Education. — Quipus. — Astronomy. — Agriculture. — Aqueducts. — Guano. — Important Esculents.
“Science was not intended for the people; but for those of generous blood. Persons of low degree are only puffed1 up by it, and rendered vain and arrogant2. Neither should such meddle3 with the affairs of government; for this would bring high offices into disrepute, and cause detriment4 to the state.” 1 Such was the favorite maxim5, often repeated, of Tupac Inca Yupanqi, one of the most renowned6 of the Peruvian sovereigns. It may seem strange that such a maxim should ever have been proclaimed in the New World, where popular institutions have been established on a more extensive scale than was ever before witnessed; where government rests wholly on the people; and education — at least, in the great northern division of the continent — is mainly directed to qualify the people for the duties of government. Yet this maxim was strictly8 conformable to the genius of the Peruvian monarchy10, and may serve as a key to its habitual11 policy; since, while it watched with unwearied solicitude12 over its subjects, provided for their physical necessities, was mindful of their morals, and showed, throughout, the affectionate concern of a parent for his children, it yet regarded them only as children, who were never to emerge from the state of pupilage, to act or to think for themselves, but whose whole duty was comprehended in the obligation of implicit13 obedience14.
1 “No es licito, que ensenen a los hijos de los Plebeios, las Ciencias, que pertenescen a los Generosos, y no mas; porque como Gente baja, no se eleven, y ensobervezcan, y menoscaben, y apoqueen la Republica: bastales, que aprendan los Oficios de sus Padres; que el Mandar, y Governar no es de Plebeious, que es hacer agravio al Oficio, y a la Republica, encomendarsela a Gente comun.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 8.]
Such was the humiliating condition of the people under the Incas, while the numerous families of the blood royal enjoyed the benefit of all the light of education, which the civilization of the country could afford; and, long after the Conquest, the spots continued to be pointed15 out where the seminaries had existed for their instruction. These were placed under the care of the amautas, or “wise men,” who engrossed16 the scanty17 stock of science — if science it could be called — possessed18 by the Peruvians, and who were the sole teachers of youth. It was natural that the monarch9 should take a lively interest in the instruction of the young nobility, his own kindred. Several of the Peruvian princes are said to have built their palaces in the neighbourhood of the schools, in order that they might the more easily visit them and listen to the lectures of the amautas, which they occasionally reinforced by a homily of their own. 2 In these schools, the royal pupils were instructed in all the different kinds of knowledge in which their teachers were versed19, with especial reference to the stations they were to occupy in after-life. They studied the laws, and the principles of administering the government, in which many of them were to take part. They were initiated20 in the peculiar21 rites22 of their religion, most necessary to those who were to assume the sacerdotal functions. They learned also to emulate23 the achievements of their royal ancestors by listening to the chronicles compiled by the amautas. They were taught to speak their own dialect with purity and elegance24; and they became acquainted with the mysterious science of the quipus, which supplied the Peruvians with the means of communicating their ideas to one another, and of transmitting them to future generations. 3
2 Ibid., Parte 1, lib 7, cap. 10. The descendant of the Incas notices the remains25, visible in his day, or two of the palaces of his royal ancestors, which had been built in the vicinity of the schools, for more easy access to them.]
3 Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 4, cap. 19]
The quipu was a cord about two feet long, composed of different colored threads tightly twisted together, from which a quantity of smaller threads were suspended in the manner of a fringe. The threads were of different colors and were tied into knots. The word quipu, indeed, signifies a knot. The colors denoted sensible objects; as, for instance, white represented silver, and yellow, gold. They sometimes also stood for abstract ideas. Thus, white signified peace, and red, war. But the quipus were chiefly used for arithmetical purposes. The knots served instead of ciphers27, and could be combined in such a manner as to represent numbers to any amount they required. By means of these they went through their calculations with great rapidity, and the Spaniards who first visited the country bear testimony28 to their accuracy. 4
4 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 9. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 8. — Garcilasso Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 8.
Officers were established in each of the districts, who, under the title of quipucamayus, or “keepers of the quipus,” were required to furnish the government with information on various important matters. One had charge of the revenues, reported the quantity of raw material distributed among the laborers30, the quality and quantity of the fabrics31 made from it, and the amount of stores, of various kinds, paid into the royal magazines. Another exhibited the register of births and deaths, the marriages, the number of those qualified32 to bear arms, and the like details in reference to the population of the kingdom. These returns were annually33 forwarded to the capital, where they were submitted to the inspection34 of officers acquainted with the art of deciphering these mystic records. The government was thus provided with a valuable mass of statistical35 information, and the skeins of many-colored threads, collected and carefully preserved, constituted what might be called the national archives. 5
5 Ondegardo expresses his astonishment36 at the variety of objects embraced by these simple records, “hardly credible37 by one who had not seen them.” “En aquella ciudad se hallaron muchos viejos oficiales antiguos del Inga, asi de la religion, como del Govierno, y otra cosa que no pudiera creer sino la viera, que por hilos y nudos se hallan figuradas las leyes, y estatutos asi de lo uno como de lo otro, las sucesiones de los Reyes y tiempo que governaron: y hallose lo que todo esto tenian a su cargo39 que no fue poco, y aun tube alguna claridad de los estatutos que en tiempo de cada uno se havia: puesto.” (Rel. Prim41., Ms.) (See also Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 9. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 8, — Garcilasso, Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 8, 9.) A vestige42 of the quipus is still to be found in some parts of Peru, where the shepherds keep the tallies43 of their numerous flocks by means of this ancient arithmetic
But, although the quipus sufficed for all the purposes of arithmetical computation demanded by the Peruvians, they were incompetent44 to represent the manifold ideas and images which are expressed by writing. Even here, however, the invention was not without its use. For, independently of the direct representation of simple objects, and even of abstract ideas, to a very limited extent, as above noticed, it afforded great help to the memory by way of association. The peculiar knot or color, in this way, suggested what it could not venture to represent; in the same manner — to borrow the homely45 illustration of an old writer — as the number of the Commandment calls to mind the Commandment itself. The quipus, thus used, might be regarded as the Peruvian system of mnemonics46.
