I now, for the first time since I crossed the mountains, found myself sufficiently1 at leisure to look deliberately2 round, and mark the different aspects of men and things in a region which, though bearing the same name, and calling itself the same land, was, in many respects, as different from the one I had left, as Amsterdam from St. Petersburg. There every man was straining, and struggling, and striving for himself (heaven knows!) Here every white man was waited upon, more or less, by a slave. There, the newly-cleared lands, rich with the vegetable manure3 accumulated for ages, demanded the slightest labour to return the richest produce; where the plough entered, crops the most abundant followed; but where it came not, no spot of native verdure, no native fruits, no native flowers cheered the eye; all was close, dark, stifling4 forest. Here the soil had long ago yielded its first fruits; much that had been cleared and cultivated for tobacco (the most exhausting of crops) by the English, required careful and laborious5 husbandry to produce any return; and much was left as sheep-walks. It was in these spots that the natural bounty6 of the soil and climate was displayed by the innumerable wild fruits and flowers which made every dingle and bushy dell seem a garden.
On entering the cottages I found also a great difference in the manner of living. Here, indeed, there were few cottages without a slave, but there were fewer still that had their beefsteak and onions for breakfast, dinner, and supper. The herrings of the bountiful Potomac supply their place. These are excellent “relish7,” as they call it, when salted, and, if I mistake not, are sold at a dollar and a half per thousand. Whiskey, however, flows every where at the same fatally cheap rate of twenty cents (about one shilling) the gallon, and its hideous8 effects are visible on the countenance9 of every man you meet.
The class of people the most completely unlike any existing in England, are those who, farming their own freehold estates, and often possessing several slaves, yet live with as few of the refinements10, and I think I may say, with as few of the comforts of life, as the very poorest English peasant. When in Maryland, I went into the houses of several of these small proprietors12, and remained long enough, and looked and listened sufficiently, to obtain a tolerably correct idea of their manner of living.
One of these families consisted of a young man, his wife, two children, a female slave, and two young lads, slaves also. The farm belonged to the wife, and, I was told, consisted of about three hundred acres of indifferent land, but all cleared. The house was built of wood, and looked as if the three slaves might have overturned it, had they pushed hard against the gable end. It contained one room, of about twelve feet square, and another adjoining it, hardly larger than a closet; this second chamber13 was the lodging14-room of the white part of the family. Above these rooms was a loft15, without windows, where I was told the “staying company” who visited them, were lodged16. Near this mansion17 was a “shanty,” a black hole, without any window, which served as kitchen and all other offices, and also as the lodging of the blacks.
We were invited to take tea with this family, and readily consented to do so. The furniture of the room was one heavy huge table, and about six wooden chairs. When we arrived the lady was in rather a dusky dishabille, but she vehemently18 urged us to be seated, and then retired19 into the closet-chamber above mentioned, whence she continued to address to us from behind the door, all kinds of “genteel country visiting talk,” and at length emerged upon us in a smart new dress.
Her female slave set out the great table, and placed upon it cups of the very coarsest blue ware20, a little brown sugar in one, and a tiny drop of milk in another, no butter, though the lady assured us she had a “deary” and two cows. Instead of butter, she “hoped we would fix a little relish with our crackers,” in ancient English, eat salt meat and dry biscuits. Such was the fare, and for guests that certainly were intended to be honoured. I could not help recalling the delicious repasts which I remembered to have enjoyed at little dairy farms in England, not possessed21, but rented, and at high rents too; where the clean, fresh-coloured, bustling22 mistress herself skimmed the delicious cream, herself spread the yellow butter on the delightful23 brown loaf, and placed her curds24, and her junket, and all the delicate treasures other dairy before us, and then, with hospitable25 pride, placed herself at her board, and added the more delicate “relish” of good tea and good cream. I remembered all this, and did not think the difference atoned26 for, by the dignity of having my cup handed to me by a slave. The lady I now visited, however, greatly surpassed my quondam friends in the refinement11 of her conversation. She ambled27 through the whole time the visit lasted, in a sort of elegantly mincing28 familiar style of gossip, which, I think, she was imitating from some novel, for I was told she was a great novel reader, and left all household occupations to be performed by her slaves. To say she addressed us in a tone of equality, will give no adequate idea of her manner; I am persuaded that no misgiving29 on the subject ever entered her head. She told us that their estate was her divi-dend of her father’s property. She had married a first cousin, who was as fine a gentleman as she was a lady, and as idle, preferring hunting (as they called shooting) to any other occupation. The consequence was, that but a very small portion of the dividend30 was cultivated, and their poverty was extreme. The slaves, particularly the lads, were considerably31 more than half naked, but the air of dignity with which, in the midst of all this misery32, the lanky33 lady said to one of the young negroes, “Attend to your young master, Lycurgus,” must have been heard to be conceived in the full extent of its mock heroic.
