Of the numerous nations which occupied the great American continent at the time of its discovery by the Europeans, the two most advanced in power and refinement2 were undoubtedly3 those of Mexico and Peru. But, though resembling one another in extent of civilization, they differed widely as to the nature of it; and the philosophical4 student of his species may feel a natural curiosity to trace the different steps by which these two nations strove to emerge from the state of barbarism, and place themselves on a higher point in the scale of humanity. — In a former work I have endeavoured to exhibit the institutions and character of the ancient Mexicans, and the story of their conquest by the Spaniards. The present will be devoted5 to the Peruvians; and, if their history shall be found to present less strange anomalies and striking contrasts than that of the Aztecs, it may interest us quite as much by the pleasing picture it offers of a well-regulated government and sober habits of industry under the patriarchal sway of the Incas.
The empire of Peru, at the period of the Spanish invasion, stretched along the Pacific from about the second degree north to the thirty-seventh degree of south latitude8; a line, also, which describes the western boundaries of the modern republics of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chili9. Its breadth cannot so easily be determined10; for, though bounded everywhere by the great ocean on the west, towards the east it spread out, in many parts, considerably12 beyond the mountains, to the confines of barbarous states, whose exact position is undetermined, or whose names are effaced13 from the map of history. It is certain, however, that its breadth was altogether disproportioned to its length. 1
1 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 65. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica del Peru, (Anvers, 1554,) cap. 41. — Garcilasso de la Vega, Commentarios Reales, (Lisboa, 1609,) Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 8.
According to the last authority, the empire, in its greatest breadth, did not exceed one hundred and twenty leagues. But Garcilasso’s geography will not bear criticism.]
The topographical aspect of the country is very remarkable14. A strip of land, rarely exceeding twenty leagues in width, runs along the coast, and is hemmed16 in through its whole extent by a colossal17 range of mountains, which, advancing from the Straits of Magellan, reaches its highest elevation18 — indeed, the highest on the American continent — about the seventeenth degree south, 2 and, after crossing the line, gradually subsides19 into hills of inconsiderable magnitude, as it enters the Isthmus20 of Panama. This is the famous Cordillera of the Andes, or “copper mountains,” 3 as termed by the natives, though they might with more reason have been called “mountains of gold.” Arranged sometimes in a single line, though more frequently in two or three lines running parallel or obliquely21 to each other, they seem to the voyager on the ocean but one continuous chain; while the huge volcanoes, which to the inhabitants of the table-land look like solitary22 and independent masses, appear to him only like so many peaks of the same vast and magnificent range. So immense is the scale on which Nature works in these regions, that it is only when viewed from a great distance, that the spectator can, in any degree, comprehend the relation of the several parts to the stupendous whole. Few of the works of Nature, indeed, are calculated to produce impressions of higher sublimity23 than the aspect of this coast, as it is gradually unfolded to the eye of the mariner24 sailing on the distant waters of the Pacific; where mountain is seen to rise above mountain, and Chimborazo, with its glorious canopy25 of snow, glittering far above the clouds, crowns the whole as with a celestial26 diadem27. 4
2 According to Malte–Brun, it is under the equator that we meet with the loftiest summits of this chain. (Universal Geography, Eng. trans., book 86.) But more recent measurements have shown this to be between fifteen and seventeen degrees south, where the Nevado de Sorata rises to the enormous height of 25,250 feet, and the Illimani to 24,300.]
3 At least, the word anta, which has been thought to furnish the etymology28 of Andes, in the Peruvian tongue, signified “copper.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 15.]
4 Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres et Monumens des Peuples Indigenes de l’Amerique, (Paris, 1810,) p. 106. — Malte–Brun, book 88.
The few brief sketches29 which M. de Humboldt has given of the scenery of the Cordilleras, showing the hand of a great painter, as well as of a philosopher, make us regret the more, that he has not given the results of his observations in this interesting region as minutely as he has done in respect to Mexico.]
The face of the country would appear to be peculiarly unfavorable to the purposes both of agriculture and of internal communication. The sandy strip along the coast, where rain rarely falls, is fed only by a few scanty31 streams, that furnish a remarkable contrast to the vast volumes of water which roll down the eastern sides of the Cordilleras into the Atlantic. The precipitous steeps of the sierra, with its splintered sides of porphyry and granite32, and its higher regions wrapped in snows that never melt under the fierce sun of the equator, unless it be from the desolating33 action of its own volcanic34 fires, might seem equally unpropitious to the labors35 of the husbandman. And all communication between the parts of the long-extended territory might be thought to be precluded36 by the savage37 character of the region, broken up by precipices38, furious torrents39, and impassable quebradas, — those hideous40 rents in the mountain chain, whose depths the eye of the terrified traveler, as he winds along his aerial pathway, vainly endeavours to fathom41. 5 Yet the industry, we might almost say, the genius, of the Indian was sufficient to overcome all these impediments of Nature.
5 “These crevices42 are so deep,” says M. de Humboldt, with his usual vivacity43 of illustration, “that if Vesuvius or the Puy de Dome44 were seated in the bottom of them, they would not rise above the level of the ridges45 of the neighbouring sierra” Vues des Cordilleres, p. 9.]
By a judicious46 system of canals and subterraneous aqueducts, the waste places on the coast were refreshed by copious47 streams, that clothed them in fertility and beauty. Terraces were raised upon the steep sides of the Cordillera; and, as the different elevations48 had the effect of difference of latitude, they exhibited in regular gradation every variety of vegetable form, from the stimulated49 growth of the tropics, to the temperate50 products of a northern clime; while flocks of llamas — the Peruvian sheep — wandered with their shepherds over the broad, snow-covered wastes on the crests51 of the sierra, which rose beyond the limits of cultivation52. An industrious53 population settled along the lofty regions of the plateaus, and towns and hamlets, clustering amidst orchards54 and wide-spreading gardens, seemed suspended in the air far above the ordinary elevation of the clouds. 6 Intercourse55 was maintained between these numerous settlements by means of the great roads which traversed the mountain passes, and opened an easy communication between the capital and the remotest extremities56 of the empire.
6 The plains of Quito are at the height of between nine and ten thousand feet above the sea. (See Condamine, Journal d’un Voyage a l’Equateur, (Paris, 1751,) p. 48.) Other valleys or plateaus in this vast group of mountains reach a still higher elevation.]