Annalists were appointed in each of the principal communities, whose business it was to record the most important events which occurred in them. Other functionaries47 of a higher character, usually the amautas, were intrusted with the history of the empire, and were selected to chronicle the great deeds of the reigning48 Inca, or of his ancestors. 6 The narrative49, thus concocted50, could be communicated only by oral tradition; but the quipus served the chronicler to arrange the incidents with method, and to refresh his memory. The story, once treasured up in the mind, was indelibly impressed there by frequent repetition. It was repeated by the amauta to his pupils, and in this way history, conveyed partly by oral tradition, and partly by arbitrary signs, was handed down from generation to generation, with sufficient discrepancy51 of details, but with a general conformity52 of outline to the truth.
6 Ibid., ubi supra.]
The Peruvian quipus were, doubtless, a wretched substitute for that beautiful contrivance, the alphabet, which, employing a few simple characters as the representatives of sounds, instead of ideas, is able to convey the most delicate shades of thought that ever passed through the mind of man. The Peruvian invention, indeed, was far below that of the hieroglyphics53, even below the rude picture-writing of the Aztecs; for the latter art, however incompetent to convey abstract ideas, could depict54 sensible objects with tolerable accuracy. It is evidence of the total ignorance in which the two nations remained of each other, that the Peruvians should have borrowed nothing of the hieroglyphical55 system of the Mexicans, and this, notwithstanding that the existence of the maguey plant, agave, in South America might have furnished them with the very material used by the Aztecs for the construction of their maps. 7
7 Ibid., ubi supra. — Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms. — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 9.
Yet the quipus must be allowed to bear some resemblance to the belts of wampum — made of colored beads56 strung together — in familiar use among the North American tribes, for commemorating57 treaties, and for other purposes.
It is impossible to contemplate58 without interest the struggles made by different nations, as they emerge from barbarism, to supply themselves with some visible symbols of thought, — that mysterious agency by which the mind of the individual may be put in communication with the minds of a whole community. The want of such a symbol is itself the greatest impediment to the progress of civilization. For what is it but to imprison59 the thought, which has the elements of immortality60, within the bosom61 of its author, or of the small circle who come in contact with him, instead of sending it abroad to give light to thousands, and to generations yet unborn! Not only is such a symbol an essential element of civilization, but it may be assumed as the very criterion of civilization; for the intellectual advancement62 of a people will keep pace pretty nearly with its facilities for intellectual communication.
Yet we must be careful not to underrate the real value of the Peruvian system: nor to suppose that the quipus were as awkward an instrument, in the hand of a practised native, as they would be in ours. We know the effect of habit in all mechanical operations, and the Spaniards bear constant testimony to the adroitness63 and accuracy of the Peruvians in this. Their skill is not more surprising than the facility with which habit enables us to master the contents of a printed page, comprehending thousands of separate characters, by a single glance, as it were, though each character must require a distinct recognition by the eye, and that, too, without breaking the chain of thought in the reader’s mind. We must not hold the invention of the quipus too lightly, when we reflect that they supplied the means of calculation demanded for the affairs of a great nation, and that, however insufficient64, they afforded no little help to what aspired65 to the credit of literary composition.
The office of recording66 the national annals was not wholly confined to the amautas. It was assumed in part by the haravecs, or poets, who selected the most brilliant incidents for their songs or ballads67, which were chanted at the royal festivals and at the table of the Inca. 8 In this manner, a body of traditional minstrelsy grew up, like the British and Spanish ballad68 poetry, by means of which the name of many a rude chieftain, that might have perished for want of a chronicler, has been borne down the tide of rustic69 melody to later generations.
8 Dec. de la Aud. Real., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 27.
The word haravec signified “inventor” or “finder”; and in his title, as well as in his functions, the minstrel-poet may remind us of the Norman trouvere. Garcilasso has translated one of the little lyrical pieces of his countrymen. It is light and lively; but one short specimen70 affords no basis for general criticism.]
Yet history may be thought not to gain much by this alliance with poetry; for the domain71 of the poet extends over an ideal realm peopled with the shadowy forms of fancy, that bear little resemblance to the rude realities of life. The Peruvian annals may be deemed to show somewhat of the effects of this union, since there is a tinge72 of the marvellous spread over them down to the very latest period, which, like a mist before the reader’s eye, makes it difficult to distinguish between fact and fiction.
