Among available positions, Grundtvig especially coveted5 a professorship in history at the newly founded university of Oslo, Norway, at which three of his friends, S. B. Hersleb, Niels Trechow and George Sverdrup, had already obtained employment. But although these friends worked zealously7 for his appointment, even after the separation of Norway from Denmark, their efforts were fruitless. Grundtvig was not destined8 to leave his native land. Nor were his attempts to secure other work successful. In spite of the fact that he applied9 for almost every vacancy10 in the church, even the smallest, his powerful enemies among the Rationalists were influential11 enough to prevent his appointment to any of them.
Meanwhile he was by no means idle. Following his conversion13, he felt for a time like a man suddenly emerging from darkness into the brightness of a new day. Old things had passed away, but the brilliance14 of the new light confused him. What could he do? How many of his former interests were reconcilable with his new views? Could he, for instance, continue his writings? “When my eyes were opened,” he writes, “I considered all things not directly concerned with God a hindrance15 to the blessed knowledge of my Lord, Jesus Christ.” After a time he saw, however, that his ability to write might be accepted as a gift from God to be used in His service. “The poet when inspired,” he says, “may proclaim a message from [104]above to the world below,” and so, “after dedicating it to Himself, the Lord again handed me the harp16 that I had placed upon His altar.”
During his brief stay at Udby, Grundtvig published three larger works: Episodes from the Battle between Ases and Norns, Saga17 and A New Year’s Gift for 1812.[9] The first of these was nearly completed before his conversion, and as he now reread the manuscript, its content almost shocked him. Was it possible that he had felt and written thus only a few months ago! He thought of destroying the work but decided18 to recast it in conformity19 with his present views and to express these clearly in a preface. With the completion of this task, however, he took a long leave from the “ice-cold giants of the North” that had so long engrossed20 his attention.
After his brief visit with the heroes of the past, Grundtvig again turned his attention to their descendants in the present. And the contrast was almost startling. The war still was dragging on and the country sinking deeper and deeper into the morass21 of political, commercial and economic difficulties. But the majority of the people seemed completely indifferent to her plight22. “They talked of nothing,” Grundtvig says, “but of what they had eaten, worn and amused themselves with yesterday, or what they would eat, wear and amuse themselves with tomorrow.” Was it possible that these people could be descendants of the giants whose valor23 and aggressive spirit had once challenged the greater part of Europe?
Grundtvig was convinced that the spiritual apathy24 of his people resulted from the failure of their spiritual leaders to uphold the Evangelical faith, and that the salvation25 of the nation depended on a true revival26 of Evangelical Christianity. For this reason he now exerted every means at his command to induce the people and, especially, their leaders to return to the old paths. In numerous works, both in verse and in prose, he urged the people to renew the faith of their fathers and challenged their leaders to take a definite stand for Biblical Christianity. He became the lonely defender28 of the Bible.
Among outstanding personalities29 of that day, there were especially two that attracted widespread attention: J. P. Mynster, assistant pastor at the Church of Our Lady in Copenhagen, and Adam Gottlieb Oehlenschlaeger, the dramatic poet, then at the height of his fame. With their influence these men, as Grundtvig [105]saw it, might give a strong impetus30 to the much needed awakening31; and, he therefore, approached them personally.
Rev12. Mynster, a stepson of Grundtvig’s maternal32 uncle, after a period of rationalism, had experienced a quiet conversion to Evangelical faith and won a respected name as a faithful and gifted preacher of the Gospel, a name which he retained throughout his conspicuous33 career as pastor of the Church of Our Lady in Copenhagen and, later, as Bishop34 of Sjælland. He and Grundtvig, working to the same purpose, ought to have united with another, but they were both too individualistic in temperament35 and views to join forces. Mynster was coldly logical, calm and reserved, a lover of form and orderly progress. Grundtvig was impetuous, and volcanic36, in constant ferment37, always in search of spiritual reality and wholly indifferent to outward appearances. His own experience had led him to believe that a return to Evangelical Christianity could be effected only through a clean break with Rationalism, and he could not understand Mynster’s apparent attempt to temporize38 and bring about a gradual transition from one to the other. There should be no compromise between truth and falsehood. All believers in the Gospel should stand up and proclaim it fearlessly, no matter what the consequences.