The source of this civilization is traced to the valley of Cuzco, the central region of Peru, as its name implies. 7 The origin of the Peruvian empire, like the origin of all nations, except the very few which, like our own, have had the good fortune to date from a civilized57 period and people, is lost in the mists of fable58, which, in fact, have settled as darkly round its history as round that of any nation, ancient or modern, in the Old World. According to the tradition most familiar to the European scholar, the time was, when the ancient races of the continent were all plunged59 in deplorable barbarism; when they worshipped nearly every object in nature indiscriminately; made war their pastime, and feasted on the flesh of their slaughtered60 captives. The Sun, the great luminary61 and parent of mankind, taking compassion62 on their degraded condition, sent two of his children, Manco Capac and Mama Oello Huaco, to gather the natives into communities, and teach them the arts of civilized life. The celestial pair, brother and sister, husband and wife, advanced along the high plains in the neighbourhood of Lake Titicaca, to about the sixteenth degree south. They bore with them a golden wedge, and were directed to take up their residence on the spot where the sacred emblem63 should without effort sink into the ground. They proceeded accordingly but a short distance, as far as the valley of Cuzco, the spot indicated by the performance of the miracle, since there the wedge speedily sank into the earth and disappeared for ever. Here the children of the Sun established their residence, and soon entered upon their beneficent mission among the rude inhabitants of the country; Manco Capac teaching the men the arts of agriculture, and Mama Oello 8 initiating64 her own sex in the mysteries of weaving and spinning. The simple people lent a willing ear to the messengers of Heaven, and, gathering65 together in considerable numbers, laid the foundations of the city of Cuzco. The same wise and benevolent66 maxims67, which regulated the conduct of the first Incas, 9 descended68 to their successors, and under their mild sceptre a community gradually extended itself along the broad surface of the table-land, which asserted its superiority over the surrounding tribes. Such is the pleasing picture of the origin of the Peruvian monarchy70, as portrayed71 by Garcilasso de la Vega, the descendant of the Incas, and through him made familiar to the European reader. 10
7 “Cuzco, in the language of the Incas,” says Garcilasso, “signifies navel.” Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 18.]
8 Mama, with the Peruvians, signified “mother.” (Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 4, cap. 1.) The identity of this term with that used by Europeans is a curious coincidence. It is scarcely less so, however, than that of the corresponding word, papa, which with the ancient Mexicans denoted a priest of high rank; reminding us of the papa, “pope,” of the Italians. With both, the term seems to embrace in its most comprehensive sense the paternal72 relation, in which it is more familiarly employed by most of the nations of Europe. Nor was the use of it limited to modern times, being applied73 in the same way both by Greeks and Romans.]
9 Inca signified king or lord. Capac meant great or powerful. It was applied to several of the successors of Manco, in the same manner as the epithet74 Yupanqui, signifying rich in all virtues75, was added to the names of several Incas. (Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 41. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 17.) The good qualities commemorated76 by the cognomens of most of the Peruvian princes afford an honorable, though not altogether unsuspicious, tribute to the excellence77 of their characters.]
10 Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 9 — 16.]
But this tradition is only one of several current among the Peruvian Indians, and probably not the one most generally received. Another legend speaks of certain white and bearded men, who, advancing from the shores of lake Titicaca, established an ascendency over the natives, and imparted to them the blessings78 of civilization. It may remind us of the tradition existing among the Aztecs in respect to Quetzalcoatl, the good deity79, who with a similar garb80 and aspect came up the great plateau from the east on a like benevolent mission to the natives. The analogy is the more remarkable, as there is no trace of any communication with, or even knowledge of, each other to be found in the two nations. 11
11 These several traditions, all of a very puerile81 character, are to be found in Ondegardo, Relacion Segunda, Ms., — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 1, — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 105, — Conquista i Poblacion del Piru, Ms., — Declaracion de los Presidente e Oydores de la Audiencia Reale del Peru, Ms., — all of them authorities contemporary with the Conquest. The story of the bearded white men finds its place in most of their legends.]
The date usually assigned for these extraordinary events was about four hundred years before the coming of the Spaniards, or early in the twelfth century. 12 But, however pleasing to the imagination, and however popular, the legend of Manco Capac, it requires but little reflection to show its improbability, even when divested82 of supernatural accompaniments. On the shores of Lake Titicaca extensive ruins exist at the present day, which the Peruvians themselves acknowledge to be of older date than the pretended advent83 of the Incas, and to have furnished them with the models of their architecture. 13 The date of their appearance, indeed, is manifestly irreconcilable84 with their subsequent history. No account assigns to the Inca dynasty more than thirteen princes before the Conquest. But this number is altogether too small to have spread over four hundred years, and would not carry back the foundations of the monarchy, on any probable computation beyond two centuries and a half, — an antiquity85 not incredible in itself, and which, it may be remarked, does not precede by more than half a century the alleged87 foundation of the capital of Mexico. The fiction of Manco Capac and his sister-wife was devised, no doubt, at a later period, to gratify the vanity of the Peruvian monarchs88, and to give additional sanction to their authority by deriving89 it from a celestial origin.
12 Some writers carry back the date 500, or even 550, years before the Spanish invasion. (Balboa, Histoire du Perou, chap. 1. — Velasco, Histoire du Royaume de Quito, tom. I. p. 81. — Ambo auct. ap. Relations et Memoires Originaux pour servir a l’Histoire de la Decouverte de l’Amerique, par11 Ternaux–Compans, (Paris, 1840.)) In the Report of the Royal Audience of Peru, the epoch90 is more modestly fixed91 at 200 years before the Conquest. Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms.]
13 “Otras cosas ay mas que dezir deste Tiaguanaco, que passo por no detenerme: concluyedo que yo para mi tengo esta antigualla por la mas antigua de todo el Peru. Y assi se tiene que antes q los Ingas reynassen con1 muchos tiempos estavan hechos algunos edificios destos: porque yo he oydo afirmar a Indios, que los Ingas hizieron los edificios grandes del Cuzco por la forma que vieron tener la muralla o pared que se vee en este pueblo92.” (Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 105.) See also Garcilasso, (Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 3, cap. 1,) who gives an account of these remains93, on the authority of a Spanish ecclesiastic94, which might compare, for the marvellous, with any of the legends of his order. Other ruins of similar traditional antiquity are noticed by Herrera, (Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar15 Oceano, (Madrid, 1730,) dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 9.) McCulloch, in some sensible reflections on the origin of the Peruvian civilization, adduces, on the authority of Garcilasso de la Vega, the famous temple of Pachacamac, not far from Lima, as an example of architecture more ancient than that of the Incas. (Researches, Philosophical and Antiquarian, concerning the Aboriginal95 History of America, (Baltimore, 1829,) p. 405.) This, if true, would do much to confirm the views in our text. But McCulloh is led into an error by his blind guide, Rycaut, the translator of Garcilasso, for the latter does not speak of the temple as existing before the time of the Incas, but before the time when the country was conquered by the Incas. Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 30.]
We may reasonably conclude that there existed in the country a race advanced in civilization before the time of the Incas; and, in conformity96 with nearly every tradition, we may derive97 this race from the neighborhood of Lake Titicaca; 14 a conclusion strongly confirmed by the imposing98 architectural remains which still endure, after the lapse99 of so many years, on its borders. Who this race were, and whence they came, may afford a tempting100 theme for inquiry101 to the speculative102 antiquarian. But it is a land of darkness that lies far beyond the domain103 of history. 15
[See Antiquities104: Artistic105 handicrafts of the ancient people of Peru]
14 Among other authorities for this tradition, see Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 3, 4, — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 6, — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms., — Zarate, Historia del Descubrimiento y de la Conquista del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 10, ap. Barcia, Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, (Madrid, 1749,) tom. 3.
In most, not all, of the traditions, Manco Capac is recognized as the name of the founder107 of the Peruvian monarchy, though his history and character are related with sufficient discrepancy108.]
15 Mr. Ranking,
“Who can deep mysteries unriddle,
As easily as thread a needle,”
finds it “highly probable that the first Inca of Peru was a son of the Grand Khan Kublai”! (Historical Researches on the Conquest of Peru, &c., by the Moguls, (London, 1827,) p. 170.) The coincidences are curious, though we shall hardly jump at the conclusion of the adventurous109 author. Every scholar will agree with Humboldt, in the wish that “some learned traveller would visit the borders of the lake of Titicaca, the district of Callao, and the high plains of Tiahuanaco, the theatre of the ancient American civilization.” (Vues des Cordilleres, p. 199.) And yet the architectural monuments of the aborigines, hitherto brought to light, have furnished few materials for a bridge of communications across the dark gulf110 that still separates the Old World from the New.]
