B.C. 404. In the following year80 the people passed a resolution to choose thirty men who were to draft a constitution based on the ancestral laws of the State. The following were chosen to act on this committee:— Polychares, Critias, Melobius, Hippolochus, Eucleides, Hiero, Mnesilochus, Chremo, Theramenes, Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaereleos, Anaetius, Piso, Sophocles, Erastosthenes, Charicles, Onomacles, Theognis, Aeschines, Theogones, Cleomedes, Erasistratus, Pheido, Dracontides, Eumathes, Aristoteles, Hippomachus, Mnesitheides. After these transactions, Lysander set sail for Samos; and Agis withdrew the land force from Deceleia and disbanded the troops, dismissing the contingents1 to their several cities.
In was at this date, about the time of the solar eclipse,81 that Lycophron of Pherae, who was ambitious of ruling over the whole of Thessaly, defeated those sections of the Thessalians who opposed him, such as the men of Larissa and others, and slew2 many of them. It was also about this date that Dionysius, now tyrant3 of Syracuse, was defeated by the Carthaginians and lost Gela and Camarina. And again, a little later, the men of Leontini, who previously4 had been amalgamated5 with the Syracusans, separated themselves from Syracuse and Dionysius, and asserted their independence, and returned to their native city. Another incident of this period was the sudden despatch6 and introduction of Syracusan horse into Catana by Dionysius.
Now the Samians, though besieged7 by Lysander on all sides, were at first unwilling8 to come to terms. But at the last moment, when Lysander was on the point of assaulting the town, they accepted the terms, which allowed every free man to leave the island, but not to carry away any part of his property, except the clothes on his back. On these conditions they marched out. The city and all it contained was then delivered over to its ancient citizens by Lysander, who finally appointed ten governors to garrison9 the island.82 After which, he disbanded the allied10 fleet, dismissing them to their respective cities, while he himself, with the Lacedaemonian squadron, set sail for Laconia, bringing with him the prows11 of the conquered vessels13 and the whole navy of Piraeus, with the exception of twelve ships. He also brought the crowns which he had received from the cities as private gifts, and a sum of four hundred and seventy talents83 in silver (the surplus of the tribute money which Cyrus had assigned to him for the prosecution14 of the war), besides other property, the fruit of his military exploits. All these things Lysander delivered to the Lacedaemonians in the latter end of summer.84
The Thirty had been chosen almost immediately after the long walls and the fortifications round Piraeus had been razed15. They were chosen for the express purpose of compiling a code of laws for the future constitution of the State. The laws were always on the point of being published, yet they were never forthcoming; and the thirty compilers contented16 themselves meanwhile with appointing a senate and the other magistracies as suited their fancy best. That done, they turned their attention, in the first instance, to such persons as were well known to have made their living as informers85 under the democracy, and to be thorns in the side of all respectable people. These they laid hold on and prosecuted17 on the capital charge. The new senate gladly recorded its vote of condemnation19 against them; and the rest of the world, conscious of bearing no resemblance to them, seemed scarcely vexed20. But the Thirty did not stop there. Presently they began to deliberate by what means they could get the city under their absolute control, in order that they might work their will upon it. Here again they proceeded tentatively; in the first instance, they sent (two of their number), Aeschines and Aristoteles, to Lacedaemon, and persuaded Lysander to support them in getting a Lacedaemonian garrison despatched to Athens. They only needed it until they had got the “malignants” out of the way, and had established the constitution; and they would undertake to maintain these troops at their own cost. Lysander was not deaf to their persuasions21, and by his co-operation their request was granted. A bodyguard22, with Callibius as governor, was sent.
And now that they had got the garrison, they fell to flattering Callibius with all servile flattery, in order that he might give countenance23 to their doings. Thus they prevailed on him to allow some of the guards, whom they selected, to accompany them, while they proceeded to lay hands on whom they would; no longer confining themselves to base folk and people of no account, but boldly laying hands on those who they felt sure would least easily brook24 being thrust aside, or, if a spirit of opposition25 seized them, could command the largest number of partisans26.