And so Grundtvig wrote to Mynster: “Dear Rev. Mynster, I owe you an apology for asking a question that in our days may appear inexcusable: What is your real belief regarding the Bible and the faith of Jesus Christ? If you humbly39 believe in God’s Word, I shall rejoice with you even if you differ with me in all other things. Dear Rev. Mynster—for you are that to me—if my question appears unseemly, you must not let it hurt you, for I have written only as my heart dictates40.” But Mynster did feel offended and answered Grundtvig very coldly that his questions implied an unwarranted and offensive doubt of his sincerity41 that must make future intercourse42 between them difficult—if not impossible.
Nor was Grundtvig more successful with a letter of similar purport43 to Oehlenschlaeger whose later writings he found lacked the spiritual sincerity of his earlier work. “My concern about this,” he wrote, “is increased by the thought that this lessening44 of spirituality must be expressive45 of a change in your own spiritual outlook, your inner relationship with God whom all spiritual workers should serve, counting it a greater achievement to inspire their fellow men with a true adoration46 of our Lord than to win the acclaim47 of the world.” But like Mynster the highly feted poet accepted this frank [106]questioning of his inner motive48 as an unwarranted impertinence, the stupid intrusion of an intolerable fanatic49 with whom no friend of true enlightenment could have anything to do. Grundtvig was fast finding out what it means to be counted a fool for Christ’s sake—or for what he thought was Christ’s sake.
In the midst of these troubles Grundtvig again turned his attention to history, his favorite subject from childhood days. His retreat from the present to the past implied no abolition50, however, of his resolve to dedicate himself to a spiritual revival of his people. Through his historical work he wished to show the influence of Christianity upon the people of Europe. “That the life of every people,” he writes, “is and must be a fruit of faith should be clear to all. For who can dispute that every human action—irrespective of how little considered it may have been—is expressive of its doer’s attitude, of his way of feeling and thinking. But what determines a man’s way of thinking except his essential thoughts concerning the relationship between God and the world, the visible and the invisible? Every serious thinker, therefore, must recognize the importance of faith in the furtherance of science, the progress of nations and the life of the state. It is a fearful delusion51 that man can be immoral52, an unbeliever, even an enemy of the cross of Christ, and yet a furtherer of morality and science, a good neighbor and a benefactor53 to his country.”
A Brief Survey of the World’s History, which Grundtvig published in 1812, is thus the opposite of an objective presentation of historical events. It is a Christian27 philosophy of history, an attempt to prove the truth of the Gospel by its effect upon the nations. With the Bible before him Grundtvig weighs and evaluates people and events upon the scale of the revealed word. And his judgment54 is often relentless55, stripping both persons and events of the glorified56 robes in which history and traditions invested them. In answer to countless57 protests against such a method of reading history, Grundtvig contends that the Christian historian must accept the consequences of his faith. He cannot profess6 the truth of Christianity and ignore its implication in the life of the world. If the Gospel be true, history must be measured by its relation to its truth.
Grundtvig’s history caused a sensation, especially on account of its frank appraisal58 of many well-known persons. Nearly all praised its lucid59 style; a few, such as George Sverdrup, spoke60 highly of its strikingly original estimate and correlation61 of events; but the [107]intelligentsia condemned62 it as the work of an impossible fanatic. With this work, they claimed, Grundtvig had clearly removed himself from the pale of intelligent men.