The poet found a convenient instrument for his purposes in the beautiful Quichua dialect. We have already seen the extraordinary measures taken by the Incas for propagating their language throughout their empire. Thus naturalized in the remotest provinces, it became enriched by a variety of exotic words and idioms, which, under the influence of the Court and of poetic73 culture, if I may so express myself, was gradually blended, like some finished mosaic74 made up of coarse and disjointed materials, into one harmonious75 whole. The Quichua became the most comprehensive and various, as well as the most elegant, of the South American dialects. 9
9 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., Ms.
Sarmiento justly laments76 that his countrymen should have suffered this dialect, which might have proved so serviceable in their intercourse77 with the motley tribes of the empire, to fall so much out of use as it has done. “Y con7 tanto digo que fue harto beneficio para los Espaoles haver esta lengua pues podian con ella andar por todas partes en algunas de las quales ya se va perdiendo.” Relacion, Ms., cap. 21.
According to Velasco, the Incas, on arriving with their conquering legions at Quito, were astonished to find a dialect of the Quichua spoken there, although it was unknown over much of the intermediate country; a singular fact, if true. (Hist. de Quito, tom. I. p. 185.) The author, a native of that country, had access to some rare sources of information; and his curious volumes show an intimate analogy between the science and social institutions of the people of Quito and Peru. Yet his book betrays an obvious anxiety to set the pretensions78 of his own country in the most imposing79 point of view, and he frequently hazards assertions with a confidence that is not well calculated to secure that of his readers.]
Besides the compositions already noticed, the Peruvians, it is said, showed some talent for theatrical80 exhibitions; not those barren pantomimes which, addressed simply to the eye, have formed the amusement of more than one rude nation. The Peruvian pieces aspired to the rank of dramatic compositions, sustained by character and dialogue, founded sometimes on themes of tragic81 interest, and at others on such as, from their light and social character, belong to comedy. 10 Of the execution of these pieces we have now no means of judging. It was probably rude enough, as befitted an unformed people. But, whatever may have been the execution, the mere82 conception of such an amusement is a proof of refinement83 that honorably distinguishes the Peruvian from the other American races, whose pastime was war, or the ferocious84 sports that reflect the image of it.
10 Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]
The intellectual character of the Peruvians, indeed, seems to have been marked rather by a tendency to refinement than by those hardier85 qualities which insure success in the severer walks of science. In these they were behind several of the semi-civilized86 nations of the New World. They had some acquaintance with geography, so far as related to their own empire, which was indeed extensive; and they constructed maps with lines raised on them to denote the boundaries and localities, on a similar principle with those formerly87 used by the blind. In astronomy, they appear to have made but moderate proficiency88. They divided the year into twelve lunar months, each of which, having its own name, was distinguished89 by its appropriate festival. 11 They had, also, weeks; but of what length, whether of seven, nine, or ten days, is uncertain. As their lunar year would necessarily fall short of the true time, they rectified90 their calendar by solar observations made by means of a number of cylindrical91 columns raised on the high lands round Cuzco, which served them for taking azimuths; and, by measuring their shadows, they ascertained92 the exact times of the solstices. The period of the equinoxes they determined93 by the help of a solitary94 pillar, or gnomon, placed in the centre of a circle, which was described in the area of the great temple, and traversed by a diameter that was drawn95 from east to west. When the shadows were scarcely visible under the noontide rays of the sun, they said that “the god sat with all his light upon the column.” 12 Quito, which lay immediately under the equator, where the vertical96 rays of the sun threw no shadow at noon, was held in especial veneration97 as the favored abode98 of the great deity99. The period of the equinoxes was celebrated100 by public rejoicings. The pillar was crowned by the golden chair of the Sun, and, both then and at the solstices, the columns were hung with garlands, and offerings of flowers and fruits were made, while high festival was kept throughout the empire. By these periods the Peruvians regulated their religious rites and ceremonial, and prescribed the nature of their agricultural labors101. The year itself took its departure from the date of the winter solstice. 13
11 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., Ms.
Fernandez, who differs from most authorities in dating the commencement of the year from June, gives the names of the several months, with their appropriate occupations. Hist. del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 10.]
12 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 22–26.
The Spanish conquerors102 threw down these pillars, as savouring of idolatry in the Indians. Which of the two were best entitled to the name of barbarians103?]
13 Betanzos, Nar. de los Ingas, Ms., cap. 16. — Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 23. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 3.
The most celebrated gnomon in Europe, that raised on the dome104 of the metropolitan105 church of Florence, was erected106 by the famous Toscanelli, — for the purpose of determining the solstices, and regulating the festivals of the Church, — about the year 1468; perhaps at no very distant date from that of the similar astronomical107 contrivance of the American Indian. See Tiraboschi, Historia della Letteratura Italiana, tom. VI. lib. 2, cap. 2, sec. 38.
This meagre account embraces nearly all that has come down to us of Peruvian astronomy. It may seem strange that a nation, which had proceeded thus far in its observations, should have gone no farther; and that, notwithstanding its general advance in civilization, it should in this science have fallen so far short, not only of the Mexicans, but of the Muyscas, inhabiting the same elevated regions of the great southern plateau with themselves. These latter regulated their calendar on the same general plan of cycles and periodical series as the Aztecs, approaching yet nearer to the system pursued by the people of Asia. 14
14 A tolerably meagre account — yet as full, probably, as authorities could warrant — of this interesting people has been given by Piedrahita, Bishop108 of Panama, in the first two Books of his Historia General de las Conquistas del Nuevo Regno de Granada, (Madrid, 1688.) — M. de Humboldt was fortunate in obtaining a Ms., composed by a Spanish ecclesiastic109 resident in Santa Fe de Bogota, in relation to the Muysca calendar, of which the Prussian philosopher has given a large and luminous110 analysis. Vues des Cordilleres. p. 244.]
It might have been expected that the Incas, the boasted children of the Sun, would have made a particular study of the phenomena111 of the heavens, and have constructed a calendar on principles as scientific as that of their semi-civilized neighbours. One historian, indeed, assures us that they threw their years into cycles of ten, a hundred, and a thousand years, and that by these cycles they regulated their chronology. 15 But this assertion — not improbable in itself — rests on a writer but little gifted with the spirit of criticism, and is counter-balanced by the silence of every higher and earlier authority, as well as by the absence of any monument, like those found among other American nations, to attest112 the existence of such a calendar. The inferiority of the Peruvians may be, perhaps, in part explained by the fact of their priesthood being drawn exclusively from the body of the Incas, a privileged order of nobility, who had no need, by the assumption of superior learning, to fence themselves round from the approaches of the vulgar. The little true science possessed by the Aztec priest supplied him with a key to unlock the mysteries of the heavens, and the false system of astrology which he built upon it gave him credit as a being who had something of divinity in his own nature. But the Inca noble was divine by birth. The illusory study of astrology, so captivating to the unenlightened mind, engaged no share of his attention. The only persons in Peru, who claimed the power of reading the mysterious future, were the diviners, men who, combining with their pretensions some skill in the healing art, resembled the conjurors found among many of the Indian tribes. But the office was held in little repute, except among the lower classes, and was abandoned to those whose age and infirmity disqualified them for the real business of life. 16
15 Montesinos, Mem. Antiguas, Ms., lib. 2, cap. 7. “Renovo la computacion de los tiempos, que se iba perdiendo, y se contaron en su Reynaldo los anos por 365 dias y seis horas; a los anos anadio decadeas de diez anos, a cada diez decadas una centuria de 100 anos, y a cada diez centurias una capachoata o Jutiphuacan, que son 1000 anos, que quiere decir el grande ano del Sol; asi contaban los siglos y los sucesos memorables de sus Reyes.” Ibid., loc. cit.]
16 “Ansi mismo les hicieron senalar gente para hechizeros que tambien es entre ellos, oficio publico y conoscido en todos, . . . . . los diputados para ello no lo tenian por travajo, por que ninguno podia tener semejante oficio como los dichos sino fuesen viejos e viejas, y personas inaviles para travajar, como mancos, cojos o contrechos, y gente asi a quien faltava las fuerzas para ello.” Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.]
The Peruvians had knowledge of one or two constellations113, and watched the motions of the planet Venus, to which, as we have seen, they dedicated114 altars. But their ignorance of the first principles of astronomical science is shown by their ideas of eclipses, which, they supposed, denoted some great derangement115 of the planet; and when the moon labored116 under one of these mysterious infirmities, they sounded their instruments, and filled the air with shouts and lamentations, to rouse her from her lethargy. Such puerile117 conceits118 as these form a striking contrast with the real knowledge of the Mexicans, as displayed in their hieroglyphical maps, in which the true cause of this phenomenon is plainly depicted119. 17
17 See Codex Tel–Remensis, Part 4, Pl. 22, ap. Antiquities120 of Mexico, vol. I. London, 1829.]
But, if less successful in exploring the heavens, the Incas must be admitted to have surpassed every other American race in their dominion121 over the earth. Husbandry was pursued by them on principles that may be truly called scientific. It was the basis of their political institutions. Having no foreign commerce, it was agriculture that furnished them with the means of their internal exchanges, their subsistence, and their revenues. We have seen their remarkable122 provisions for distributing the land in equal shares among the people, while they required every man, except the privileged orders, to assist in its cultivation123. The Inca himself did not disdain124 to set the example. On one of the great annual festivals, he proceeded to the environs of Cuzco, attended by his Court, and, in the presence of all the people, turned up the earth with a golden plough, — or an instrument that served as such, — thus consecrating125 the occupation of the husbandman as one worthy126 to be followed by the Children of the Sun. 18
18 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 16.