These were early days; as yet Critias was of one mind with Theramenes, and the two were friends. But the time came when, in proportion as Critias was ready to rush headlong into wholesale27 carnage, like one who thirsted for the blood of the democracy, which had banished28 him, Theramenes balked29 and thwarted30 him. It was barely reasonable, he argued, to put people to death, who had never done a thing wrong to respectable people in their lives, simply because they had enjoyed influence and honour under the democracy. “Why, you and I, Critias,” he would add, “have said and done many things ere now for the sake of popularity.” To which the other (for the terms of friendly intimacy31 still subsisted) would retort, “There is no choice left to us, since we intend to take the lion’s share, but to get rid of those who are best able to hinder us. If you imagine, because we are thirty instead of one, our government requires one whit32 the less careful guarding than an actual tyranny, you must be very innocent.”
So things went on. Day after day the list of persons put to death for no just reason grew longer. Day after day the signs of resentment33 were more significant in the groups of citizens banding together and forecasting the character of this future constitution; till at length Theramenes spoke34 again, protesting:— There was no help for it but to associate with themselves a sufficient number of persons in the conduct of affairs, or the oligarchy35 would certainly come to an end. Critias and the rest of the Thirty, whose fears had already converted Theramenes into a dangerous popular idol36, proceeded at once to draw up a list of three thousand citizens; fit and proper persons to have a share in the conduct of affairs. But Theramenes was not wholly satisfied, “indeed he must say, for himself, he regarded it as ridiculous, that in their effort to associate the better classes with themselves in power, they should fix on just that particular number, three thousand, as if that figure had some necessary connection with the exact number of gentlemen in the State, making it impossible to discover any respectability outside or rascality37 within the magic number. And in the second place,” he continued, “I see we are trying to do two things, diametrically opposed; we are manufacturing a government, which is based on force, and at the same time inferior in strength to those whom we propose to govern.” That was what he said, but what his colleagues did, was to institute a military inspection38 or review. The Three Thousand were drawn39 up in the Agora, and the rest of the citizens, who were not included in the list, elsewhere in various quarters of the city. The order to take arms was given;86 but while the men’s backs were turned, at the bidding of the Thirty, the Laconian guards, with those of the citizens who shared their views, appeared on the scene and took away the arms of all except the Three Thousand, carried them up to the Acropolis, and safely deposited them in the temple.
The ground being thus cleared, as it were, and feeling that they had it in their power to do what they pleased, they embarked40 on a course of wholesale butchery, to which many were sacrificed to the merest hatred41, many to the accident of possessing riches. Presently the question rose, How they were to get money to pay their guards? and to meet this difficulty a resolution was passed empowering each of the committee to seize on one of the resident aliens apiece, to put his victim to death, and to confiscate42 his property. Theramenes was invited, or rather told to seize some one or other. “Choose whom you will, only let it be done.” To which he made answer, it hardly seemed to him a noble or worthy43 course on the part of those who claimed to be the elite44 of society to go beyond the informers87 in injustice45. “Yesterday they, today we; with this difference, the victim of the informer must live as a source of income; our innocents must die that we may get their wealth. Surely their method was innocent in comparison with ours.”