But while his enemies raged, Grundtvig was already busy with another work: A Brief Account of God’s Way with the Danish and Norwegian Peoples. This history which, written in verse and later published under the title of Roskilde Rhymes, was first read at a diocesan convention in Roskilde Cathedral, the Westminster Abbey of Denmark. Although the poem contained many urgent calls to the assembled pastors64 to awake and return to the way of the fathers, whose bones rested within the walls of the historic sanctuary65, its reading caused no immediate66 resentment67. Most of the reverend listeners are reported, in fact, to have been peacefully asleep when late in the evening Grundtvig finished the reading of his lengthy68 manuscript. But a paper on “Polemics and Tolerance69” which he read at another convention two years later kept his listeners wide awake.
“Our day has inherited two shibboleths70 from the eighteenth century: enlightenment and tolerance. By the last of these words most people understand an attitude of superior neutrality toward the opinions of others, even when these opinions concern the highest spiritual welfare of man. Such an attitude has for its premise71 that good and evil, truth and falsehood are not separate and irreconcilable72 realities but only different phases of the same question. But every Christian, thoroughly73 convinced of the antagonism74 and irreconcilability75 of truth with falsehood, must inevitably76 hate and reject such a supposition. If Christianity be true, tolerance toward opinions and teachings denying its truth is nothing but a craven betrayal of both God and man. It is written, ‘Judge and condemn63 no one’ but not ‘Judge and condemn nothing.’ For every Christian must surely both judge and condemn evil.
“There are times when to fight for Christianity may not be an urgent necessity; but that cannot be so in our days when every one of its divine truths is mocked and assailed77.
“You call me a self-seeking fanatic, but if I be that, why are you yourself silent? If I be misleading those who follow me, why are you, the true watchmen of Zion, not exerting yourself to lead them aright? I stand here the humblest of Danish pastors, a minister without a pulpit, a man reviled78 by the world, shorn of my reputation as a writer, and held to be devoid79 of all intelligence and truth. Even so I solemnly declare that the religion now preached [108]in our Danish church is not Christianity, is nothing but a tissue of deception80 and falsehood, and that unless Danish pastors bestir themselves and fight for the restoration of God’s word and the Christian faith there will soon be no Christian church in Denmark.”
The immediate effect of this bold challenge was a stern reprimand from Bishop Frederik Munter, accompanied by a solemn warning that if he ever again ventured to voice a similar judgment upon his fellow pastors, sterner measures would at once be taken against him. Besides this, his enemies raved81, some of his few remaining friends broke with him, and H. C. Ørsted, the famous discoverer of electro-magnetism, continued an attack upon him that for bitterness has no counterpart in Danish letters. In the midst of this storm Grundtvig remained self-possessed, answering his critic quite calmly and even with a touch of humor. Although relentless in a fight for principles, he was never vindictive82 toward his personal enemies. In 1815, he published a collection of poems, Kvaedlinger, in which he asks, “Who knoweth of peace who never has fought, whoso has been saved and suffered naught83?” And these lines no doubt express his personal attitude toward the battles of life.
Being without a pulpit of his own, Grundtvig, after his return to Copenhagen, frequently accepted invitations to preach for other pastors. But as the opposition84 against him grew, these invitations decreased and, after the Roskilde affair, only one church, the church of Frederiksberg, was still open to him. Grundtvig felt his exclusion85 very keenly, but he knew that even friendly pastors hesitated to invite him for fear of incurring86 the disapproval87 of superiors or the displeasure of influential parishioners. And so, at the close of a Christmas service in the Frederiksberg church in 1815, he solemnly announced that he would not enter a pulpit again until he had been duly appointed to do so by the proper authorities.
