is said, madam, that certain of your nuns remain only by force under your instruction, and would like to hear the voice of the Good Shepherd.'... At these words the mother-vicar burst out. 'Satan has no part among us,' she cried; and turning towards the nuns, added, 'My sisters, speak, speak!' Almost all exclaimed at the top of their voices, 'We will live and die in our holy calling.' The clamor was so great that the deputies could not make themselves heard. 'Do not be afraid, gentlemen,' said the mother, 'this is nothing. You will hear something very different if you take us to your synagogue. When we are there, we will make such an uproar51, that we shall remain mistresses of the place.' 'Dame52 vicar,' said a deputy, 'you are very arrogant53.' Thereupon the gentlemen retired54, acknowledging however that they had not witnessed such courage in the convents of the monks.[516]
Farel, who was distressed55 at seeing the priests of Geneva refuse the discussion, would have supplied their place by distinguished56 athletes belonging to one party or the other. He wrote to Lefèvre of Etaples, the celebrated57 doctor of the Sorbonne, and invited him to the combat in which liberty and truth were about to engage in Geneva.[517] The aged58 and venerable doctor shed tears,
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and returned thanks to God for what he heard.[518] But he was too old to take part in a disputation; perhaps, too, his faith was not bold enough; he declined the invitation. Farel turned his eyes in another direction. A chapter of the order of St. Francis was at that time sitting at Lyons, its president being Pierre de Corne, or de Cornibus, the most intrepid59 adversary60 of the heretics, the butt61 of Rabelais' jests and of some unbelieving worldlings, but highly extolled62 by the devout63, and especially by Loyola's friend, Francis Xavier. Farel pressed De Cornibus to come to Geneva; the reformer could not give a plainer proof of the seriousness of his intentions and the impartiality64 of the discussion. 'I am quite ready to break a lance in Geneva,' wrote De Cornibus. The council were highly delighted with this answer, and prepared to receive the warlike doctor with great honor. But all of a sudden De Cornibus informed them that he could not come.
If the combatants were not to be very numerous, the spectators at least were crowding in from all sides—men and women, great and small. Everybody wanted to see and hear, but nobody was willing to speak. The reformers were in despair, lest the dialogue should be turned into a monologue65, and instead of a grand combat, one army alone should appear on the field of battle.[519]
=CAROLI AT GENEVA.=
An unexpected help now appeared. A doctor of the Sorbonne, named Caroli, arrived in Geneva and declared himself ready to dispute. Possessing insupportable vanity, tossing his head as he walked along the street, assuming a haughty66 and impudent67 air with everybody, the Parisian doctor made a great stir, talked incessantly68, aped the gentleman, and boasted loudly.
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Much taken up with himself, he sought marks of honor, and to obtain them employed cunning, artifice69, and intrigue70. He represented himself to be, or allowed others to call him, bishop. 'Have you heard,' said the citizens, 'that a bishop has arrived from France?'[520] Everybody thought that Farel had found his man at last. But the reformer, who had known him long, shook his head. The foolish admiration71 which Caroli felt for his own person had drawn upon him the contempt of those who were not to be deceived by his braggadocio72. The reformer knew that he was fluent of tongue, but was without firm principle, uprightness, or solid character, and that his sole desire was to make a name—whether in the Roman or in the evangelical camp mattered little to him. He was known to unite and to quarrel with everybody in turn. He was neither catholic nor reformer, but simply Caroli. As skilful73 as the famous Beda in the tricks of sophistry74, he had disputed in Paris with that illustrious champion; and the Sorbonne having interdicted75 him, Margaret of Valois looked upon him as a victim of the Gospel, and gave him the living of Alençon. He had come from that city to Geneva, where nobody had expected or wanted him.[521] It was rumored76 abroad that there would be a great stir in the city; and Caroli, who had 'a keen scent77' (to use the words of a contemporary), thought that Geneva would be a theatre where he might display his profound learning and fine voice, and gather fresh laurels78 to adorn79 his brow. There was only one point about which he still hesitated: should he take the side of Rome or of the Reformation?