The rest of the Thirty, who had come to regard Theramenes as an obstacle to any course they might wish to adopt, proceeded to plot against him. They addressed themselves to the members of the senate in private, here a man and there a man, and denounced him as the marplot of the constitution. Then they issued an order to the young men, picking out the most audacious characters they could find, to be present, each with a dagger46 hidden in the hollow of the armpit; and so called a meeting of the senate. When Theramenes had taken his place, Critias got up and addressed the meeting:
“If,” said he, “any member of this council, here seated, imagines that an undue47 amount of blood has been shed, let me remind him that with changes of constitution such things can not be avoided. It is the rule everywhere, but more particularly at Athens it was inevitable48 there should be found a specially49 large number of persons sworn foes51 to any constitutional change in the direction of oligarchy, and this for two reasons. First, because the population of this city, compared with other Hellenic cities, is enormously large; and again, owing to the length of time during which the people has battened upon liberty. Now, as to two points we are clear. The first is that democracy is a form of government detestable to persons like ourselves — to us and to you; the next is that the people of Athens could never be got to be friendly to our friends and saviours52, the Lacedaemonians. But on the loyalty53 of the better classes the Lacedaemonians can count. And that is our reason for establishing an oligarchical54 constitution with their concurrence56. That is why we do our best to rid us of every one whom we perceive to be opposed to the oligarchy; and, in our opinion, if one of ourselves should elect to undermine this constitution of ours, he would deserve punishment. Do you not agree? And the case,” he continued, “is no imaginary one. The offender57 is here present — Theramenes. And what we say of him is, that he is bent58 upon destroying yourselves and us by every means in his power. These are not baseless charges; but if you will consider it, you will find them amply established in this unmeasured censure59 of the present posture60 of affairs, and his persistent61 opposition to us, his colleagues, if ever we seek to get rid of any of these demagogues. Had this been his guiding principle of action from the beginning, in spite of hostility62, at least he would have escaped all imputation63 of villainy. Why, this is the very man who originated our friendly and confidential64 relations with Lacedaemon. This is the very man who authorised the abolition65 of the democracy, who urged us on to inflict66 punishment on the earliest batch67 of prisoners brought before us. But today all is changed; now you and we are out of odour with the people, and he accordingly has ceased to be pleased with our proceedings68. The explanation is obvious. In case of a catastrophe69, how much pleasanter for him once again to light upon his legs, and leave us to render account for our past performances.
“I contend that this man is fairly entitled to render his account also, not only as an ordinary enemy, but as a traitor70 to yourselves and us. And let us add, not only is treason more formidable than open war, in proportion as it is harder to guard against a hidden assassin than an open foe50, but it bears the impress of a more enduring hostility, inasmuch as men fight their enemies and come to terms with them again and are fast friends; but whoever heard of reconciliation71 with a traitor? There he stands unmasked; he has forfeited72 our confidence for evermore. But to show you that these are no new tactics of his, to prove to you that he is a traitor in grain, I will recall to your memories some points in his past history.
“He began by being held in high honour by the democracy; but taking a leaf out of his father’s, Hagnon’s, book, he next showed a most headlong anxiety to transform the democracy into the Four Hundred, and, in fact, for a time held the first place in that body. But presently, detecting the formation of rival power to the oligarchs, round he shifted; and we find him next a ringleader of the popular party in assailing73 them. It must be admitted, he has well earned his nickname ‘Buskin.’88 Yes, Theramenes! clever you may be, but the man who deserves to live should not show his cleverness in leading on his associates into trouble, and when some obstacle presents itself, at once veer74 round; but like a pilot on shipboard, he ought then to redouble his efforts, until the wind is fair. Else, how in the name of wonderment are those mariners75 to reach the haven76 where they would be, if at the first contrary wind or tide they turn about and sail in the opposite direction? Death and destruction are concomitants of constitutional changes and revolution, no doubt; but you are such an impersonation of change, that, as you twist and turn and double, you deal destruction on all sides. At one swoop77 you are the ruin of a thousand oligarchs at the hands of the people, and at another of a thousand democrats78 at the hands of the better classes. Why, sirs, this is the man to whom the orders were given by the generals, in the sea-fight off Lesbos, to pick up the crews of the disabled vessels; and who, neglecting to obey orders, turned round and accused the generals; and to save himself murdered them! What, I ask you, of a man who so openly studied the art of self-seeking, deaf alike to the pleas of honour and to the claims of friendship? Would not leniency79 towards such a creature be misplaced? Can it be our duty at all to spare him? Ought we not rather, when we know the doublings of his nature, to guard against them, lest we enable him presently to practise on ourselves? The case is clear. We therefore hereby cite this man before you, as a conspirator80 and traitor against yourselves and us. The reasonableness of our conduct, one further reflection may make clear. No one, I take it, will dispute the splendour, the perfection of the Laconian constitution. Imagine one of the ephors there in Sparta, in lieu of devoted81 obedience82 to the majority, taking on himself to find fault with the government and to oppose all measures. Do you not think that the ephors themselves, and the whole commonwealth83 besides, would hold this renegade worthy of condign84 punishment? So, too, by the same token, if you are wise, do you spare yourselves, not him. For what does the alternative mean? I will tell you. His preservation85 will cause the courage of many who hold opposite views to your own to rise; his destruction will cut off the last hopes of all your enemies, whether within or without the city.”
