A nation which had made such progress in agriculture might be reasonably expected to have made, also, some proficiency2 in the mechanical arts, — especially when, as in the case of the Peruvians, their agricultural economy demanded in itself no inconsiderable degree of mechanical skill. Among most nations, progress in manufactures has been found to have an intimate connection with the progress of husbandry. Both arts are directed to the same great object of supplying the necessaries, the comforts, or, in a more refined condition of society, the luxuries of life; and when the one is brought to a perfection that infers a certain advance in civilization, the other must naturally find a corresponding development under the increasing demands and capacities of such a state. The subjects of the Incas, in their patient and tranquil5 devotion to the more humble6 occupations of industry which bound them to their native soil, bore greater resemblance to the Oriental nations, as the Hindoos and Chinese, than they bore to the members of the great Anglo–Saxon family, whose hardy7 temper has driven them to seek their fortunes on the stormy ocean, and to open a commerce with the most distant regions of the globe. The Peruvians, though lining8 a long extent of sea-coast, had no foreign commerce.
They had peculiar9 advantages for domestic manufacture in a material incomparably superior to any thing possessed11 by the other races of the Western continent. They found a good substitute for linen12 in a fabric13 which, like the Aztecs, they knew how to weave from the tough thread of the maguey. Cotton grew luxuriantly on the low, sultry level of the coast, and furnished them with a clothing suitable to the milder latitudes14 of the country. But from the llama and the kindred species of Peruvian sheep they obtained a fleece adapted to the colder climate of the table-land, “more estimable,” to quote the language of a well-informed writer, “than the down of the Canadian beaver15, the fleece of the brebis des Calmoucks, or of the Syrian goat.” 1
1 Walton, Historical and Descriptive Account of the Peruvian Sheep, (London, 1811,) p. 115. This writer’s comparison is directed to the wool of the vicuna, the most esteemed16 of the genus for its fleece.]
Of the four varieties of the Peruvian sheep, the llama, the one most familiarly known, is the least valuable on account of its wool. It is chiefly employed as a beast of burden, for which, although it is somewhat larger than any of the other varieties, its diminutive17 size and strength would seem to disqualify it. It carries a load of little more than a hundred pounds, and cannot travel above three or four leagues in a day. But all this is compensated18 by the little care and cost required for its management and its maintenance. It picks up an easy subsistence from the moss19 and stunted20 herbage that grow scantily21 along the withered22 sides and the steeps of the Cordilleras. The structure of its stomach, like that of the camel, is such as to enable it to dispense23 with any supply of water for weeks, nay24, months together. Its spongy hoof25, armed with a claw or pointed26 talon27 to enable it to take secure hold on the ice, never requires to be shod; and the load laid upon its back rests securely in its bed of wool, without the aid of girth or saddle. The llamas move in troops of five hundred or even a thousand, and thus, though each individual carries but little, the aggregate28 is considerable. The whole caravan29 travels on at its regular pace, passing the night in the open air without suffering from the coldest temperature, and marching in perfect order, and in obedience31 to the voice of the driver. It is only when overloaded32 that the spirited little animal refuses to stir, and neither blows nor caresses33 can induce him to rise from the ground. He is as sturdy in asserting his rights on this occasion, as he is usually docile34 and unresisting. 2
2 Ibid., p. 23, et seq. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 16. — Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 41.
Llama, according to Garcilasso de la Vega, is a Peruvian word signifying “flock.” (Ibid., ubi supra.) The natives got no milk from their domesticated35 animals; nor was milk used, I believe, by any tribe on the American continent.]
The employment of domestic animals distinguished36 the Peruvians from the other races of the New World. This economy of human labor37 by the substitution of the brute38 is an important element of civilization, inferior only to what is gained by the substitution of machinery39 for both. Yet the ancient Peruvians seem to have made much less account of it than their Spanish conquerors41, and to have valued the llama, in common with the other animals of that genus, chiefly for its fleece. Immense herds42 of these “large cattle,” as they were called, and of the “smaller cattle,” 3 or alpacas, were held by the government, as already noticed, and placed under the direction of shepherds, who conducted them from one quarter of the country to another, according to the changes of the season. These migrations43 were regulated with all the precision with which the code of the mesta determined44 the migrations of the vast merino flocks in Spain; and the Conquerors, when they landed in Peru, were amazed at finding a race of animals so similar to their own in properties and habits, and under the control of a system of legislation which might seem to have been imported from their native land. 4
3 Ganado maior, ganado menor.]
4 The judicious45 Ondegardo emphatically recommends the adoption47 of many of these regulations by the Spanish government, as peculiarly suited to the exigencies48 of the natives. “En esto de los ganados parescio haber hecho muchas constituciones en diferentes tiempos e algunas tan utiles e provechosas para su conservacion que conven dria que tambien guardasen agora.” Rel. Seg., Ms.]