The nobles, also, it seems, at this high festival, imitated the example of their master. “Pasadas todas las fiestas, en la ultima llevavan muchos arados de manos, los quales antiguamente heran de oro; i echos los oficios, tomava el Inga an arado i comenzava con el a romper la tierra, i lo mismo los demas senores, para que de alli adelante en todo su senorio hiciesen lo mismo, i sin que el Inga hiciese esto no avia Indio que osase romper la tierra, ni pensavan que produjese si el Inga no la rompia primero i esto vaste quanto a las fiestas.’ Conq. i. Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The patronage127 of the government did not stop with this cheap display of royal condescension128, but was shown in the most efficient measures for facilitating the labors of the husbandman. Much of the country along the sea-coast suffered from want of water, as little or no rain fell there, and the few streams, in their short and hurried course from the mountains, exerted only a very limited influence on the wide extent of territory. The soil, it is true, was, for the most part, sandy and sterile129; but many places were capable of being reclaimed130, and, indeed, needed only to be properly irrigated131 to be susceptible132 of extraordinary production. To these spots water was conveyed by means of canals and subterraneous aqueducts, executed on a noble scale. They consisted of large slabs133 of freestone nicely fitted together without cement, and discharged a volume of water sufficient, by means of latent ducts or sluices134, to moisten the lands in the lower level, through which they passed. Some of these aqueducts were of great length. One that traversed the district of Condesuyu measured between four and five hundred miles. They were brought from some elevated lake or natural reservoir in the heart of the mountains, and were fed at intervals135 by other basins which lay in their route along the slopes of the sierra. In this descent, a passage was sometimes to be opened through rocks, — and this without the aid of iron tools; impracticable mountains were to be turned; rivers and marshes136 to be crossed; in short, the same obstacles were to be encountered as in the construction of their mighty137 roads. But the Peruvians seemed to take pleasure in wrestling with the difficulties of nature. Near Caxamarca, a tunnel is still visible, which they excavated138 in the mountains, to give an outlet139 to the waters of a lake, when these rose to a height in the rainy seasons that threatened the country with inundation140. 19
19 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 21. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 24. — Stevenson, Narrative of a Twenty Years’ Residence in S. America, (London, 1829,) vol. I. p. 412; II. pp. 173, 174.
“Sacauan acequias en cabos y por partes que es cosa estrana afirmar lo: porque las echauan por lugares altos y baxos: y por laderas de los cabecos y haldas de sierras q estan en los valles: y por ellos mismos atrauiessan muchas: unas por una parte, y otras por otra, que es gran delectacio caminar por aquellos valles: porque parece que se anda entre huertas y florestas llenas de frescuras.” Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 66.]
Most of these beneficent works of the Incas were suffered to go to decay by their Spanish conquerors. In some spots, the waters are still left to flow in their silent, subterraneous channels, whose windings141 and whose sources have been alike unexplored. Others, though partially142 dilapidated, and closed up with rubbish and the rank vegetation of the soil, still betray their course by occasional patches of fertility. Such are the remains in the valley of Nasca, a fruitful spot that lies between long tracts143 of desert; where the ancient water-courses of the Incas, measuring four or five feet in depth by three in width, and formed of large blocks of uncemented masonry144, are conducted from an unknown distance.
The greatest care was taken that every occupant of the land through which these streams passed should enjoy the benefit of them. The quantity of water allotted145 to each was prescribed by law; and royal overseers superintended the distribution, and saw that it was faithfully applied146 to the irrigation of the ground. 20
20 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Memoirs147 of Gen–Miller148, vol II p. 220.]
The Peruvians showed a similar spirit of enterprise in their schemes for introducing cultivation into the mountainous parts of their domain. Many of the hills, though covered with a strong soil, were too precipitous to be tilled. These they cut into terraces, faced with rough stone, diminishing in regular gradation towards the summit; so that, while the lower strip, or anden, as it was called by the Spaniards, that belted round the base of the mountain, might comprehend hundreds of acres, the uppermost was only large enough to accommodate a few rows of Indian corn. 21 Some of the eminences149 presented such a mass of solid rock, that, after being hewn into terraces, they were obliged to be covered deep with earth, before they could serve the purpose of the husbandman. With such patient toil150 did the Peruvians combat the formidable obstacles presented by the face of their country! Without the use of the tools or the machinery151 familiar to the European, each individual could have done little; but acting152 in large masses, and under a common direction, they were enabled by indefatigable153 perseverance154 to achieve results, to have attempted which might have filled even the European with dismay. 22
21 Miller supposes that it was from these andenes that the Spaniards gave the name of Andes to the South American Cordilleras. (Memoirs of Gen. Miller, vol II. p. 219.) But the name is older than the Conquest, according to Garcilasso, who traces it to Anti, the name of a province that lay east of Cuzco. (Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 11.) Anta, the word for copper155, which was found abundant in certain quarters of the country, may have suggested the name of the province, if not immediately that of the mountains.]
22 Memoirs of Gen. Miller, ubi supra. — Garcilasso, Com. Real. Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 1.]
In the same spirit of economical husbandry which redeemed156 the rocky sierra from the curse of sterility157, they dug below the arid40 soil of the valleys, and sought for a stratum158 where some natural moisture might be found. These excavations159, called by the Spaniards hoyas, or “pits,” were made on a great scale, comprehending frequently more than an acre, sunk to the depth of fifteen or twenty feet, and fenced round within by a wall of adobes161, or bricks baked in the sun. The bottom of the excavation160, well prepared by a rich manure162 of the sardines163, — a small fish obtained in vast quantities along the coast, — was planted with some kind of grain or vegetable. 23
23 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 73.