With these words he sat down, but Theramenes rose and said: “Sirs, with your permission I will first touch upon the charge against me which Critias has mentioned last. The assertion is that as the accuser of the generals I was their murderer. Now I presume it was not I who began the attack upon them, but it was they who asserted that in spite of the orders given me I had neglected to pick up the unfortunates in the sea-fight off Lesbos. All I did was to defend myself. My defence was that the storm was too violent to permit any vessel12 to ride at sea, much more therefore to pick up the men, and this defence was accepted by my fellow-citizens as highly reasonable, while the generals seemed to be condemned86 out of their own mouths. For while they kept on asserting that it was possible to save the men, the fact still remained that they abandoned them to their fate, set sail, and were gone.
“However, I am not surprised, I confess, at this grave misconception89 on the part of Critias, for at the date of these occurrences he was not in Athens. He was away in Thessaly, laying the foundations of a democracy with Prometheus, and arming the Penestae90 against their masters. Heaven forbid that any of his transactions there should be re-enacted here. However, I must say, I do heartily87 concur55 with him on one point. Whoever desires to exclude you from the government, or to strength the hands of your secret foes, deserves and ought to meet with condign punishment; but who is most capable of so doing? That you will best discover, I think, by looking a little more closely into the past and the present conduct of each of us. Well, then! up to the moment at which you were formed into a senatorial body, when the magistracies were appointed, and certain notorius ‘informers’ were brought to trial, we all held the same views. But later on, when our friends yonder began to hale respectable honest folk to prison and to death, I, on my side, began to differ from them. From the moment when Leon of Salamis,91 a man of high and well-deserved reputation, was put to death, though he had not committed the shadow of a crime, I knew that all his equals must tremble for themselves, and, so trembling, be driven into opposition to the new constitution. In the same way, when Niceratus,92 the son of Nicias, was arrested; a wealthy man, who, no more than his father, had never done anything that could be called popular or democratic in his life; it did not require much insight to discover that his compeers would be converted into our foes. But to go a step further: when it came to Antiphon93 falling at our hands — Antiphon, who during the war contributed two fast-sailing men-of-war out of his own resources, it was then plain to me, that all who had ever been zealous88 and patriotic89 must eye us with suspicion. Once more I could not help speaking out in opposition to my colleagues when they suggested that each of us ought to seize some one resident alien.94 For what could be more certain than that their death-warrant would turn the whole resident foreign population into enemies of the constitution. I spoke out again when they insisted on depriving the populace of their arms; it being no part of my creed91 that we ought to take the strength out of the city; nor, indeed, so far as I could see, had the Lacedaemonians stept between us and destruction merely that we might become a handful of people, powerless to aid them in the day of need. Had that been their object, they might have swept us away to the last man. A few more weeks, or even days, would have sufficed to extinguish us quietly by famine. Nor, again, can I say that the importation of mercenary foreign guards was altogether to my taste, when it would have been so easy for us to add to our own body a sufficient number of fellow-citizens to ensure our supremacy92 as governors over those we essayed to govern. But when I saw what an army of malcontents this government had raised up within the city walls, besides another daily increasing host of exiles without, I could not but regard the banishment93 of people like Thrasybulus and Anytus and Alcibiades95 as impolitic. Had our object been to strengthen the rival power, we could hardly have set about it better than by providing the populace with the competent leaders whom they needed, and the would-be leaders themselves with an army of willing adherents94.