Grundtvig’s withdrawal89 from the church, though pleasing to his active enemies, was a great disappointment to his friends. His services had always been well attended, and his earnest message had brought comfort to many, especially among the distressed90 Evangelicals. But others, too, felt the power of his word. Thus a man in Copenhagen, after attending one of his services, wrote to a friend, “that he had laughed at the beginning of the sermon and wept at its conclusion” and that “it was the only earnest testimony91 [109]he had ever heard from a pulpit.” And a reporter writing to a Copenhagen newspaper about his last service said, “Our famous Grundtvig preached yesterday at Frederiksberg church to such a crowd of people that the church was much too small to accommodate them. Here were people from all walks of life, and the speaker, we are convinced, stirred them to the bottom of their souls. Here was a Mynster’s clarity, a Fallesen’s earnestness, and a Balle’s appeal united with a Nordahl Brun’s manliness92 and admirable language.” And this about a man for whom his church had no room!
Thus Grundtvig instead of the friendly co-operation he had hoped for especially from the spiritual and intellectual leaders of the people found himself virtually shut out from the circle to which he naturally belonged, and from the church he loved, perhaps better than any man of his generation.
But if his hope of enlisting93 the leaders in a campaign to revive the spiritual life of the common people had been disappointed, his own determination to devote his life to that purpose remained unshaken. If he could look for no help from the recognized leaders of his nation, he must somehow gain a hearing from the common people themselves. His personal contact with these, however, was rather slight. Except for his brief work as a pastor, he had so far spent the greater part of his life in intellectual pursuits quite removed from the interest of the common man. And the question was then how he, a man without any special position and influence, could reach the ears of his countrymen.
In searching for an answer to this question, he remembered the two things that most profoundly had influenced his own spiritual outlook, his study of the traditions and history of his people, and his religious awakening in 1810. Was it not possible then that a like change might be engendered94 in others by presenting them with a picture of their own glorious past or, as his friend Ingemann later expressed it, by calling forth95 the generations that died to testify against the generation that lived? In presenting such a picture he would not have to rely on his own inventiveness but could use material already existing, foremost among which were the famous Sagas96 of Norwegian Kings by Snorra Sturlason, and Denmark’s Chronicle by Saxo Grammaticus, the former written in Icelandic, and the latter in Latin.
When Grundtvig presented this plan to his remaining friends, they received it at once with enthusiasm and began the organization [110]of societies both in Denmark and Norway for the purpose of sponsoring its execution, in itself a most herculean task.
The two books contain together about fifteen hundred large and closely printed pages and present a circumstantial account of the early mythological97 and factual history of the two nations. Even a merely literal translation of them might well consume years of labor99. But Grundtvig’s plan went much farther than mere98 literal translation. Wishing to appeal to the common people, he purposed to popularize the books and to transcribe100 them in a purer and more idiomatic101 Danish than the accepted literary language of the day, a Danish to be based on the dialects of the common people, the folk-songs, popular proverbs, and the old hymns102. It was a bold undertaking103, comparable to the work of Luther in modelling the language of the German Bible after the speech of the man in the street and the mother at the cradle, or to the great effort of Norway in our days to supplant104 the Danish-Norwegian tongue with a language from the various dialects of her people. Nor can it be said that Grundtvig was immediately successful in his attempt. His version of the sagas sounds somewhat stilted105 and artificial, and it never became popular among the common people for whom it was especially intended. Eventually, however, he did develop his new style into a plain, forceful mode of expression that has greatly enriched the Danish language of today.
For seven years Grundtvig buried himself in “the giant’s mount,” emerging only occasionally for the pursuit of various studies in connection with his work or to voice his views on certain issues that particularly interested him. He discovered a number of errors in the Icelandic version of Beowulf and made a new Danish translation of that important work; he engaged in a bitter literary battle with Paul Mueller, a leader among the younger academicians, in defence of the celebrated106 lyric107 poet, Jens Baggesen, who had aroused the wrath108 of the students by criticising their revered109 dramatist, Oehlenschlaeger; and he fought a furious contest with the greatly admired song and comedy writer, John L. Heiberg, in defence of his good friend, Bernhard Severin Ingemann, whose excellent but overly sentimental110 lyrics111 had invited the barbed wit of the humorist. But although Grundtvig’s contributions to these disputes were both able and pointed88, their main effect was to widen the breach112 between him and the already antagonistic113 intellectuals.