=FAREL REBUKES80 CAROLI.=
Farel liked not those ambiguous characters who hoist81 one flag or another according to the place they may be at. Catholic at Paris, Erasmian at Alençon, Caroli
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would probably be a reformer at Geneva. Farel went to his inn, where he found him at breakfast. Entering upon business immediately, the reformer said to him frankly82: 'You are driven from France for the faith, you say; certainly you have not deserved it, for you have done nothing that was unworthy of the pope or worthy83 of Jesus Christ.'[522] The doctor of the Sorbonne, offended by such words, held his tongue and continued his meal. 'The song I sang him while he was at breakfast,' said Farel, 'did not seem to please him much.'[523] 'Are you willing now,' resumed Farel, 'to confess the truth openly, as God requires, and to repair the evil that you have done by your dissimulation84?' The Parisian doctor cleverly turned the conversation and began to parade a great zeal41 for the poor. 'I am going to send my servant back to France,' he said, 'to receive the money from my benefices, and I shall distribute it among your poor refugees.' Farel remembered how certain monks in Paris had made a great display about a collection in favor of the poor, not a penny of which had the latter ever seen. 'God,' he said, 'will never fail either the poor or us. Let us now give the bread of the Word to men's souls,' and left him. Several days elapsed. Caroli compensated85 himself for the humiliation86 Farel had inflicted87 upon him by representing himself everywhere as one of the greatest orators88 of France; and accordingly all the Genevans wanted to hear him. 'Let us put him to the test,' said Farel, who asked him to preach. But Caroli, no doubt fearing the proof, urged a thousand excuses to get off. 'Your sermons charm me,' he said to Farel, 'and I cannot persuade myself not to hear them.'[524]
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This braggart89 priest, who pretended to support the refugees, was living upon them, extorting90 their money, wine, and other things. 'Our master,' said one of them to Farel, 'behaves very theologically: he uses wine magisterially91, and even Sorbonically.' The reputation of certain doctors of the Sorbonne was established on that point. 'He has women to make his bed,' they added, 'to pull off his stockings, and even for other familiarities.'[525] The wretched man imagined that, coming into a country which rejected the law of the pope, he could throw off the law of God. Farel, assured of the truth of these reports, visited this vain and impure92 priest, spoke93 to him of his dissolute life, reminded him of the judgment94 of the Lord, and entreated95 him to change his conduct. Farel spoke with so much authority, that all who were present were struck with it. The Sorbonne doctor was confounded: he hid his face in his hands, and did not open his mouth. From that time he behaved more prudently96, and did nothing (openly, at least) that could be charged against him. He had his reasons for not quarrelling with the reformers.
Jacques Bernard, who had but recently thrown off the cowl, was not so clear-sighted as Farel; Caroli tried, therefore, to throw dust into his eyes. He hinted that, as a doctor of the Sorbonne of Paris, celebrated by former struggles with the most illustrious doctors, he was well qualified97 to be appointed arbiter98 in the disputation, and invited to pronounce authoritatively99 the final judgment.[526] Thus, becoming umpire between Geneva and Rome, he already fancied himself the most important person of Christendom. The simple-minded Bernard, circumvented100 by the artifices101 of the wily Frenchman, consented to make the strange proposition
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to Farel.—'No,' at once answered the reformer; 'it is to God and to Holy Scripture102 that we must pay supreme103 honor. We do not want men as judges of our controversy104: the Lord is the only judge, who will decide authoritatively by the Scriptures105. That presumptuous106 man would only seek his own glorification107 in the dispute.' The magistrates108 supported this opinion.
=THE DEBATE PROCLAIMED.=
In fact, the council, finding itself between two confessions—one coming, and one departing—regarded itself as mediator, and wished to see which was right or wrong; then, if there were cause, to do as certain good kings of Israel and Judah had done—'extirpate the idolatry of their people.'[527] Placed at the head of the republic, the magistracy did not understand that religious matters, so important at that period, were not within its jurisdiction109; and even when the question was decided110 somewhat later, when the firm Calvin was established at Geneva, the State continued to hold under its jurisdiction all matters which are considered in this day as belonging to the Church. The council, therefore, nominated eight commissioners111, empowered to regulate the discussion, and chose them from among the most respected leaders of the people: four belonged to the catholic party,[528] and four to the reformed opinions;[529] all of them had been syndics. The council, moreover, named four secretaries, belonging to the two parties, and instructed them to draw up the minutes. The discussion was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, and it was published everywhere, that the disputation would be entirely free. Then, fearing lest the enemy should take advantage of the opportunity to attack
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Geneva, the syndics bade the captain-general 'keep careful watch and ward50 at the gates, towers, and ramparts, and prevent any disturbance112 taking place in the city.'