The remains of these ancient excavations still excite the wonder of the modern traveller. See Stevenson, Residence in S. America, vol. I. p. 359. — Also McCulloh, Researches, p. 358.]
The Peruvian farmers were well acquainted with the different kinds of manures, and made large use of them; a circumstance rare in the rich lands of the tropics, and probably not elsewhere practised by the rude tribes of America. They made great use of guano, the valuable deposit of sea-fowl164, that has attracted so much attention, of late, from the agriculturists both of Europe and of our own country, and the stimulating165 and nutritious166 properties of which the Indians perfectly167 appreciated. This was found in such immense quantities on many of the little islands along the coast, as to have the appearance of lofty hills, which, covered with a white saline incrustation, led the Conquerors to give them the name of the sierra nevada, or “snowy mountains.”
The Incas took their usual precautions for securing the benefits of this important article to the husbandman. They assigned the small islands on the coast to the use of the respective districts which lay adjacent to them. When the island was large, it was distributed among several districts, and the boundaries for each were clearly defined. All encroachment168 on the rights of another was severely169 punished. And they secured the preservation170 of the fowl by penalties as stern as those by which the Norman tyrants171 of England protected their own game. No one was allowed to set foot on the island during the season for breeding, under pain of death; and to kill the birds at any time was punished in the like manner. 24
24 Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 36. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 3.]
With this advancement in agricultural science, the Peruvians might be supposed to have had some knowledge of the plough, in such general use among the primitive172 nations of the eastern continent. But they had neither the iron ploughshare of the Old World, nor had they animals for draught173, which, indeed, were nowhere found in the New. The instrument which they used was a strong, sharp-pointed stake, traversed by a horizontal piece, ten or twelve inches from the point, on which the ploughman might set his foot and force it into the ground. Six or eight strong men were attached by ropes to the stake, and dragged it forcibly along, — pulling together, and keeping time as they moved by chanting their national songs, in which they were accompanied by the women who followed in their train, to break up the sods with their rakes. The mellow174 soil offered slight resistance; and the laborer29, by long practice, acquired a dexterity175 which enabled him to turn up the ground to the requisite176 depth with astonishing facility. This substitute for the plough was but a clumsy contrivance; yet it is curious as the only specimen of the kind among the American aborigines, and was perhaps not much inferior to the wooden instrument introduced in its stead by the European conquerors. 25
25 Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 2.]
It was frequently the policy of the Incas, after providing a deserted177 tract26 with the means for irrigation, and thus fitting it for the labors of the husbandman, to transplant there a colony of mitimaes, who brought it under cultivation by raising the crops best suited to the soil. While the peculiar character and capacity of the lands were thus consulted, a means of exchange of the different products was afforded to the neighbouring provinces, which, from the formation of the country, varied178 much more than usual within the same limits. To facilitate these agricultural exchanges, fairs were instituted, which took place three times a month in some of the most populous179 places, where, as money was unknown, a rude kind of commerce was kept up by the barter180 of their respective products. These fairs afforded so many holidays for the relaxation181 of the industrious182 laborer. 26
26 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 19. — Garcilasso, Com. Real, Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 36; lib. 7, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist. General. dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 3.]
Such were the expedients183 adopted by the Incas for the improvement of their territory; and, although imperfect, they must be allowed to show an acquaintance with the principles of agricultural science, that gives them some claim to the rank of a civilized people. Under their patient and discriminating184 culture, every inch of good soil was tasked to its greatest power of production; while the most unpromising spots were compelled to contribute something to the subsistence of the people. Everywhere the land teemed185 with evidence of agricultural wealth, from the smiling valleys along the coast to the terraced steeps of the sierra, which, rising into pyramids of verdure, glowed with all the splendors186 of tropical vegetation.
The formation of the country was particularly favorable, as already remarked, to an infinite variety of products, not so much from its extent as from its various elevations187, which, more remarkable, even, than those in Mexico, comprehend every degree of latitude189 from the equator to the polar regions. Yet, though the temperature changes in this region with the degree of elevation188, it remains nearly the same in the same spots throughout the year; and the inhabitant feels none of those grateful vicissitudes190 of season which belong to the temperate191 latitudes192 of the globe. Thus, while the summer lies in full power on the burning regions of the palm and the cocoa-tree that fringe the borders of the ocean, the broad surface of the table land blooms with the freshness of perpetual spring, and the higher summits of the Cordilleras are white with everlasting193 winter.
The Peruvians turned this fixed194 variety of climate, if I may so say, to the best account by cultivating the productions appropriate to each; and they particularly directed their attention to those which afforded the most nutriment to man. Thus, in the lower level were to be found the cassava-tree and the banana, that bountiful plant, which seems to have relieved man from the primeval curse — if it were not rather a blessing195 — of toiling196 for his sustenance197. 27 As the banana faded from the landscape, a good substitute was found in the maize198, the great agricultural staple199 of both the northern and southern divisions of the American continent; and which, after its exportation to the Old World, spread so rapidly there, as to suggest the idea of its being indigenous200 to it. 28 The Peruvians were well acquainted with the different modes of preparing this useful vegetable, though it seems they did not use it for bread, except at festivals; and they extracted a sort of honey from the stalk, and made an intoxicating201 liquor from the fermented202 grain, to which, like the Aztecs, they were immoderately addicted203. 29
27 The prolific204 properties of the banana are shown by M. de Humboldt, who states that its productiveness, as compared with that of wheat, is as 133 to 1, and with that of the potato, as 44 to 1. (Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, 1827, tom. II. p. 389.) It is a mistake to suppose that this plant was not indigenous to South America. The banana-leaf has been frequently found in ancient Peruvian tombs.]
28 The misnomer205 of ble de Turquie shows the popular error. Yet the rapidity of its diffusion206 through Europe and Asia, after the discovery of America, is of itself sufficient to show that it could not have been indigenous to the Old World, and have so long remained generally unknown there.]
29 Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 16.
The saccharine207 matter contained in the maize-stalk is much greater in tropical countries than in more northern latitudes; so that the natives in the former may be seen sometimes sucking it like the sugarcane. One kind of the fermented liquors, sora, made from the corn, was of such strength, that the use of it was forbidden by the Incas, at least to the common people. Their injunctions do not seem to have been obeyed so implicitly208 in this instance as usual.]
The temperate climate of the table-land furnished them with the maguey, agave Americana, many of the extraordinary qualities of which they comprehended, though not its most important one of affording a material for paper. Tobacco, too, was among the products of this elevated region. Yet the Peruvians differed from every other Indian nation to whom it was known, by using it only for medicinal purposes, in the form of snuff. 30 They may have found a substitute for its narcotic209 qualities in the coca (Erythroxylum Peruvianum), or cuca, as called by the natives. This is a shrub210 which grows to the height of a man. The leaves when gathered are dried in the sun, and, being mixed with a little lime, form a preparation for chewing, much like the betel-leaf of the East. 31 With a small supply of this cuca in his pouch211, and a handful of roasted maize, the Peruvian Indian of our time performs his wearisome journeys, day after day, without fatigue212, or, at least, without complaint. Even food the most invigorating is less grateful to him than his loved narcotic. Under the Incas, it is said to have been exclusively reserved for the noble orders. If so, the people gained one luxury by the Conquest; and, after that period, it was so extensively used by them, that this article constituted a most important item of the colonial revenue of Spain. 32 Yet, with the soothing213 charms of an opiate, this weed so much vaunted by the natives, when used to excess, is said to be attended with all the mischievous214 effects of habitual intoxication215. 33
30 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 25.]
31 The pungent216 leaf of the betel was in like manner mixed with lime when chewed. (Elphinstone, History of India, London, 1841, vol. I. p. 331.) The similarity of this social indulgence, in the remote East and West, is singular.]
32 Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms. — Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 22. — Stevenson, Residence in S. America, vol. II. p. 63. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 96.]
33 A traveller (Poeppig) noticed in the Foreign Quarterly Review, (No. 33,) expatiates217 on the malignant218 effects of the habitual use of the cuca, as very similar to those produced on the chewer of opium219. Strange that such baneful220 properties should not be the subject of more frequent comment with other writers! I do not remember to have seen them even adverted221 to.]
Higher up on the slopes of the Cordilleras, beyond the limits of the maize and of the quinoa, — a grain bearing some resemblance to rice, and largely cultivated by the Indians, — was to be found the potato, the introduction of which into Europe has made an era in the history of agriculture. Whether indigenous to Peru, or imported from the neighbouring country of Chili222, it formed the great staple of the more elevated plains, under the Incas, and its culture was continued to a height in the equatorial regions which reached many thousand feet above the limits of perpetual snow in the temperate latitudes of Europe. 34 Wild specimens223 of the vegetable might be seen still higher, springing up spontaneously amidst the stunted224 shrubs225 that clothed the lofty sides of the Cordilleras, till these gradually subsided226 into the mosses227 and the short yellow grass, pajonal, which, like a golden carpet, was unrolled around the base of the mighty cones228, that rose far into the regions of eternal silence, covered with the snows of centuries. 35
34 Malte–Brun, book 86.
The potato, found by the early discoverers in Chili, Peru, New Granada, and all along the Cordilleras of South America, was unknown in Mexico, — an additional proof of the entire ignorance in which the respective nations of the two continents remained of one another. M. de Humboldt, who has bestowed229 much attention on the early history of this vegetable, which has exerted so important an influence on European society, supposes that the cultivation of it in Virginia, where it was known to the early planters, must have been originally derived230 from the Southern Spanish colonies. Essai Politique, tom. II. p. 462.]
35 While Peru, under the Incas, could boast these indigenous products, and many others less familiar to the European, it was unacquainted with several of great importance, which, since the Conquest, have thriven there as on their natural soil. Such are the olive, the grape, the fig38, the apple, the orange, the sugar-cane. None of the cereal grains of the Old World were found there. The first wheat was introduced by a Spanish lady of Trujillo, who took great pains to disseminate231 it among the colonists232, of which the government, to its credit, was not unmindful. Her name was Maria de Escobar. History, which is so much occupied with celebrating the scourges233 of humanity, should take pleasure in commemorating one of its real benefactors234.]