In 1817 Grundtvig published the second part of World Chronicles, and a few issues of a short-lived periodical entitled “Dannevirke” which among other excellent contributions presented his [111]splendid poem, “The Easter Lily,” a poetic114 dramatization of our Lord’s resurrection, about which the poet, Baggesen, said that “it outweighed115 all Oehlenschlaeger’s tragedies and that he himself had moments when he would rather have been the author of this incomparably beautiful poem than of everything he himself had written.”
Grundtvig began his translation of the sagas on a wave of high enthusiasm. But as the years multiplied, the interest of his supporters waned116 and he himself wearied of the task. He began, besides, to doubt his ability to resurrect the heroic dead in such a manner that they could revive the dropping spirit of the living.
In a welcome to Ingemann, on his return from a tour abroad, he expresses the hope that the poet will now devote his gifts to a reincarnation of his country’s old heroes. He himself has tried to do this. “He has made armor, shields and swords for them of saga’s steel, and borrowed horses for them from the ancient bards117, but he has no cloth fit for the coats of such elegant knights118 nor feathers beautiful enough to adorn119 their helmets. He can sound a challenge but has no voice for singing; he can ring a bell but can not play the lute120.” In other words, he can depict121 the thoughts and ideals of the old heroes but lacks the poetical122 ability to recreate them as living personalities—a remarkably123 true estimate of his own limitations.
The discovery that his translation of the sagas was not accomplishing its intended purpose, and a growing apprehension124 that the written word was, perhaps, impotent to revive the spiritual life of his people, engendered in him an increasing wish to leave “the mount of the dead” and re-enter the world of the living. His economic circumstances also necessitated125 a change. In 1818 he had married Elizabeth Blicher, the daughter of a brother pastor, and he found it well nigh impossible to support his wife and growing family on the meager126 returns from his writings and a small pension which the government allowed him for his work with the sagas.
Spurred by these reasons, he applied for almost every vacancy in the church, even the smallest, and, in 1821, succeeded in obtaining an appointment to the pastorate at Prastø, a small city on the south-eastern shores of Sjælland.
Grundtvig was well satisfied with his new charge. He was kindly127 received by his congregation; the city was quite close to his beloved Udby, and his mother still lived there. “In the loveliest surroundings my eyes have ever seen and among a friendly people,” [112]he writes, “my strength soon revived so that I could continue my literary work and even complete my wearisome translation of the sagas.”
An incident is related from his work at Prastø which throws a somewhat revealing light upon his ability as a pastor. At his only confirmation128 service there, the confirmants, we are told, wept so that he had to pause several times in his address to them in order to let them regain129 their composure. Since he was always quite objective in his preaching and heartily130 disbelieved in the usual revival methods, the incident illustrates131 his rare ability to profoundly stir even the less mature of his hearers by his objective presentation of the Gospel. Even his bitterest enemies could not deny the evident effectiveness of his ministry132 in every charge he served.
His work at Prastø was, however, of brief duration. In 1822, less than two years after his installation, he received and accepted a call as assistant pastor at Our Savior’s Church in Copenhagen, thus attaining133 his long deferred134 wish for a pulpit in the capital.