The same mists that hang round the origin of the Incas continue to settle on their subsequent annals; and, so imperfect were the records employed by the Peruvians, and so confused and contradictory111 their traditions, that the historian finds no firm footing on which to stand till within a century of the Spanish conquest. 16 At first, the progress of the Peruvians seems to have been sow, and almost imperceptible. By their wise and temperate policy, they gradually won over the neighbouring tribes to their dominion112, as these latter became more and more convinced of the benefits of a just and well-regulated government. As they grew stronger, they were enabled to rely more directly on force; but, still advancing under cover of the same beneficent pretexts113 employed by their predecessors114, they proclaimed peace and civilization at the point of the sword. The rude nations of the country, without any principle of cohesion115 among themselves, fell one after another before the victorious116 arm of the Incas. Yet it was not till the middle of the fifteenth century that the famous Topa Inca Yupanqui, grandfather of the monarch69 who occupied the throne at the coming of the Spaniards, led his armies across the terrible desert of Atacama, and, penetrating117 to the southern region of Chili, fixed the permanent boundary of his dominions118 at the river Maule. His son, Huayna Capac, possessed119 of ambition and military talent fully120 equal to his father’s marched along the Cordillera towards the north, and, pushing his conquests across the equator, added the powerful kingdom of Quito to the empire of Peru. 17
16 A good deal within a century, to say truth. Garcilasso and Sarmiento, for example, the two ancient authorities in highest repute, have scarcely a point of contact in their accounts of the earlier Peruvian princes; the former representing the sceptre as gliding121 down in peaceful succession from hand to hand, through an unbroken dynasty, while the latter garnishes122 his tale with as many conspiracies123, depositions124, and revolutions, as belong to most barbarous, and, unhappily, most civilized communities. When to these two are added the various writers, contemporary and of the succeeding age, who have treated of the Peruvian annals, we shall find ourselves in such a conflict of traditions, that criticism is lost in conjecture125. Yet this uncertainty126 as to historical events fortunately does not extend to the history of arts and institutions, which were in existence on the arrival of the Spaniards.]
17 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 57, 64. — Conq. i. Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Velasco, Hist. de Quito, p. 59. — Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 18, 19; lib. 8, cap. 5–8.
The last historian, and, indeed, some others, refer the conquest of Chili to Yupanqui, the father of Topa Inca. The exploits of the two monarchs are so blended together by the different annalists, as in a manner to confound their personal identity.]
The ancient city of Cuzco, meanwhile, had been gradually advancing in wealth and population, till it had become the worthy127 metropolis128 of a great and flourishing monarchy. It stood in a beautiful valley on an elevated region of the plateau, which, among the Alps, would have been buried in eternal snows, but which within the tropics enjoyed a genial129 and salubrious temperature. Towards the north it was defended by a lofty eminence130, a spur of the great Cordillera; and the city was traversed by a river, or rather a small stream, over which bridges of timber, covered with heavy slabs131 of stone, furnished an easy means of communication with the opposite banks. The streets were long and narrow; the houses low, and those of the poorer sort built of clay and reeds. But Cuzco was the royal residence, and was adorned132 with the ample dwellings133 of the great nobility; and the massy fragments still incorporated in many of the modern edifices134 bear testimony135 to the size and solidity of the ancient. 18
18 Garcilasso, Com. Real., lib. 7, cap. 8–11. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 92.
“El Cuzco tuuo gran manera y calidad, deuio ser fundada por gente de gran ser. Auia grandes calles, saluo q era angostas, y las casas hechas de piedra pura co tan lindas junturas, q illustra el antiguedad del edificio, pues estauan piedras tan grades muy bien assentadas.” (Ibid., ubi supra.) Compare with this Miller136’s account of the city, as existing at the present day. “The walls of many of the houses have remained unaltered for centuries. The great size of the stones, the variety of their shapes, and the inimitable workmanship they display, give to the city that interesting air of antiquity and romance, which fills the mind with pleasing though painful veneration137.” Memoirs138 of Gen. Miller in the Service of the Republic of Peru, (London, 1829, 2d ed.) vol. II. p. 225.]
The health of the city was promoted by spacious139 openings and squares, in which a numerous population from the capital and the distant country assembled to celebrate the high festivals of their religion. For Cuzco was the “Holy City”; 19 and the great temple of the Sun, to which pilgrims resorted from the furthest borders of the empire, was the most magnificent structure in the New World, and unsurpassed, probably, in the costliness140 of its decorations by any building in the Old.
19 “La Imperial Ciudad de Cozco, que la adoravan los Indios, como a Cosa Sagrada.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte 1, lib. 3, cap. 20. — Also Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.]
Towards the north, on the sierra or rugged141 eminence already noticed, rose a strong fortress142, the remains of which at the present day, by their vast size, excite the admiration143 of the traveller. 20 It was defended by a single wall of great thickness, and twelve hundred feet long on the side facing the city, where the precipitous character of the ground was of itself almost sufficient for its defence. On the other quarter, where the approaches were less difficult, it was protected by two other semicircular walls of the same length as the preceding. They were separated, a considerable distance from one another and from the fortress; and the intervening ground was raised so that the walls afforded a breastwork for the troops stationed there in times of assault. The fortress consisted of three towers, detached from one another. One was appropriated to the Inca, and was garnished144 with the sumptuous145 decorations befitting a royal residence, rather than a military post. The other two were held by the garrison146, drawn147 from the Peruvian nobles, and commanded by an officer of the blood royal; for the position was of too great importance to be intrusted to inferior hands. The hill was excavated148 below the towers, and several subterraneous galleries communicated with the city and the palaces of the Inca. 21
20 See, among others, the Memoirs, above cited, of Gen. Miller, which contain a minute and very interesting notice of modern Cuzco. (Vol. II. p. 223, et seq.) Ulloa, who visited the country in the middle of the last century, is unbounded in his expressions of admiration. Voyage to South America, Eng. trans., (London, 1806,) book VII. ch. 12.]
21 Betanzos, Suma y Narracion de los Yngas, Ms., cap. 12. — Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte 1, iib. 7, cap. 27–29.
The demolition149 of the fortress, begun immediately after the Conquest, provoked the remonstrance150 of more than one enlightened Spaniard, whose voice, however, was impotent against the spirit of cupidity152 and violence. See Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 48.]
The fortress, the walls, and the galleries were all built of stone, the heavy blocks of which were not laid in regular courses, but so disposed that the small ones might fill up the interstices between the great. They formed a sort of rustic153 work, being rough-hewn except towards the edges, which were finely wrought154; and, though no cement was used, the several blocks were adjusted with so much exactness and united so closely, that it was impossible to introduce even the blade of knife between them. 22 Many of these stones were of vast size; some of them being full thirty-eight feet long, by eighteen broad, and six feet thick. 23
22 Ibid., ubi supra. — Inscripciones, Medallas, Templos, Edificios, Antiguedades, y Monumentos del Peru, Ms. This manuscript, which formerly155 belonged to Dr. Robertson, and which is now in the British Museum, is the work of some unknown author, somewhere probably about the time of Charles III.; a period when, as the sagacious scholar to whom I am indebted for a copy of it remarks, a spirit of sounder criticism was visible in the Castilian historians.]