Another dwelling34 of one of these landed proprietors was a hovel as wretched as the one above described, but there was more industry within it. The gentleman, indeed, was himself one of the numerous tribe of regular whiskey drinkers, and was rarely capable of any work; but he had a family of twelve children, who, with their skeleton mother, worked much harder than I ever saw negroes do. They were, accordingly, much less elegant and much less poor than the heiress; yet they lived with no appearance of comfort, and with, I believe, nothing beyond the necessaries of life. One proof of this was, that the worthless father would not suffer them to raise, even by their own labour, any garden vegetables, and they lived upon their fat pork, salt fish, and corn bread, summer and winter, without variation. This, I found, was frequently the case among the farmers. The luxury of whiskey is more appreciated by the men than all the green delicacies35 from the garden, and if all the ready money goes for that and their darling chewing tobacco, none can be spent by the wife for garden seeds; and as far as my observation extended, I never saw any American menage where the toast and no toast question, would have been decided36 in favour of the lady.
There are some small farmers who hold their lands as tenants37, but these are by no means numerous: they do not pay their rent in money, but by making over a third of the produce to the owner; a mode of paying rent, considerably more advantageous39 to the tenant38 than the landlord; but the difficulty of obtaining money in payment, excepting for mere40 retail41 articles, is very great in all American transactions. “I can pay in pro-duce,” is the offer which I was assured is constantly made on all occasions, and if rejected, “Then I guess we can’t deal,” is the usual rejoinder. This statement does not, of course, include the great merchants of great cities, but refers to the mass of the people scattered42 over the country; it has, indeed, been my object, in speaking of the customs of the people, to give an idea of what they are generally.
The effect produced upon English people by the sight of slavery in every direction is very new, and not very agreeable, and it is not the less painfully felt from hearing upon every breeze the mocking words, “All men are born free and equal.” One must be in the heart of American slavery, fully43 to appreciate that wonderfully fine passage in Moore’s Epistle to Lord Viscount Forbes, which describes perhaps more faithfully, as well as more powerfully, the political state of America, than any thing that has ever been written upon it.
Oh! Freedom, Freedom, how I hate thy cant44!
Not eastern bombast45, nor the savage46 rant47
Of purpled madmen, were they numbered all
From Roman Nero, down to Russian Paul,
Could grate upon my ear so mean, so base,
As the rank jargon48 of that factious49 race,
Who, poor of heart, and prodigal50 of words,
Born to be slaves, and struggling to be lords,
But pant for licence, while they spurn51 controul,
And shout for rights, with rapine in their soul!
Who can, with patience, for a moment see
The medley52 mass of pride and misery,
Of whips and charters, manacles and rights,
Of slaving blacks, and democratic whites,
Of all the pyebald polity that reigns53
In free confusion o’er Columbia’s plains?
To think that man, thou just and gentle God!
Should stand before thee with a tyrant’s rod,
O’er creatures like himself, with soul from thee,
Yet dare to boast of perfect liberty:
Away, away, I’d rather hold my neck
By doubtful tenure54 from a Sultan’s beck,
In climes where liberty has scarce been named,
Nor any right, but that of ruling, claimed,
Than thus to live, where bastard55 freedom waves
Her fustian56 flag in mockery o’er slaves;
Where (motley laws admitting no degree
Betwixt the vilely57 slaved, and madly free)
Alike the bondage58 and the licence suit,
The brute59 made ruler, and the man made brute!
The condition of domestic slaves, however, does not generally appear to be bad; but the ugly feature is, that should it be so, they have no power to change it. I have seen much kind attention bestowed60 upon the health of slaves; but it is on these occasions impossible to forget, that did this attention fail, a valuable piece of property would be endangered. Unhappily the slaves, too, know this, and the consequence is, that real kindly61 feeling very rarely can exist between the parties. It is said that slaves born in a family are attached to the children of it, who have grown up with them. This may be the case where the petty acts of infant tyranny have not been sufficient to conquer the kindly feeling naturally produced by long and early association; and this sort of attachment62 may last as long as the slave can be kept in that state of profound ignorance which precludes63 reflection. The law of Virginia has taken care of this. The State legislators may truly be said to be “wiser in their generation than the children of light,” and they ensure their safety by forbidding light to enter among them. By the law of Virginia it is penal64 to teach any slave to read, and it is penal to be aiding and abetting65 in the act of instructing them. This law speaks volumes. Domestic slaves are, generally speaking, tolerably well fed, and decently clothed; and the mode in which they are lodged seems a matter of great indifference66 to them. They are rarely exposed to the lash67, and they are carefully nursed in sickness. These are the favourable68 features of their situation. The sad one is, that they may be sent to the south and sold. This is the dread69 of all the slaves north of Louisiana. The sugar plantations70, and more than all, the rice grounds of Georgia and the Carolinas, are the terror of American negroes; and well they may be, for they open an early grave to thousands; and to avoid loss it is needful to make their previous labour pay their value.
There is something in the system of breeding and rearing negroes in the Northern States, for the express purpose of sending them to be sold in the South, that strikes painfully against every feeling of justice, mercy, or common humanity. During my residence in America I became perfectly71 persuaded that the state of a domestic slave in a gentleman’s family was preferable to that of a hired American “help,” both because they are more cared for and valued, and because their condition being born with them, their spirits do not struggle against it with that pining discontent which seems the lot of all free servants in America. But the case is widely different with such as, in their own persons, or those of their children, “loved in vain,” are exposed to the dreadful traffic above mentioned. In what is their condition better than that of the kidnapped negroes on the coast of Africa? Of the horror in which this enforced migration72 is held I had a strong proof during our stay in Virginia. The father of a young slave, who belonged to the lady with whom we boarded, was destined73 to this fate, and within an hour after it was made known to him, he sharpened the hatchet74 with which he had been felling timber, and with his right hand severed75 his left from the wrist.
But this is a subject on which I do not mean to dilate76; it has been lately treated most judiciously77 by a far abler hand. [See Captain Hall’s Travels in America.] Its effects on the moral feelings and external manners of the people are all I wish to observe upon, and these are unquestionably most injurious. The same man who beards his wealthier and more educated neighbour with the bullying78 boast, “I’m as good as you,” turns to his slave, and knocks him down, if the furrow79 he has ploughed, or the log he has felled, please not this stickler80 for equality. There is a glaring falsehood on the very surface of such a man’s principles that is revolting. It is not among the higher classes that the possession of slaves produces the worst effects. Among the poorer class of landholders, who are often as profoundly ignorant as the negroes they own, the effect of this plenary power over males and females is most demoralising; and the kind of coarse, not to say brutal81, authority which is exercised, furnishes the most disgusting moral spectacle I ever witnessed. In all ranks, however, it appeared to me that the greatest and best feelings of the human heart were paralyzed by the relative positions of slave and owner. The characters, the hearts of children, are irretrievably injured by it. In Virginia we boarded for some time in a family consisting of a widow and her four daughters, and I there witnessed a scene strongly indicative of the effect I have mentioned. A young female slave, about eight years of age, had found on the shelf of a cupboard a biscuit, temptingly buttered, of which she had eaten a considerable portion before she was observed. The butter had been copiously82 sprinkled with arsenic83 for the destruction of rats, and had been thus most incautiously placed by one of the young ladies of the family. As soon as the circumstance was known, the lady of the house came to consult me as to what had best be done for the poor child; I immediately mixed a large cup of mustard and water (the most rapid of all emetics) and got the little girl to swallow it. The desired effect was instantly produced, but the poor child, partly from nausea84, and partly from the terror of hearing her death proclaimed by half a dozen voices round her, trembled so violently that I thought she would fall. I sat down in the court where we were standing85, and, as a matter of course, took the little sufferer in my lap. I observed a general titter among the white members of the family, while the black stood aloof86, and looked stupified. The youngest of the family, a little girl about the age of the young slave, after gazing at me for a few moments in utter astonishment87, exclaimed “My! If Mrs. Trollope has not taken her in her lap, and wiped her nasty mouth! Why I would not have touched her mouth for two hundred dollars!”