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puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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emulate
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| v.努力赶上或超越，与…竞争；效仿 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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ciphers
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| n.密码( cipher的名词复数 )；零；不重要的人；无价值的东西 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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31
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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32
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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fig
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| n.无花果(树) | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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43
tallies
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| n.账( tally的名词复数 )；符合；（计数的）签；标签v.计算，清点( tally的第三人称单数 )；加标签（或标记）于；（使）符合；（使）吻合 | |
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44
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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mnemonics
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| n.记忆术 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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50
concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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51
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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52
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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53
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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54
depict
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| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
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hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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56
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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57
commemorating
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的现在分词 ) | |
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58
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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imprison
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| vt.监禁，关押，限制，束缚 | |
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60
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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61
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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adroitness
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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69
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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71
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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72
tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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80
theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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82
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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83
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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84
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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85
hardier
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| 能吃苦耐劳的，坚强的( hardy的比较级 )； （植物等）耐寒的 | |
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86
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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87
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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88
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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89
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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90
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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91
cylindrical
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| adj.圆筒形的 | |
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92
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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94
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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95
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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96
vertical
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| adj.垂直的，顶点的，纵向的；n.垂直物，垂直的位置 | |
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97
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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98
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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99
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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100
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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101
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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102
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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103
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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104
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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105
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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106
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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107
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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108
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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109
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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110
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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111
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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112
attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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113
constellations
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| n.星座( constellation的名词复数 )；一群杰出人物；一系列（相关的想法、事物）；一群（相关的人） | |
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114
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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115
derangement
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| n.精神错乱 | |
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116
labored
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|
| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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117
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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118
conceits
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|
| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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119
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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120
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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121
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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122
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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123
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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124
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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125
consecrating
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|
| v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的现在分词 )；奉献 | |
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126
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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127
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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128
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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129
sterile
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| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
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130
reclaimed
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|
| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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131
irrigated
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| [医]冲洗的 | |
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132
susceptible
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|
| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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133
slabs
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| n.厚板，平板，厚片( slab的名词复数 )；厚胶片 | |
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134
sluices
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| n.水闸( sluice的名词复数 )；（用水闸控制的）水；有闸人工水道；漂洗处v.冲洗( sluice的第三人称单数 )；（指水）喷涌而出；漂净；给…安装水闸 | |
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135
intervals
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|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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136
marshes
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|
| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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137
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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138
excavated
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|
| v.挖掘( excavate的过去式和过去分词 )；开凿；挖出；发掘 | |
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139
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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140
inundation
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|
| n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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141
windings
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| （道路、河流等）蜿蜒的，弯曲的( winding的名词复数 )； 缠绕( wind的现在分词 )； 卷绕； 转动（把手） | |
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142
partially
|
|
| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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143
tracts
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|
| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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144
masonry
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|
| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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145
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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147
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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148
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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149
eminences
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| 卓越( eminence的名词复数 )； 著名； 高地； 山丘 | |
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150
toil
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|
| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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151
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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152
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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153
indefatigable
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|
| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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154
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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155
copper
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|
| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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156
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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157
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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158
stratum
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| n.地层，社会阶层 | |
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159
excavations
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|
| n.挖掘( excavation的名词复数 )；开凿；开凿的洞穴（或山路等）；（发掘出来的）古迹 | |
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160
excavation
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|
| n.挖掘，发掘；被挖掘之地 | |
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161
adobes
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| n.风干土坯( adobe的名词复数 )；风干砖坯；（制风干砖用的）灰质粘土；泥砖砌成的房屋 | |
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162
manure
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| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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163
sardines
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| n. 沙丁鱼 | |
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164
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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165
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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166
nutritious
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|
| adj.有营养的，营养价值高的 | |
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167
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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168
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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169
severely
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|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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170
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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171
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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172
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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173
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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174
mellow
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| adj.柔和的；熟透的；v.变柔和；(使)成熟 | |
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175
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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176
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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177
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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178
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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179
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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180
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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181
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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182
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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183
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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184
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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185
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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186
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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187
elevations
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| （水平或数量）提高( elevation的名词复数 )； 高地； 海拔； 提升 | |
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188
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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189
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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190
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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191
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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192
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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193
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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194
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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195
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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196
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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197
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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198
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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199
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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200
indigenous
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|
| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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201
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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202
fermented
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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203
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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204
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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205
misnomer
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| n.误称 | |
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206
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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207
saccharine
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| adj.奉承的，讨好的 | |
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208
implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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209
narcotic
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| n.麻醉药，镇静剂；adj.麻醉的，催眠的 | |
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210
shrub
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| n.灌木，灌木丛 | |
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211
pouch
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| n.小袋，小包，囊状袋；vt.装...入袋中，用袋运输；vi.用袋送信件 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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pungent
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| adj.（气味、味道）刺激性的，辛辣的；尖锐的 | |
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expatiates
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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mosses
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| n. 藓类, 苔藓植物 名词moss的复数形式 | |
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cones
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| n.（人眼）圆锥细胞；圆锥体( cone的名词复数 )；球果；圆锥形东西；（盛冰淇淋的）锥形蛋卷筒 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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