23 Acosta, Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies, Eng. trans., (London, 1604,) lib. 6, cap. 14. — He measured the stones himself. — See also Garcilasso, Com. Real., loc. cit.]
We are filled with astonishment156, when we consider, that these enormous masses were hewn from their native bed and fashioned into shape, by a people ignorant of the use of iron; that they were brought from quarries157, from four to fifteen leagues distant, 24 without the aid of beasts of burden; were transported across rivers and ravines, raised to their elevated position on the sierra, and finally adjusted there with the nicest accuracy, without the knowledge of tools and machinery158 familiar to the European. Twenty thousand men are said to have been employed on this great structure, and fifty years consumed in the building. 25 However this may be, we see in it the workings of a despotism which had the lives and fortunes of its vassals159 at its absolute disposal, and which, however mild in its general character, esteemed160 these vassals, when employed in its service, as lightly as the brute162 animals for which they served as a substitute.
24 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 93. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms. Many hundred blocks of granite may still be seen, it is said, in an unfinished state, in a quarry163 near Cuzco.]
25 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 48. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 27, 28.
The Spaniards, puzzled by the execution of so great a work with such apparently164 inadequate165 means, referred it all, in their summary way, to the Devil; an opinion which Garcilasso seems willing to indorse. The author of the Antig y Monumentos del Peru, Ms., rejects this notion with becoming gravity.]
The fortress of Cuzco was but part of a system of fortifications established throughout their dominions by the Incas. This system formed a prominent feature in their military policy; but before entering on this latter, it will be proper to give the reader some view of their civil institutions and scheme of government.
The sceptre of the Incas, if we may credit their historian, descended in unbroken succession from father to son, through their whole dynasty. Whatever we may think of this, it appears probable that the right of inheritance might be claimed by the eldest166 son of the Coya, or lawful167 queen, as she was styled, to distinguish her from the host of concubines who shared the affections of the sovereign. 26 The queen was further distinguished168, at least in later reigns169, by the circumstance of being selected from the sisters of the Inca, an arrangement which, however revolting to the ideas of civilized nations, was recommended to the Peruvians by its securing an heir to the crown of the pure heaven-born race, uncontaminated by any mixture of earthly mould. 27
26 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 7. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 26.
Acosta speaks of the eldest brother of the Inca as succeeding in preference to the son. (lib. 6, cap. 12.) He may have confounded the Peruvian with the Aztec usage. The Report of the Royal Audience states that a brother succeeded in default of a son. Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms.]
27 “Et soror et conjux.” — According to Garcilasso the heir-apparent always married a sister. (Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 4, cap. 9.) Ondegardo notices this as an innovation at the close of the fifteenth century. (Relacion Primera, Ms.) The historian of the Incas, however, is confirmed in his extra-ordinary statement by Sarmiento. Relacion, Ms., cap. 7.]
In his early years, the royal offspring was intrusted to the care of the amautas, or “wise men,” as the teachers of Peruvian science were called, who instructed him in such elements of knowledge as they possessed, and especially in the cumbrous ceremonial of their religion, in which he was to take a prominent part. Great care was also bestowed171 on his military education, of the last importance in a state which, with its professions of peace and good-will, was ever at war for the acquisition of empire.
In this military school he was educated with such of the Inca nobles as were nearly of his own age; for the sacred name of Inca — a fruitful source of obscurity in their annals — was applied indifferently to all who descended by the male line from the founder of the monarchy. 28 At the age of sixteen the pupils underwent a public examination, previous to their admission to what may be called the order of chivalry172. This examination was conducted by some of the oldest and most illustrious Incas. The candidates were required to show their prowess in the athletic173 exercises of the warrior174; in wrestling and boxing, in running such long courses as fully tried their agility175 and strength, in severe fasts of several days’ duration, and in mimic176 combats, which, although the weapons were blunted, were always attended with wounds, and sometimes with death. During this trial, which lasted thirty days, the royal neophyte177 fared no better than his comrades, sleeping on the bare ground, going unshod, and wearing a mean attire178, — a mode of life, it was supposed, which might tend to inspire him with more sympathy with the destitute179. With all this show of impartiality180, however, it will probably be doing no injustice181 to the judges to suppose that a politic182 discretion183 may have somewhat quickened their perceptions of the real merits of the heir-apparent.
28 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 26.
At the end of the appointed time, the candidates selected as worthy of the honors of their barbaric chivalry were presented to the sovereign, who condescended184 to take a principal part in the ceremony of inauguration185. He began with a brief discourse186, in which, after congratulating the young aspirants187 on the proficiency188 they had shown in martial189 exercises, he reminded them of the responsibilities attached to their birth and station; and, addressing them affectionately as “children of the Sun,” he exhorted190 them to imitate their great progenitor191 in his glorious career of beneficence to mankind. The novices192 then drew near, and, kneeling one by one before the Inca, he pierced their ears with a golden bodkin; and this was suffered to remain there till an opening had been made large enough for the enormous pendants which were peculiar30 to their order, and which gave them, with the Spaniards, the name of orejones. 29 This ornament193 was so massy in the ears of the sovereign, that the cartilage was distended194 by it nearly to the shoulder, producing what seemed a monstrous195 deformity in the eyes of the Europeans, though, under the magical influence of fashion, it was regarded as a beauty by the natives.
29 From oreja, “ear.” — “Los caballeros de la sangre Real tenian orejas horadadas, y de ellas colgando grandes rodetes de plata y oro: Ilamaronles por esto los orejones los Castellanos la primera vez que los vieron.” (Montesinos, Memorias Antiguas Historiales del Peru, Ms., lib. 2, cap. 6.) The ornament, which was in the form of a wheel, did not depend from the ear, but was inserted in the gristle of it, and was as large as an orange. “La hacen tan ancha como una gran rosca de naranja; los Senores i Principales traian aquellas roscas de oro fino en las orejas.” (Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Also Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 22.) “The larger the hole,” says one of the old Conquerors196, “the more of a gentleman!” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
When this operation was performed, one of the most venerable of the nobles dressed the feet of the candidates in the sandals worn by the order, which may remind us of the ceremony of buckling197 on the spurs of the Christian198 knight199. They were then allowed to assume the girdle or sash around the loins, corresponding with the toga virilis of the Romans, and intimating that they had reached the season of manhood. Their heads were adorned with garlands of flowers, which, by their various colors, were emblematic200 of the clemency201 and goodness that should grace the character of every true warrior; and the leaves of an evergreen202 plant were mingled203 with the flowers, to show that these virtues should endure without end. 30 The prince’s head was further ornamented205 by a fillet, or tasselled fringe, of a yellow color, made of the fine threads of the vicuna wool, which encircled the forehead as the peculiar insignia of the heir-apparent. The great body of the Inca nobility next made their appearance, and, beginning with those nearest of kin6, knelt down before the prince, and did him homage207 as successor to the crown. The whole assembly then moved to the great square of the capital, where songs, and dances, and other public festivities closed the important ceremonial of the huaracu. 31
30 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 27.]
31 Ibid. Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 24 — 28.
According to Fernandez, the candidates wore white shirts, with something like a cross embroidered208 in front! (Historia del Peru, (Sevilla, 1571,) Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 6.) We may fancy ourselves occupied with some chivalrous209 ceremonial of the Middle Ages.]