The little slave was laid on a bed, and I returned to my own apartments; some time afterwards I sent to enquire88 for her, and learnt that she was in great pain. I immediately went myself to enquire farther, when another young lady of the family, the one by whose imprudence the accident had occurred, met my anxious enquiries with ill-suppressed mirth — told me they had sent for the doctor — and then burst into uncontrollable laughter. The idea of really sympathising in the sufferings of a slave appeared to them as absurd as weeping over a calf89 that had been slaughtered90 by the butcher. The daughters of my hostess were as lovely as features and complexion91 could make them; but the neutralizing92 effect of this total want of feeling upon youth and beauty, must be witnessed, to be conceived.
There seems in general a strong feeling throughout America, that none of the negro race can be trusted, and as fear, according to their notions, is the only principle by which a slave can be actuated, it is not wonderful if the imputation93 be just. But I am persuaded that were a different mode of moral treatment pursued, most important and beneficial consequences would result from it. Negroes are very sensible to kindness, and might, I think, be rendered more profitably obedient by the practice of it towards them, than by any other mode of discipline whatever. To emancipate94 them entirely95 throughout the Union cannot, I conceive, be thought of, consistently with the safety of the country; but were the possibility of amelioration taken into the consideration of the legislature, with all the wisdom, justice, and mercy, that could be brought to bear upon it, the negro population of the Union might cease to be a terror, and their situation no longer be a subject either of indignation or of pity.
I observed every where throughout the slave States that all articles which can be taken and consumed are constantly locked up, and in large families, where the extent of the establishment multiplies the number of keys, these are deposited in a basket, and consigned96 to the care of a little negress, who is constantly seen following her mistress’s steps with this basket on her arm, and this, not only that the keys may be always at hand, but because, should they be out of sight one moment, that moment would infallibly be employed for purposes of plunder97. It seemed to me in this instance, as in many others, that the close personal attendance of these sable98 shadows, must be very annoying; but whenever I mentioned it, I was assured that no such feeling existed, and that use rendered them almost unconscious of their presence.
I had, indeed, frequent opportunities of observing this habitual99 indifference to the presence of their slaves. They talk of them, of their condition, of their faculties100, of their conduct, exactly as if they were incapable101 of hearing. I once saw a young lady, who, when seated at table between a male and a female, was induced by her modesty102 to intrude103 on the chair of her female neighbour to avoid the indelicacy of touching104 the elbow of a man. I once saw this very young lady lacing her stays with the most perfect composure before a negro footman. A Virginian gentleman told me that ever since he had married, he had been accustomed to have a negro girl sleep in the same chamber with himself and his wife. I asked for what purpose this nocturnal attendance was necessary? “Good heaven!” was the reply, “if I wanted a glass of water during the night, what would become of me?”