点击收听单词发音
1 justifying | |
证明…有理( justify的现在分词 ); 为…辩护; 对…作出解释; 为…辩解(或辩护) | |
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2 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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3 awakening | |
n.觉醒,醒悟 adj.觉醒中的;唤醒的 | |
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4 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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5 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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6 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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7 procures | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的第三人称单数 );拉皮条 | |
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8 mediator | |
n.调解人,中介人 | |
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9 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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10 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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11 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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12 aspired | |
v.渴望,追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13 liberate | |
v.解放,使获得自由,释出,放出;vt.解放,使获自由 | |
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14 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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15 fables | |
n.寓言( fable的名词复数 );神话,传说 | |
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16 exalt | |
v.赞扬,歌颂,晋升,提升 | |
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17 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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18 ass | |
n.驴;傻瓜,蠢笨的人 | |
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19 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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20 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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21 braying | |
v.发出驴叫似的声音( bray的现在分词 );发嘟嘟声;粗声粗气地讲话(或大笑);猛击 | |
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22 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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23 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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24 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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25 monasteries | |
修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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26 sanctuary | |
n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
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27 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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28 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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29 publicity | |
n.众所周知,闻名;宣传,广告 | |
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30 trumpet | |
n.喇叭,喇叭声;v.吹喇叭,吹嘘 | |
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31 herald | |
vt.预示...的来临,预告,宣布,欢迎 | |
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32 laymen | |
门外汉,外行人( layman的名词复数 ); 普通教徒(有别于神职人员) | |
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33 license | |
n.执照,许可证,特许;v.许可,特许 | |
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34 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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35 cardinals | |
红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 ); 红衣凤头鸟(见于北美,雄鸟为鲜红色); 基数 | |
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36 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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37 convoke | |
v.召集会议 | |
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38 miraculous | |
adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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39 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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40 displeasing | |
不愉快的,令人发火的 | |
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41 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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42 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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43 supplanted | |
把…排挤掉,取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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45 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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46 nuns | |
n.(通常指基督教的)修女, (佛教的)尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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47 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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48 temperament | |
n.气质,性格,性情 | |
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49 vex | |
vt.使烦恼,使苦恼 | |
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50 ward | |
n.守卫,监护,病房,行政区,由监护人或法院保护的人(尤指儿童);vt.守护,躲开 | |
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51 uproar | |
n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
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52 dame | |
n.女士 | |
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53 arrogant | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的 | |
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54 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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55 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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56 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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57 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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58 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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59 intrepid | |
adj.无畏的,刚毅的 | |
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60 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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61 butt | |
n.笑柄;烟蒂;枪托;臀部;v.用头撞或顶 | |
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62 extolled | |
v.赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63 devout | |
adj.虔诚的,虔敬的,衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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64 impartiality | |
n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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65 monologue | |
n.长篇大论,(戏剧等中的)独白 | |
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66 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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67 impudent | |
adj.鲁莽的,卑鄙的,厚颜无耻的 | |
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68 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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69 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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70 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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71 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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72 braggadocio | |
n.吹牛大王 | |
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73 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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74 sophistry | |
n.诡辩 | |
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75 interdicted | |
v.禁止(行动)( interdict的过去式和过去分词 );禁用;限制 | |
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76 rumored | |
adj.传说的,谣传的v.传闻( rumor的过去式和过去分词 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷 | |
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77 scent | |
n.气味,香味,香水,线索,嗅觉;v.嗅,发觉 | |
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78 laurels | |
n.桂冠,荣誉 | |
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79 adorn | |
vt.使美化,装饰 | |
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80 rebukes | |
责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81 hoist | |
n.升高,起重机,推动;v.升起,升高,举起 | |
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82 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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83 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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84 dissimulation | |
n.掩饰,虚伪,装糊涂 | |
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85 compensated | |
补偿,报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 ); 给(某人)赔偿(或赔款) | |
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86 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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87 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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89 braggart | |
n.吹牛者;adj.吹牛的,自夸的 | |
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90 extorting | |
v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 );曲解 | |
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91 magisterially | |
adv.威严地 | |
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92 impure | |
adj.不纯净的,不洁的;不道德的,下流的 | |
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93 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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94 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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95 entreated | |
恳求,乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96 prudently | |
adv. 谨慎地,慎重地 | |
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97 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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98 arbiter | |
n.仲裁人,公断人 | |
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99 authoritatively | |
命令式地,有权威地,可信地 | |
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100 circumvented | |
v.设法克服或避免(某事物),回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 );绕过,绕行,绕道旅行 | |
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101 artifices | |
n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 );诡计;巧妙办法;虚伪行为 | |
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102 scripture | |
n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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103 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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104 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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105 scriptures | |
经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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106 presumptuous | |
adj.胆大妄为的,放肆的,冒昧的,冒失的 | |
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107 glorification | |
n.赞颂 | |
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108 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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109 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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110 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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111 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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112 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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