The reader will be less surprised by the resemblance which this ceremonial bears to the inauguration of a Christian knight in the feudal210 ages, if he reflects that a similar analogy may be traced in the institutions of other people more or less civilized; and that it is natural that nations, occupied with the one great business of war, should mark the period, when the preparatory education for it was ended, by similar characteristic ceremonies. Having thus honorably passed through his ordeal211, the heir-apparent was deemed worthy to sit in the councils of his father, and was employed in offices of trust at home, or, more usually, sent on distant expeditions to practice in the field the lessons which he had hitherto studied only on the mimic theatre of war. His first campaigns were conducted under the renowned212 commanders who had grown grey in the service of his father; until, advancing in years and experience, he was placed in command himself, and, like Huayna Capac, the last and most illustrious of his line, carried the banner of the rainbow, the armorial ensign of his house, far over the borders, among the remotest tribes of the plateau.
The government of Peru was a despotism, mild in its character, but in its form a pure and unmitigated despotism. The sovereign was placed at an immeasurable distance above his subjects. Even the proudest of the Inca nobility, claiming a descent from the same divine original as himself, could not venture into the royal presence, unless barefoot, and bearing a light burden on his shoulders in token of homage. 32 As the representative of the Sun, he stood at the head of the priesthood, and presided at the most important of the religious festivals. 33 He raised armies, and usually commanded them in person. He imposed taxes, made laws, and provided for their execution by the appointment of judges, whom he removed at pleasure. He was the source from which every thing flowed, — all dignity, all power, all emolument213. He was, in short, in the well-known phrase of the European despot, “himself the state.” 34
32 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 11. — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 7.
“Porque verdaderamente a lo que yo he averiguado toda la pretension214 de los Ingas fue una subjeccion en toda la gente, qual yo nunca he oido decir de ninguna otra nacion en tanto grado, que por muy principal que un Senor fuese, dende que entrava cerca del Cuzco en cierta senal que estava puesta en cada camino de quatro que hay, havia dende alli de venir cargado hasta la presencia del Inga, y alli dejava la carga y hacia su obediencia.” Ondegardo, Rel. Prim106., Ms.]
33 It was only at one of these festivals, and hardly authorizes215 the sweeping216 assertion of Carli, that the royal and sacerdotal authority were blended together in Peru. We shall see, hereafter, the important and independent position occupied by the high-priest. “La Sacerdoce et l’Empire etoient divises au Mexique; au lieu qu’i’s etoient reunis au Perou, comme au Tibet et a la Chine, et comme il le fut a Rome, lorsqu’ Auguste jetta les fondemens de l’Empire, en y reunissant le Sacerdoce ou la dignite de Souverain Pontife.” Lettres Americaines, (Paris, 1788,) trad. Franc., tom I. let. 7.]
34 “Porque el Inga dava a entender que era hijo del Sol, con este titulo se hacia adorar, i governava principalmente en tanto grado que nadie se le atrevia, i su palabra era ley, i nadie osaba ir contra su palabra ni voluntad; aunque obiese de matar cient mill Indios, no havia ninguno en su Reino que le osase decir que no lo hiciese.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.
The Inca asserted his claims as a superior being by assuming a pomp in his manner of living well calculated to impose on his people. His dress was of the finest wool of the vicuna, richly dyed, and ornamented with a profusion217 of gold and precious stones. Round his head was wreathed a turban of many-colored folds, called the Ilautu; and a tasselled fringe, like that worn by the prince, but of a scarlet218 color, with two feathers of a rare and curious bird, called the coraquenque, placed upright in it, were the distinguishing insignia of royalty219. The birds from which these feathers were obtained were found in a desert country among the mountains; and it was death to destroy or to take them, as they were reserved for the exclusive purpose of supplying the royal head-gear. Every succeeding monarch was provided with a new pair of these plumes220, and his credulous221 subjects fondly believed that only two individuals of the species had ever existed to furnish the simple ornament for the diadem of the Incas. 35
35 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 114. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 22; lib. 6, cap. 28. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 12.
Although the Peruvian monarch was raised so far above the highest of his subjects, he condescended to mingle204 occasionally with them, and took great pains personally to inspect the condition of the humbler classes. He presided at some of the religious celebrations, and on these occasions entertained the great nobles at his table, when he complimented them, after the fashion of more civilized nations, by drinking the health of those whom he most delighted to honor. 36
36 One would hardly expect to find among the American Indians this social and kindly223 custom of our Saxon ancestors, — now fallen somewhat out of use, in the capricious innovations of modern fashion. Garcilasso is diffuse224 in his account of the forms observed at the royal table. (Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 23.) The only hours of eating were at eight or nine in the morning, and at sunset, which took place at nearly the same time, in all seasons, in the latitude of Cuzco. The historian of the Incas admits that, though temperate in eating, they indulged freely in their cups, frequently prolonging their revelry to a late hour of the night. Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 1.]
But the most effectual means taken by the Incas for communicating with their people were their progresses through the empire. These were conducted, at intervals225 of several years, with great state and magnificence. The sedan, or litter, in which they travelled, richly emblazoned with gold and emeralds, was guarded by a numerous escort. The men who bore it on their shoulders were provided by two cities, specially170 appointed for the purpose. It was a post to be coveted226 by no one, if, as is asserted, a fall was punished with death. 37 They travelled with ease and expedition, halting at the tambos, or inns, erected228 by government along the route, and occasionally at the royal palaces, which in the great towns afforded ample accommodations to the whole of the monarch’s retinue229. The noble loads which traversed the table-land were lined with people, who swept away the stones and stubble from their surface, strewing230 them with sweet-scented flowers, and vying231 with each other in carrying forward the baggage from one village to another. The monarch halted from time to time to listen to the grievances232 of his subjects, or to settle some points which had been referred to his decision by the regular tribunals. As the princely train wound its way along the mountain passes, every place was thronged234 with spectators eager to catch a glimpse of their sovereign; and, when he raised the curtains of his litter, and showed himself to their eyes, the air was rent with acclamations as they invoked235 blessings on his head. 38 Tradition long commemorated the spots at which he halted, and the simple people of the country held them in reverence236 as places consecrated237 by the presence of an Inca. 39
37 “In lectica, aureo tabulato constrata, humeris ferebant; in summa, ea erat observantia, vt vultum ejus intueri maxime incivile putarent, et inter7 baiulos, quicunque vel leviter pede offenso haesitaret, e vestigio interficerent.” Levinus Apollonius, De Peruviae Regionis Inventione, et Rebus238 in eadem gestis, (Antverpiae, 1567,) fol. 37. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 11.
According to this writer, the litter was carried by the nobles; one thousand of whom were specially reserved for the humiliating honor. Ubi supra.]
38 The acclamations must have been potent151 indeed, if, as Sarmiento tells us, they sometimes brought the birds down from the sky! “De esta manera eran tan temidos los Reyes que si salian por el Reyno y permitian alzar algun pano de los que iban en las andas para dejarse ver de sus vasallos, alzaban tan gran alarido que hacian caer las aves de lo alto donde iban volando a ser tomadas a manos.” (Relacion, Ms., cap. 10.) The same author has given in another place a more credible86 account of the royal progresses, which the Spanish reader will find extracted in Appendix, No. 1.]
39 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 3, cap. 14; lib. 6, cap. 3. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 11.]