[9]The printed text is corrupt135 here. Saga: A New Year’s Gift for 1812 is one work. Possibly the third work referenced is World Chronicles, the first part of which was published
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
fervor
|
|
| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
pastor
|
|
| n.牧师，牧人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
afterward
|
|
| adv.后来；以后 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
coveted
|
|
| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
profess
|
|
| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
zealously
|
|
| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
vacancy
|
|
| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
influential
|
|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
rev
|
|
| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
conversion
|
|
| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
brilliance
|
|
| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
hindrance
|
|
| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
harp
|
|
| n.竖琴；天琴座 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
saga
|
|
| n.(尤指中世纪北欧海盗的)故事，英雄传奇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
conformity
|
|
| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
engrossed
|
|
| adj.全神贯注的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
morass
|
|
| n.沼泽，困境 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
plight
|
|
| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
valor
|
|
| n.勇气，英勇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
apathy
|
|
| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
salvation
|
|
| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
revival
|
|
| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
defender
|
|
| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
personalities
|
|
| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
impetus
|
|
| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
awakening
|
|
| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
maternal
|
|
| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
conspicuous
|
|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
temperament
|
|
| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
volcanic
|
|
| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
ferment
|
|
| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
temporize
|
|
| v.顺应时势；拖延 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
humbly
|
|
| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
dictates
|
|
| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
sincerity
|
|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
intercourse
|
|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
purport
|
|
| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
lessening
|
|
| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
expressive
|
|
| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
adoration
|
|
| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
acclaim
|
|
| v.向…欢呼，公认；n.欢呼，喝彩，称赞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
fanatic
|
|
| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
abolition
|
|
| n.废除，取消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
delusion
|
|
| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
immoral
|
|
| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
benefactor
|
|
| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
relentless
|
|
| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
glorified
|
|
| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
countless
|
|
| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
appraisal
|
|
| n.对…作出的评价；评价，鉴定，评估 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
lucid
|
|
| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
correlation
|
|
| n.相互关系，相关，关连 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
pastors
|
|
| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
sanctuary
|
|
| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
resentment
|
|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
lengthy
|
|
| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
tolerance
|
|
| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
shibboleths
|
|
| n.（党派、集团等的）准则( shibboleth的名词复数 )；教条；用语；行话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
premise
|
|
| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
irreconcilable
|
|
| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
irreconcilability
|
|
| Irreconcilability | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
assailed
|
|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
reviled
|
|
| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
devoid
|
|
| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
deception
|
|
| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
raved
|
|
| v.胡言乱语( rave的过去式和过去分词 )；愤怒地说；咆哮；痴心地说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
vindictive
|
|
| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
naught
|
|
| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
exclusion
|
|
| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
incurring
|
|
| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
disapproval
|
|
| n.反对，不赞成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
pointed
|
|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
withdrawal
|
|
| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
distressed
|
|
| 痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
manliness
|
|
| 刚毅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
enlisting
|
|
| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
engendered
|
|
| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
sagas
|
|
| n.萨迦（尤指古代挪威或冰岛讲述冒险经历和英雄业绩的长篇故事）( saga的名词复数 )；（讲述许多年间发生的事情的）长篇故事；一连串的事件（或经历）；一连串经历的讲述（或记述） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
mythological
|
|
| adj.神话的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
labor
|
|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
transcribe
|
|
| v.抄写，誉写；改编(乐曲)；复制，转录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
idiomatic
|
|
| adj.成语的，符合语言习惯的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
hymns
|
|
| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
undertaking
|
|
| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
supplant
|
|
| vt.排挤；取代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
stilted
|
|
| adj.虚饰的；夸张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
celebrated
|
|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
lyric
|
|
| n.抒情诗，歌词；adj.抒情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
revered
|
|
| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
sentimental
|
|
| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
lyrics
|
|
| n.歌词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
breach
|
|
| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
antagonistic
|
|
| adj.敌对的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
poetic
|
|
| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
outweighed
|
|
| v.在重量上超过( outweigh的过去式和过去分词 )；在重要性或价值方面超过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
waned
|
|
| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
bards
|
|
| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
knights
|
|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
adorn
|
|
| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
lute
|
|
| n.琵琶，鲁特琴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
depict
|
|
| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
poetical
|
|
| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
remarkably
|
|
| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
apprehension
|
|
| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
necessitated
|
|
| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
meager
|
|
| adj.缺乏的，不足的，瘦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
confirmation
|
|
| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
regain
|
|
| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
heartily
|
|
| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
illustrates
|
|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
ministry
|
|
| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
attaining
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
deferred
|
|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |