With what People the Romans had to Combat, and How Obstinately2 They Defended their Liberty
Nothing caused so much hard work for the Romans as the overcoming of the surrounding people and part of the distant Provinces, as the love many people in those times had for liberty; which they so obstinately defended but they would never have been subjugated3 except for the excessive virtu [of the Romans]. For, from many examples, it is known into what dangers they placed themselves in order to maintain or recover [their liberty], and what vengeance4 they practiced against those who had deprived them of it. It is also to be learned from the lessons of history what injury the people and the City received from such servitude. And, while in these times there is only one Province of which it can be said has in it free Cities, in ancient times in all the Provinces there existed many free people. It will be seen that in those times of which we speak at present, there were in Italy, from the Alps (which now divide Tuscany from Lombardy) up to the furthest [part] in Italy, many free peoples, such as were the Tuscans, the Romans, the Samnites, and many other people, who inhabited the remaining part of Italy. Nor is there ever any discussion whether there was any King outside those who reigned5 in Rome, and Porsenna, King of Tuscany, whose line was extinguished in a manner of which history does not speak. But it is indeed seen that in those times when the Romans went to besiege6 Veii, Tuscany was free, and so much did it enjoy its liberty and so hated the title of Prince, that when the Veientians created a King for the defense7 of Veii, and requested aid of the Tuscans against the Romans, they decided8, after much consultation10, not to give aid to the Veientians as long as they lived under the King, judging it not to be good to defend the country of those who already had subjected themselves to others. And it is easy to understand whence this affection arises in a people to live free, for it is seen from experience that Cities never increased either in dominion11 or wealth except while they had been free. And truly it is a marvelous thing to consider to what greatness Athens had arrived in the space of a hundred years after she had freed herself from the tyranny of Pisistratus. But above all, it is a more marvelous thing to consider to what greatness Rome arrived after it liberated13 itself from its Kings. The cause is easy to understand, for not the individual good, but the common good is what makes Cities great. And, without doubt, this common good is not observed except in Republics, because everything is done which makes for their benefit, and if it should turn to harm this or that individual, those for whom the said good is done are so many, that they can carry on against the interests of those few who should be harmed. The contrary happens when there is a Prince, where much of the time what he does for himself harms the City, and what is done for the City harms him. So that soon there arises a Tyranny over a free society, the least evil which results to that City is for it not to progress further, nor to grow further in power or wealth, but most of the times it rather happens that it turns backward. And if chance should cause that a Tyrant14 of virtu should spring up, who by his courage and virtu at arms expands his dominion, no usefulness would result to the Republic but only to be himself; for he cannot honor any of those citizens who are valiant15 and good over whom he tyrannizes, as he does not want to have to suspect them. Nor also can he subject those Cities which he acquires or make them tributary16 to the City of which he is the Tyrant, because he does not help himself in making them powerful, but it will help him greatly in keeping the State disunited, so that each town and each province should recognize him. So that he alone, and not his country, profits from his acquisitions. And whoever should want to confirm this opinion with infinite other arguments, let him read Xenophon’s treatise17 which he wrote on Tyranny.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the ancient people should have persecuted18 the Tyrants19 with so much hatred20 and should have loved living in freedom, and the name of Liberty so much esteemed22 by them; as happened when Hieronymus, nephew of Hiero the Syracusan, was killed in Syracuse; that when the news of his death came to his army, which was not very far from Syracuse, they at first begun to raise a tumult23 and take up arms against his killers24; but when they heard that there was shouting of liberty in Syracuse, attracted by the name everyone became quiet, their ire against the Tyrannicides was quelled25, and they thought of how a free government could be established in that City. It is also no wonder that the people took extraordinary vengeance against those who deprived them of liberty. Of which there have been many examples, but I intend to refer only to one which happened in Corcyra, a City of Greece, in the times of the Peloponnesian war, where, the Province being divided into two factions26, of which the Athenians followed one, the Spartans27 the other, there arose then among the many other Cities a division among themselves, some following [the friendship of] Sparta, the the others [of] Athens: and it happened in the said City [Corcyra] that the nobles had prevailed and had taken away the liberty from the people; the populari [popular party] with the aid of the Athenians recovered its power, and, having laid hands on the nobility, put them into a prison capable of holding all of them; from which they took out eight or ten at one time under a pretext28 of sending them into exile in different places, but put them to death with [examples of] extreme cruelties. When the remainder became aware of this, they resolved if possible to escape that ignominious29 death, and arming themselves as [best] as they could, they fought with those who attempted to enter and defended the entrance to the prison; but when the people came together at this noise, they pulled down the upper part of that place, and suffocated30 them in the ruins. Many other similar notable and horrible cases occurred in the said Province, so that it is seen to be true that liberty is avenged31 with great energy when it is taken away than when it is only threatened [to be taken].