The royal palaces were on a magnificent scale, and, far from being confined to the capital or a few principal towns, were scattered239 over all the provinces of their vast empire. 40 The buildings were low, but covered a wide extent of ground. Some of the apartments were spacious, but they were generally small, and had no communication with one another, except that they opened into a common square or court. The walls were made of blocks of stone of various sizes, like those described in the fortress of Cuzco, rough-hewn, but carefully wrought near the line of junction240, which was scarcely visible to the eye. The roofs were of wood or rushes, which have perished under the rude touch of time, that has shown more respect for the walls of the edifices. The whole seems to have been characterized by solidity and strength, rather than by any attempt at architectural elegance241. 41
40 Velasco has given some account of several of these palaces situated242 in different places in the kingdom of Quito. Hist. de Quito, tom. I. pp. 195 — 197.]
41 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 44. — Antig. y Monumentos de. Peru, Ms. — See, among others, the description of the remains still existing of the royal buildings at Callo, about ten leagues south of Quito, by Ulloa, Voyage to S. America, book 6, ch. 11, and since, more carefully, by Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, p. 197.]
But whatever want of elegance there may have been in the exterior243 of the imperial dwellings, it was amply compensated244 by the interior, in which all the opulence245 of the Peruvian princes was ostentatiously displayed. The sides of the apartments were thickly studded with gold and silver ornaments246. Niches247, prepared in the walls, were filled with images of animals and plants curiously248 wrought of the same costly249 materials; and even much of the domestic furniture, including the utensils250 devoted to the most ordinary menial services, displayed the like wanton magnificence! 42 With these gorgeous decorations were mingled richly colored stuffs of the delicate manufacture of the Peruvian wool, which were of so beautiful a texture251, that the Spanish sovereigns, with all the luxuries of Europe and Asia at their command, did not disdain252 to use them. 43 The royal household consisted of a throng233 of menials, supplied by the neighboring towns and villages, which, as in Mexico, were bound to furnish the monarch with fuel and other necessaries for the consumption of the palace.
42 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte l, lib. 6, cap. 1. “Tanto que todo el servicio de la Casa del Rey asi de cantaras para su vino, como de cozina, todo era oro y plata, y esto no en un lugar y en una parte lo tenia, sino en muchas.” (Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 11.) See also the flaming accounts of the palaces of Bilcas, to the west of Cuzco, by Cieza de Leon, as reported to him by Spaniards who had seen them in their glory. (Cronica, cap. 89.) The niches are still described by modern travellers as to be found in the walls. (Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, p. 197.)]
43 “La ropa de la cama toda era de mantas, y frecadas de lana de Vicuna, que es tan fina, y tan regalada, que entre otras cosas preciadas de aquellas Tierras, se las han traido para la cama del Rey Don Phelipe Segundo.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1. lib 6, cap. 1.]
But the favorite residence of the Incas was at Yucay, about four leagues distant from the capital. In this delicious valley, locked up within the friendly arms of the sierra, which sheltered it from the rude breezes of the east, and refreshed by gushing253 fountains and streams of running water, they built the most beautiful of their palaces. Here, when wearied with the dust and toil254 of the city, they loved to retreat, and solace255 themselves with the society of their favorite concubines, wandering amidst groves256 and airy gardens, that shed around their soft, intoxicating257 odors, and lulled258 the senses to voluptuous259 repose260. Here, too, they loved to indulge in the luxury of their baths, replenished261 by streams of crystal water which were conducted through subterraneous silver channels into basins of gold. The spacious gardens were stocked with numerous varieties of plants and flowers that grew without effort in this temperate region of the tropics, while parterres of a more extraordinary kind were planted by their side, glowing with the various forms of vegetable life skilfully262 imitated in gold and silver! Among them the Indian corn, the most beautiful of American grains, is particularly commemorated, and the curious workmanship is noticed with which the golden ear was half disclosed amidst the broad leaves of silver, and the light tassel206 of the same material that floated gracefully263 from its top. 44
44 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 26; lib. 6, cap. 2 — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 24. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 94.
The last writer speaks of a cement, made in part of liquid gold, as used in the royal buildings of Tambo, a valley not far from Yucay! (Ubi supra.) We may excuse the Spaniards for demolishing264 such edifices, — if they ever met with them.]
If this dazzling picture staggers the faith of the reader, he may reflect that the Peruvian mountains teemed161 with gold; that the natives understood the art of working the mines, to a considerable extent; that none of the ore, as well shall see hereafter, was converted into coin, and that the whole of it passed into the hands of the sovereign for his own exclusive benefit, whether for purposes of utility or ornament. Certain it is that no fact is better attested265 by the Conquerors themselves, who had ample means of information, and no motive266 for misstatement. — The Italian poets, in their gorgeous pictures of the gardens of Alcina and Morgana, came nearer the truth than they imagined.
Our surprise, however, may reasonably be excited, when we consider that the wealth displayed by the Peruvian princes was only that which each had amassed267 individually for himself. He owed nothing to inheritance from his predecessors. On the decease of an Inca, his palaces were abandoned; all his treasures, except what were employed in his obsequies, his furniture and apparel, were suffered to remain as he left them, and his mansions268, save one, were closed up for ever. The new sovereign was to provide himself with every thing new for his royal state. The reason of this was the popular belief, that the soul of the departed monarch would return after a time to reanimate his body on earth; and they wished that he should find every thing to which he had been used in life prepared for his reception. 45
45 Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 12. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 4.]
When an Inca died, or, to use his own language, “was called home to the mansions of his father, the Sun,” 46 his obsequies were celebrated269 with great pomp and solemnity. The bowels270 were taken from the body, and deposited in the temple of Tampu, about five leagues from the capital. A quantity of his plate and jewels was buried with them, and a number of his attendants and favorite concubines, amounting sometimes, it is said, to a thousand, were immolated271 on his tomb. 47 Some of them showed the natural repugnance272 to the sacrifice occasionally manifested by the victims of a similar superstition273 in India. But these were probably the menials and more humble222 attendants; since the women have been known, in more than one instance, to lay violent hands on themselves, when restrained from testifying their fidelity274 by this act of conjugal275 martyrdom. This melancholy276 ceremony was followed by a general mourning throughout the empire. At stated intervals, for a year, the people assembled to renew the expressions of their sorrow; processions were made, displaying the banner of the departed monarch; bards277 and minstrels were appointed to chronicle his achievements, and their songs continued to be rehearsed at high festivals in the presence of the reigning278 monarch, — thus stimulating279 the living by the glorious example of the dead. 48
46 The Aztecs, also, believed that the soul of the warrior who fell in battle went to accompany the Sun in his bright progress through the heavens. (See Conquest of Mexico, book 1, chap. 3.)]
47 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 6.
Four thousand of these victims, according to Sarmiento, — we may hope it is an exaggeration, — graced the funeral obsequies of Huayna Capac, the last of the Incas before the coming of the Spaniards. Relacion, Ms., cap. 65.]
48 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 62. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 5. — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 8.]
The body of the deceased Inca was skilfully embalmed280, and removed to the great temple of the Sun at Cuzco. There the Peruvian sovereign, on entering the awful sanctuary281, might behold282 the effigies283 of his royal ancestors, ranged in opposite files, — the men on the right, and their queens on the left, of the great luminary which blazed in refulgent284 gold on the walls of the temple. The bodies, clothed in the princely attire which they had been accustomed to wear, were placed on chairs of gold, and sat with their heads inclined downward, their hands placidly285 crossed over their bosoms286, their countenances287 exhibiting their natural dusky hue288, — less liable to change than the fresher coloring of a European complexion289, — and their hair of raven290 black, or silvered over with age, according to the period at which they died! It seemed like a company of solemn worshippers fixed in devotion, — so true were the forms and lineaments to life. The Peruvians were as successful as the Egyptians in the miserable291 attempt to perpetuate292 the existence of the body beyond the limits assigned to it by nature. 49
49 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 29.
The Peruvians secreted293 these mummies of their sovereigns after the Conquest, that they might not be profaned294 by the insults of the Spaniards. Ondegardo, when corregidor of Cuzco, discovered five of them, three male and two female. The former were the bodies of Viracocha, of the great Tupac Inca Yupanqui, and of his son Huayna Capac. Garcilasso saw them in 1560. They were dressed in their regal robes, with no insignia but the llautu on their heads. They were in a sitting posture295, and, to use his own expression, “perfect as life, without so much as a hair or an eyebrow296 wanting.” As they were carried through the streets, decently shrouded297 with a mantle298, the Indians threw themselves on their knees, in sign of reverence, with many tears and groans299, and were still more touched as they beheld300 some of the Spaniards themselves doffing301 their caps, in token of respect to departed royalty. (Ibid., ubi supra.) The bodies were subsequently removed to Lima; and Father Acosta, who saw them there some twenty years later, speaks of them as still in perfect preservation302.]
They cherished a still stranger illusion in the attentions which they continued to pay to these insensible remains, as if they were instinct with life. One of the houses belonging to a deceased Inca was kept open and occupied by his guard and attendants, with all the state appropriate to royalty. On certain festivals, the revered303 bodies of the sovereigns were brought out with great ceremony into the public square of the capital. Invitations were sent by the captains of the guard of the respective Incas to the different nobles and officers of the court; and entertainments were provided in the names of their masters, which displayed all the profuse304 magnificence of their treasures, — and “such a display,” says an ancient chronicler, “was there in the great square of Cuzco, on this occasion, of gold and silver plate and jewels, as no other city in the world ever witnessed.” 50 The banquet was served by the menials of the respective households, and the guests partook of the melancholy cheer in the presence of the royal phantom305 with the same attention to the forms of courtly etiquette306 as if the living monarch had presided! 51
50 “Tenemos por muy cierto que ni en Jerusalem, Roma, ni en Persia, ni en ninguna parte del mundo por ninguna Republica ni Rey de el, se juntaba en un lugar tanta riqueza de Metales de oro y Plata y Pedreria como en esta Plaza307 del Cuzco; quando estas fiestas y otras semejantes se hacian.” Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 27.]
51 Idem, Relacion, Ms., cap. 8, 27. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.
It was only, however, the great and good princes that were thus honored, according to Sarmiento, “whose souls the silly people fondly believed, on account of their virtues, were in heaven, although, in truth,” as the same writer assures us, “they were all the time burning in the flames of hell”! “Digo los que haviendo sido en vida buenos y valerosos, generosos con los Indios en les hacer mercedes, perdonadores de injurias, porque a estos tales canonizaban en su ceguedad por Santos y honrraban sus huesos, sin entender que las animas ardian en los Ynfiernos y creian que estaban en el Cielo.” Ibid., ubi supra.]
The nobility of Peru consisted of two orders, the first and by far the most important of which was that of the Incas, who, boasting a common descent with their sovereign, lived, as it were, in the reflected light of his glory. As the Peruvian monarchs availed themselves of the right of polygamy to a very liberal extent, leaving behind them families of one or even two hundred children, 52 the nobles of the blood royal, though comprehending only their descendants in the male line, came in the course of years to be very numerous. 53 They were divided into different lineages, each of which traced its pedigree to a different member of the royal dynasty, though all terminated in the divine founder of the empire.
52 Garcilasso says over three hundred! (Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 3, cap. 19.) The fact, though rather startling, is not incredible, if, like Huayna Capac, they counted seven hundred wives in their seraglio. See Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 7.]
53 Garcilasso mentions a class of Incas por privilegio, who were allowed to possess the name and many of the immunities308 of the blood royal, though only descended from the great vassals that first served under the banner of Manco Capac. (Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 22.) This important fact, to which he often refers, one would be glad to see confirmed by a single authority.]
They were distinguished by many exclusive and very important privileges; they wore a peculiar dress; spoke309 a dialect, if we may believe the chronicler, peculiar to themselves; 54 and had the choicest portion of the public domain assigned for their support. They lived, most of them, at court, near the person of the prince, sharing in his counsels, dining at his board, or supplied from his table. They alone were admissible to the great offices in the priesthood. They were invested with the command of armies, and of distant garrisons310, were placed over the provinces, and, in short, filled every station of high trust and emolument. 55 Even the laws, severe in their general tenor311, seem not to have been framed with reference to them; and the people, investing the whole order with a portion of the sacred character which belonged to the sovereign, held that an Inca noble was incapable312 of crime. 56
54 “Los Incas tuvieron otra Lengua particular, que hablavan entre ellos, que no la entendian los demas Indios, ni les era licito aprenderla, como Lenguage Divino. Esta me escriven del Peru, que se ha perdido totalmente; porque como perecio la Republica particular de los Incas, perecio tambien el Lenguage dellos.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 1]
55 “Una sola gente hallo yo que era exenta, que eran los Ingas del Cuzco y por alli al rededor de ambas parcialidades, porque estos no solo no pagavan tributo, pero aun comian de lo que traian al Inga de todo el reino, y estos eran por la mayor parte los Governadores en todo el reino, y por donde quiera que iban se les hacia mucha honrra.” Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., Ms.]
56 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 2, cap. 15.
The other order of nobility was the Curacas, the caciques of the conquered nations, or their descendants. They were usually continued by the government in their places, though they were required to visit the capital occasionally, and to allow their sons to be educated there as the pledges of their loyalty313. It is not easy to define the nature or extent of their privileges. They were possessed of more or less power, according to the extent of their patrimony314, and the number of their vassals. Their authority was usually transmitted from father to son, though sometimes the successor was chosen by the people. 57 They did not occupy the highest posts of state, or those nearest the person of the sovereign, like the nobles of the blood. Their authority seems to have been usually local, and always in subordination to the territorial315 jurisdiction316 of the great provincial317 governors, who were taken from the Incas. 58
57 In this event, it seems, the successor named was usually presented to the Inca for confirmation318. (Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms.) At other times, the Inca himself selected the heir from among the children of the deceased Curaca. “In short,” says Ondegardo, “there was no rule of succession so sure, but it might be set aside by the supreme319 will of the sovereign.’ Rel. Prim., Ms.]