1 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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2 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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3 manure | |
n.粪,肥,肥粒;vt.施肥 | |
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4 stifling | |
a.令人窒息的 | |
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5 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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6 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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7 relish | |
n.滋味,享受,爱好,调味品;vt.加调味料,享受,品味;vi.有滋味 | |
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8 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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9 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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10 refinements | |
n.(生活)风雅;精炼( refinement的名词复数 );改良品;细微的改良;优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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11 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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12 proprietors | |
n.所有人,业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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13 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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14 lodging | |
n.寄宿,住所;(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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15 loft | |
n.阁楼,顶楼 | |
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16 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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17 mansion | |
n.大厦,大楼;宅第 | |
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18 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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19 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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20 ware | |
n.(常用复数)商品,货物 | |
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21 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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22 bustling | |
adj.喧闹的 | |
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23 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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24 curds | |
n.凝乳( curd的名词复数 ) | |
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25 hospitable | |
adj.好客的;宽容的;有利的,适宜的 | |
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26 atoned | |
v.补偿,赎(罪)( atone的过去式和过去分词 );补偿,弥补,赎回 | |
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27 ambled | |
v.(马)缓行( amble的过去式和过去分词 );从容地走,漫步 | |
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28 mincing | |
adj.矫饰的;v.切碎;切碎 | |
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29 misgiving | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕 | |
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30 dividend | |
n.红利,股息;回报,效益 | |
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31 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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32 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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33 lanky | |
adj.瘦长的 | |
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34 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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35 delicacies | |
n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 );精致;精美的食物;周到 | |
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36 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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37 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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38 tenant | |
n.承租人;房客;佃户;v.租借,租用 | |
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39 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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40 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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41 retail | |
v./n.零售;adv.以零售价格 | |
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42 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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43 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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44 cant | |
n.斜穿,黑话,猛扔 | |
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45 bombast | |
n.高调,夸大之辞 | |
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46 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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47 rant | |
v.咆哮;怒吼;n.大话;粗野的话 | |
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48 jargon | |
n.术语,行话 | |
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49 factious | |
adj.好搞宗派活动的,派系的,好争论的 | |
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50 prodigal | |
adj.浪费的,挥霍的,放荡的 | |
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51 spurn | |
v.拒绝,摈弃;n.轻视的拒绝;踢开 | |
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52 medley | |
n.混合 | |
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53 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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54 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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55 bastard | |
n.坏蛋,混蛋;私生子 | |
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56 fustian | |
n.浮夸的;厚粗棉布 | |
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57 vilely | |
adv.讨厌地,卑劣地 | |
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58 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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59 brute | |
n.野兽,兽性 | |
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60 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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62 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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63 precludes | |
v.阻止( preclude的第三人称单数 );排除;妨碍;使…行不通 | |
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64 penal | |
adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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65 abetting | |
v.教唆(犯罪)( abet的现在分词 );煽动;怂恿;支持 | |
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66 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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67 lash | |
v.系牢;鞭打;猛烈抨击;n.鞭打;眼睫毛 | |
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68 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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69 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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70 plantations | |
n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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71 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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72 migration | |
n.迁移,移居,(鸟类等的)迁徙 | |
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73 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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74 hatchet | |
n.短柄小斧;v.扼杀 | |
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75 severed | |
v.切断,断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 );断,裂 | |
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76 dilate | |
vt.使膨胀,使扩大 | |
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77 judiciously | |
adv.明断地,明智而审慎地 | |
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78 bullying | |
v.恐吓,威逼( bully的现在分词 );豪;跋扈 | |
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79 furrow | |
n.沟;垄沟;轨迹;车辙;皱纹 | |
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80 stickler | |
n.坚持细节之人 | |
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81 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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82 copiously | |
adv.丰富地,充裕地 | |
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83 arsenic | |
n.砒霜,砷;adj.砷的 | |
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84 nausea | |
n.作呕,恶心;极端的憎恶(或厌恶) | |
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85 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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86 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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87 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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88 enquire | |
v.打听,询问;调查,查问 | |
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89 calf | |
n.小牛,犊,幼仔,小牛皮 | |
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90 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91 complexion | |
n.肤色;情况,局面;气质,性格 | |
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92 neutralizing | |
v.使失效( neutralize的现在分词 );抵消;中和;使(一个国家)中立化 | |
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93 imputation | |
n.归罪,责难 | |
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94 emancipate | |
v.解放,解除 | |
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95 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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96 consigned | |
v.把…置于(令人不快的境地)( consign的过去式和过去分词 );把…托付给;把…托人代售;丟弃 | |
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97 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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98 sable | |
n.黑貂;adj.黑色的 | |
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99 habitual | |
adj.习惯性的;通常的,惯常的 | |
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100 faculties | |
n.能力( faculty的名词复数 );全体教职员;技巧;院 | |
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101 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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102 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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103 intrude | |
vi.闯入;侵入;打扰,侵扰 | |
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104 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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