“I ask then is the man who tenders such advice in the full light of day justly to be regarded as a traitor, and not as a benefactor95? Surely Critias, the peacemaker, the man who hinders the creation of many enemies, whose counsels tend to the acquistion of yet more friends,96 cannot be accused of strengthening the hands of the enemy. Much more truly may the imputation be retorted on those who wrongfully appropriate their neighbours’ goods and put to death those who have done no wrong. These are they who cause our adversaries96 to grow and multiply, and who in very truth are traitors97, not to their friends only, but to themselves, spurred on by sordid98 love of gain.
“I might prove the truth of what I say in many ways, but I beg you to look at the matter thus. With which condition of affairs here in Athens do you think will Thrasybulus and Anytus and the other exiles be the better pleased? That which I have pictured as desirable, or that which my colleagues yonder are producing? For my part I cannot doubt but that, as things now are, they are saying to themselves, ‘Our allies muster99 thick and fast.’ But were the real strength, the pith and fibre of this city, kindly100 disposed to us, they would find it an uphill task even to get a foothold anywhere in the country.
“Then, with regard to what he said of me and my propensity101 to be for ever changing sides, let me draw your attention to the following facts. Was it not the people itself, the democracy, who voted the constitution of the Four Hundred? This they did, because they had learned to think that the Lacedaemonians would trust any other form of government rather than a democracy. But when the efforts of Lacedaemon were not a whit relaxed, when Aristoteles, Melanthius, and Aristarchus,97 and the rest of them acting102 as generals, were plainly minded to construct an intrenched fortress103 on the mole104 for the purpose of admitting the enemy, and so getting the city under the power of themselves and their associates;98 because I got wind of these schemes, and nipped them in the bud, is that to be a traitor to one’s friends?
“Then he threw in my teeth the nickname ‘Buskin,’ as descriptive of an endeavour on my part to fit both parties. But what of the man who pleases neither? What in heaven’s name are we to call him? Yes! you — Critias? Under the democracy you were looked upon as the most arrant90 hater of the people, and under the aristocracy you have proved yourself the bitterest foe of everything respectable. Yes! Critias, I am, and ever have been, a foe of those who think that a democracy cannot reach perfection until slaves and those who, from poverty, would sell the city for a drachma, can get their drachma a day.99 But not less am I, and ever have been, a pronounced opponent of those who do not think there can possibly exist a perfect oligarchy until the State is subjected to the despotism of a few. On the contrary, my own ambition has been to combine with those who are rich enough to possess a horse and shield, and to use them for the benefit of the State.100 That was my ideal in the old days, and I hold to it without a shadow of turning still. If you can imagine when and where, in conjunction with despots or demagogues, I have set to my hand to deprive honest gentlefolk of their citizenship105, pray speak. If you can convict me of such crimes at present, or can prove my perpetration of them in the past, I admit that I deserve to die, and by the worst of deaths.”
With these words he ceased, and the loud murmur106 of the applause which followed marked the favourable107 impression produced upon the senate. It was plain to Critias, that if he allowed his adversary’s fate to be decided108 by formal voting, Theramenes would escape, and life to himself would become intolerable. Accordingly he stepped forward and spoke a word or two in the ears of the Thirty. This done, he went out and gave an order to the attendants with the daggers109 to stand close to the bar in full view of the senators. Again he entered and addressed the senate thus: “I hold it to be the duty of a good president, when he sees the friends about him being made the dupes of some delusion110, to intervene. That at any rate is what I propose to do. Indeed our friends here standing111 by the bar say that if we propose to acquit112 a man so openly bent upon the ruin of the oligarchy, they do not mean to let us do so. Now there is a clause in the new code forbidding any of the Three Thousand to be put to death without your vote; but the Thirty have power of life and death over all outside that list. Accordingly,” he proceeded, “I herewith strike this man, Theramenes, off the list; and this with the concurrence of my colleagues. And now,” he continued, “we condemn18 him to death.”