58 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 4, cap. 10. — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 11 — Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 93. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
It was the Inca nobility, indeed, who constituted the real strength of the Peruvian monarchy. Attached to their prince by ties of consanguinity320, they had common sympathies and, to a considerable extent, common interests with him. Distinguished by a peculiar dress and insignia, as well as by language and blood, from the rest of the community, they were never confounded with the other tribes and nations who were incorporated into the great Peruvian monarchy. After the lapse of centuries, they still retained their individuality as a peculiar people. They were to the conquered races of the country what the Romans were to the barbarous hordes321 of the Empire, or the Normans to the ancient inhabitants of the British Isles322. Clustering around the throne, they formed an invincible323 phalanx, to shield it alike from secret conspiracy324 and open insurrection. Though living chiefly in the capital, they were also distributed throughout the country in all its high stations and strong military posts, thus establishing lines of communication with the court, which enabled the sovereign to act simultaneously325 and with effect on the most distant quarters of his empire. They possessed, moreover, an intellectual preeminence326, which, no less than their station, gave them authority with the people. Indeed, it may be said to have been the principal foundation of their authority. The crania of the Inca race show a decided327 superiority over the other races of the land in intellectual power; 59 and it cannot be denied that it was the fountain of that peculiar civilization and social polity, which raised the Peruvian monarchy above every other state in South America. Whence this remarkable race came, and what was its early history, are among those mysteries that meet us so frequently in the annals of the New World, and which time and the antiquary have as vet227 done little to explain.
59 Dr. Morton’s valuable work contains several engravings of both the Inca and the common Peruvian skull328, showing that the facial angle in the former, though by no means great, was much larger than that in the latter, which was singularly flat and deficient329 in intellectual character. Crania Americana, (Philadelphia, 1829.)]
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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3
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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4
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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kin
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| n.家族，亲属，血缘关系；adj.亲属关系的，同类的 | |
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inter
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| v.埋葬 | |
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8
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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15
mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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17
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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18
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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19
subsides
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的第三人称单数 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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20
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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obliquely
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| adv.斜； 倾斜； 间接； 不光明正大 | |
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22
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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23
sublimity
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| 崇高，庄严，气质高尚 | |
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24
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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25
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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26
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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27
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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28
etymology
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| n.语源；字源学 | |
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29
sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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30
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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31
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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32
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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33
desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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34
volcanic
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| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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35
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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36
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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37
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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38
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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39
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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40
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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41
fathom
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| v.领悟，彻底了解 | |
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42
crevices
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| n.（尤指岩石的）裂缝，缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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43
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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44
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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45
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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46
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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47
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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48
elevations
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| （水平或数量）提高( elevation的名词复数 )； 高地； 海拔； 提升 | |
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49
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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50
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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51
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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52
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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53
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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54
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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55
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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56
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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57
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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58
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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59
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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60
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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62
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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63
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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64
initiating
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| v.开始( initiate的现在分词 )；传授；发起；接纳新成员 | |
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65
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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66
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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67
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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68
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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69
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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70
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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71
portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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72
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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73
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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74
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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75
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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76
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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78
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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79
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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80
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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81
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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82
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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83
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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84
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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85
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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86
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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87
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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88
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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89
deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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90
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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91
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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92
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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93
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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94
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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95
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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96
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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97
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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98
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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99
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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100
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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101
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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102
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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103
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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104
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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105
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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106
prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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107
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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108
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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109
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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110
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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111
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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112
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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113
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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114
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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115
cohesion
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| n.团结，凝结力 | |
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116
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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117
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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118
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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119
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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120
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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121
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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122
garnishes
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| n.（为色香味而添加的）装饰菜( garnish的名词复数 )；装饰，装饰品v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的第三人称单数 ) | |
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123
conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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124
depositions
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| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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125
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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126
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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127
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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128
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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129
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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130
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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131
slabs
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| n.厚板，平板，厚片( slab的名词复数 )；厚胶片 | |
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132
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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133
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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134
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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135
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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136
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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137
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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138
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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139
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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140
costliness
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| 昂贵的 | |
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141
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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142
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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143
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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144
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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146
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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147
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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148
excavated
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| v.挖掘( excavate的过去式和过去分词 )；开凿；挖出；发掘 | |
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149
demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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150
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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151
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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152
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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153
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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154
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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155
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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156
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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157
quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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158
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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159
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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160
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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161
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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162
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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163
quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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164
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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165
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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166
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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167
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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168
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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169
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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170
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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171
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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173
athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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174
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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175
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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176
mimic
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| v.模仿，戏弄；n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
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177
neophyte
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| n.新信徒；开始者 | |
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178
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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179
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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180
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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181
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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182
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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183
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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184
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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185
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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186
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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187
aspirants
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| n.有志向或渴望获得…的人( aspirant的名词复数 )v.渴望的，有抱负的，追求名誉或地位的( aspirant的第三人称单数 )；有志向或渴望获得…的人 | |
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188
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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189
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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190
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
progenitor
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| n.祖先，先驱 | |
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192
novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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193
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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194
distended
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| v.（使）膨胀，肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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196
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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197
buckling
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| 扣住 | |
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198
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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199
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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200
emblematic
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| adj.象征的，可当标志的；象征性 | |
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201
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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202
evergreen
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| n.常青树；adj.四季常青的 | |
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203
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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204
mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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205
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
tassel
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| n.流苏，穗；v.抽穗， （玉米）长穗须 | |
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207
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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208
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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209
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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210
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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211
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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212
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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213
emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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214
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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215
authorizes
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
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216
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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217
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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218
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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219
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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220
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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221
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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222
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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223
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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224
diffuse
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| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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225
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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226
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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227
vet
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| n.兽医，退役军人；vt.检查 | |
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228
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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229
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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230
strewing
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| v.撒在…上( strew的现在分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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231
vying
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| adj.竞争的；比赛的 | |
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232
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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233
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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234
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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235
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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236
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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237
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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238
rebus
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| n.谜,画谜 | |
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239
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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240
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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241
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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242
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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243
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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244
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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245
opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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246
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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247
niches
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| 壁龛( niche的名词复数 )； 合适的位置[工作等]； （产品的）商机； 生态位（一个生物所占据的生境的最小单位） | |
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248
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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249
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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250
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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251
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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252
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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253
gushing
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| adj.迸出的；涌出的；喷出的；过分热情的v.喷，涌( gush的现在分词 )；滔滔不绝地说话 | |
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254
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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255
solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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256
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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257
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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258
lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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259
voluptuous
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| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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260
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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261
replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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262
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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263
gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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264
demolishing
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| v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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265
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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266
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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267
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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268
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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269
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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270
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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271
immolated
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| v.宰杀…作祭品( immolate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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272
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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273
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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274
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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275
conjugal
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| adj.婚姻的，婚姻性的 | |
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276
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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277
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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278
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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279
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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280
embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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281
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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282
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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283
effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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284
refulgent
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| adj.辉煌的，灿烂的 | |
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285
placidly
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| adv.平稳地，平静地 | |
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286
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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287
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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288
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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289
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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290
raven
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| n.渡鸟，乌鸦；adj.乌亮的 | |
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291
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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292
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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293
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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294
profaned
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| v.不敬( profane的过去式和过去分词 )；亵渎，玷污 | |
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295
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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296
eyebrow
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| n.眉毛，眉 | |
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297
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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298
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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299
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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300
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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301
doffing
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| n.下筒，落纱v.脱去，（尤指）脱帽( doff的现在分词 ) | |
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302
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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303
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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304
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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305
phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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306
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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307
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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308
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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309
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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310
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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311
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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312
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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313
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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314
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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315
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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316
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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317
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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318
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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319
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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320
consanguinity
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| n.血缘；亲族 | |
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321
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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322
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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323
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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324
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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325
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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326
preeminence
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| n.卓越,杰出 | |
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327
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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328
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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329
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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