In thinking, therefore, of whence it should happen that in those ancient times the people were greater lovers of Liberty than in these times, I believe it results from the same reason which makes men presently less strong, which I believe is the difference between our education and that of the ancients, founded on the difference between our Religion and the ancients. For, as our Religion shows the truth and the true way [of life], it causes us to esteem21 less the honors of the world: while the Gentiles [Pagans] esteeming32 them greatly, and having placed the highest good in them, were more ferocious33 in their actions. Which can be observed from many of their institutions, beginning with the magnificence of their sacrifices [as compared] to the humility34 of ours, in which there is some pomp more delicate than magnificent, but no ferocious or energetic actions. Theirs did not lack pomp and magnificence of ceremony, but there was added the action of sacrifice full of blood and ferocity, the killing35 of many animals, which sight being terrible it rendered the men like unto it. In addition to this, the ancient Religion did not beatify men except those full of worldly glory, such as were the Captains of armies and Princes of Republics. Our Religion has glorified36 more humble37 and contemplative men rather than men of action. It also places the highest good in humility, lowliness, and contempt of human things: the other places it in the greatness of soul, the strength of body, and all the other things which make men very brave. And, if our Religion requires that there be strength [of soul] in you, it desires that you be more adept38 at suffering than in achieving great deeds.
This mode of living appears to me, therefore, to have rendered the world weak and a prey39 to wicked men, who can manage it securely, seeing that the great body of men, in order to go to Paradise, think more of enduring their beatings than in avenging40 them. And although it appears that the World has become effeminate and Heaven disarmed41, yet this arises without doubt more from the baseness of men who have interpreted our Religion in accordance with Indolence and not in accordance with Virtu. For if they were to consider that it [our Religion] permits the exaltation and defense of the country, they would see that it desires that we love and honor her [our country], and that we prepare ourselves so that we can be able to defend her. This education and false interpretations42, therefore, are the cause that in the world as many Republics are not seen in them that the people have as much love for liberty now as at that time. I believe, however, the reason for this rather to be, that the Roman Empire with its arms and greatness destroyed all the Republics and all civil institutions. And although that Empire was later dissolved, yet these Cities could not reunite themselves, nor reorganize their civil institutions, except in a very few places in that Empire.
But however it was, the Romans found a conspiracy43 in every smallest part of the world of Republics very well armed and most obstinate1 in the defense of their liberty. Which shows that the Roman people could never have overcome them without that rare and extreme virtu. And to give an example of one instance, the example of the Samnites suffices for me, which seems to be a marvelous one. And T. Livius admits that these [people] were so powerful and their arms so valiant, that, up to the time of the Consul9 Papirus Cursor, son of the first Papirus, for a period of forty six years, they were able to resist the Romans, despite the many defeats, destruction of Towns, and massacres44 suffered by their country. Especially as it is now seen that that country where there were so many Cities and so many men, is now almost uninhabited: and yet it was so well established and so powerful, that it was unconquerable except by Roman virtu. And it is an easy thing whence that order and disorder45 proceeded, for it all comes from their then living in freedom and now living in servitude. For all the towns and provinces which are free in every way (as was said above) make the greatest advances. For here greater populations are seen because marriages are more free and more desired by men, because everyone willingly procreates those children that he believes he is able to raise without being apprehensive46 that their patrimony47 will be taken away, and to know that they are not only born free and not slaves, but are also able through their own virtu to become Princes. They will see wealth multiplied more rapidly, both that which comes from the culture [of the soil] and that which comes from the arts, for everyone willingly multiplies those things and seek to acquire those goods whose acquisition he believes he can enjoy. Whence it results that men competing for both private and public betterment, both come to increase in a wondrous48 manner. The contrary of all these things happens in those countries which live in servitude, and the more the good customs are lacking, the more rigorous is the servitude. And the hardest of all servitudes is that of being subject to a Republic: the one, because it is more enduring and the possibility of escaping from it is missing: the other, because the final aim of a Republic is to enervate49 and weaken (in order to increase its own power) all the other states. Which a Prince who subjugates50 you does not do unless that Prince is some barbarous Prince, a destroyer of countries and dissipater of all human civilization, such as are oriental Princes: But if he has ordinary human feelings in him, most of the times he will love equally the Cities subject to him, and will leave them [enjoy] all their arts, and almost all their ancient institutions. So that if they cannot grow as if they were free, they will not be ruined even in servitude; servitude being understood as that in which Cities serve a foreigner, for of that to one of their own Citizens, we have spoken above.
Whoever considers, therefore, all that which has been said, will not marvel12 at the power which the Samnites had while they were free, and at the weakness to which they came afterwards under servitude: and T. Livius gives testimony51 of this in many places, and mainly in the war with Hannibal, where he shows that when the Samnites were pressed by a legion of [Romans] who were at Nola, they sent Orators52 [Ambassadors] to Hannibal to beg him to succor53 them. Who in their speech said to him. that for a hundred years they had combatted the Romans with their own soldiers and their own Captains, and many times had sustained [battle against] two consular54 armies and two Consuls55; but now they had arrived at such baseness that they were hardly able to defend themselves against the small Roman legion which was at Nola.
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1
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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killers
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| 凶手( killer的名词复数 )； 消灭…者； 致命物； 极难的事 | |
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quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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spartans
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| n.斯巴达（spartan的复数形式） | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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suffocated
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| （使某人）窒息而死( suffocate的过去式和过去分词 )； （将某人）闷死； 让人感觉闷热； 憋气 | |
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avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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esteeming
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| v.尊敬( esteem的现在分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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adept
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| adj.老练的，精通的 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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41
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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44
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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49
enervate
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| v.使虚弱，使无力 | |
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50
subjugates
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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51
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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52
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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