Hearing these words Theramenes sprang upon the altar of Hestia, exclaiming: “And I, sirs, supplicate113 you for the barest forms of law and justice. Let it not be in the power of Critias to strike off either me, or any one of you whom he will. But in my case, in what may be your case, if we are tried, let our trial be in accordance with the law they have made concerning those on the list. I know,” he added, “but too well, that this altar will not protect me; but I will make it plain that these men are as impious towards the gods as they are nefarious114 towards men. Yet I do marvel115, good sirs and honest gentlemen, for so you are, that you will not help yourselves, and that too when you must see that the name of every one of you is as easily erased116 as mine.”
But when he had got so far, the voice of the herald117 was heard giving the order to the Eleven to seize Theramenes. They at that instant entered with their satellites — at their head Satyrus, the boldest and most shameless of the body — and Critias exclaimed, addressing the Eleven, “We deliver over to you Theramenes yonder, who has been condemned according to the law. Do you take him and lead him away to the proper place, and do there with him what remains118 to do.” As Critias uttered the words, Satyrus laid hold upon Theramenes to drag him from the altar, and the attendants lent their aid. But he, as was natural, called upon gods and men to witness what was happening. The senators the while kept silence, seeing the companions of Satyrus at the bar, and the whole front of the senate house crowded with the foreign guards, nor did they need to be told that there were daggers in reserve among those present.
And so Theramenes was dragged through the Agora, in vehement119 and loud tones proclaiming the wrongs that he was suffering. One word, which is said to have fallen from his lips, I cite. It is this: Satyrus, bade him “Be silent, or he would rue120 the day;” to which he made answer, “And if I be silent, shall I not rue it?” Also, when they brought him the hemlock121, and the time was come to drink the fatal draught122, they tell how he playfully jerked out the dregs from the bottom of the cup, like one who plays “Cottabos,”101 with the words, “This to the lovely Critias.” These are but “apophthegms”102 too trivial, it may be thought, to find a place in history. Yet I must deem it an admirable trait in this man’s character, if at such a moment, when death confronted him, neither his wits forsook123 him, nor could the childlike sportiveness vanish from his soul.
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contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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amalgamated
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| v.（使）（金属）汞齐化( amalgamate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）合并；联合；结合 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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prows
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| n.船首( prow的名词复数 ) | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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bodyguard
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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brook
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opposition
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partisans
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wholesale
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
balked
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| v.畏缩不前，犹豫( balk的过去式和过去分词 )；（指马）不肯跑 | |
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30
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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31
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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32
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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33
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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34
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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35
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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36
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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37
rascality
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| 流氓性，流氓集团 | |
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38
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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39
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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40
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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41
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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42
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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43
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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44
elite
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| n.精英阶层；实力集团；adj.杰出的，卓越的 | |
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45
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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46
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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47
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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48
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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49
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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50
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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51
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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52
saviours
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| n.救助者( saviour的名词复数 )；救星；救世主；耶稣基督 | |
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53
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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54
oligarchical
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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55
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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56
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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57
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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58
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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59
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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60
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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61
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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62
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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63
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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64
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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65
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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66
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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67
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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68
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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69
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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70
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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71
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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72
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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74
veer
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| vt.转向，顺时针转，改变；n.转向 | |
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75
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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76
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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77
swoop
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| n.俯冲，攫取；v.抓取，突然袭击 | |
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78
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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79
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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80
conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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81
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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82
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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83
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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84
condign
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| adj.应得的，相当的 | |
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85
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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86
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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87
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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88
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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89
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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90
arrant
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| adj.极端的；最大的 | |
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91
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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92
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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93
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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94
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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95
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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96
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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97
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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98
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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99
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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100
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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101
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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102
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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103
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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104
mole
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| n.胎块；痣；克分子 | |
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105
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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106
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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107
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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108
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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109
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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110
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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111
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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112
acquit
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| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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113
supplicate
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| v.恳求；adv.祈求地，哀求地，恳求地 | |
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114
nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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115
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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116
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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117
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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118
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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119
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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120
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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121
hemlock
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| n.毒胡萝卜，铁杉 | |
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122
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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123
forsook
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| forsake的过去式 | |
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