But the richest store of wool was obtained, not from these domesticated animals, but from the two other species, the huanacos and the vicunas, which roamed in native freedom over the frozen ranges of the Cordilleras; where not unfrequently they might be seen scaling the snow-covered peaks which no living thing inhabits save the condor49, the huge bird of the Andes, whose broad pinions50 bear him up in the atmosphere to the height of more than twenty thousand feet above the level of the sea. 5 In these rugged51 pastures, “the flock without a fold” finds sufficient sustenance52 in the ychu, a species of grass which is found scattered53 all along the great ridge54 of the Cordilleras, from the equator to the southern limits of Patagonia. And as these limits define the territory traversed by the Peruvian sheep, which rarely, if ever, venture north of the line, it seems not improbable that this mysterious little plant is so important to their existence, that the absence of it is the principal reason why they have not penetrated55 to the northern latitudes of Quito and New Granada. 6
5 Malte–Brun, book 86.]
6 Ychu, called in the Flora57 Peruana Jarava; Class, Monandria Digynia. See Walton, p. 17]
But, although thus roaming without a master over the boundless58 wastes of the Cordilleras, the Peruvian peasant was never allowed to hunt these wild animals, which were protected by laws as severe as were the sleek59 herds that grazed on the more cultivated slopes of the plateau. The wild game of the forest and the mountain was as much the property of the government, as if it had been inclosed within a park, or penned within a fold. 7 It was only on stated occasions, at the great hunts, which took place once a year, under the personal superintendence of the Inca or his principal officers, that the game was allowed to be taken. These hunts were not repeated in the same quarter of the country oftener than once in four years, that time might be allowed for the waste occasioned by them to be replenished60. At the appointed time, all those living in the district and its neighbourhood, to the number, it might be, of fifty or sixty thousand men, 8 were distributed round, so as to form a cordon61 of immense extent, that should embrace the whole country which was to be hunted over. The men were armed with long poles and spears, with which they beat up game of every description lurking62 in the woods, the valleys, and the mountains, killing63 the beasts of prey64 without mercy, and driving the others, consisting chiefly of the deer of the country, and the huanacos and vicunas, towards the centre of the wide-extended circle; until, as this gradually contracted, the timid inhabitants of the forest were concentrated on some spacious65 plain, where the eye of the hunter might range freely over his victims, who found no place for shelter or escape.
7 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim66., Ms.]
8 Sometimes even a hundred thousand mustered67, when the Inca hunted in person, if we may credit Sarmiento. “De donde haviendose ya juntado cinquenta o sesenta mil Personas o cien mil si mandado les era.” Relacion, Ms., cap. 13.]
The male deer and some of the coarser kind of the Peruvian sheep were slaughtered69; their skins were reserved for the various useful manufactures to which they are ordinarily applied70, and their flesh, cut into thin slices, was distributed among the people, who converted it into charqui, the dried meat of the country, which constituted then the sole, as it has since the principal, animal food of the lower classes of Peru. 9
9 Ibid., ubi supra.
Charqui; hence, probably, says McCulloh, the term “jerked,” applied to the dried beef of South America. Researches, p. 377.]
But nearly the whole of the sheep, amounting usually to thirty or forty thousand, or even a larger number, after being carefully sheared71, were suffered to escape and regain72 their solitary73 haunts among the mountains. The wool thus collected was deposited in the royal magazines, whence, in due time, it was dealt out to the people. The coarser quality was worked up into garments for their own use, and the finer for the Inca; for none but an Inca noble could wear the fine fabric of the vicuna. 10
10 Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms. loc. cit. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 81. — Garcilasso, Com. Real. Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 6.]
The Peruvians showed great skill in the manufacture of different articles for the royal household from this delicate material, which, under the name of vigonia wool, is now familiar to the looms74 of Europe. It was wrought75 into shawls, robes, and other articles of dress for the monarch76, and into carpets, coverlets, and hangings for the imperial palaces and the temples. The cloth was finished on both sides alike; 11 the delicacy77 of the texture78 was such as to give it the lustre79 of silk; and the brilliancy of the dyes excited the admiration80 and the envy of the European artisan. 12 The Peruvians produced also an article of great strength and durability81 by mixing the hair of animals with wool; and they were expert in the beautiful feather-work, which they held of less account than the Mexicans from the superior quality of the materials for other fabrics82, which they had at their command. 13
11 Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 41.]
12 “Ropas finisimas para los Reyes, que lo eran tanto que parecian de sarga de seda y con1 colores tan perfectos quanto se puede afirmar.” Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 13]
13 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
“Ropa finissima para los senores Ingas de lana de las Vicunias. Y cierto fue tan prima esta ropa, como auran visto en Espana: por alguna que alla fue luego que se gano este reyno. Los vestidos destos Ingas eran camisetas desta opa: vnas pobladas de argenteria de oro, otras de esmeraldas y piedras preciosas: y algunas de plumas de aues: otras de solamente la manta. Para hazer estas ropas, tuuiero y tienen tan perfetas colores de carmesi, azul, amarillo, negro, y de otras suertes: que verdaderamente tienen ventaja a las de Espana.” Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 114.]
The natives showed a skill in other mechanical arts similar to that displayed by their manufacturers of cloth. Every man in Peru was expected to be acquainted with the various handicrafts essential to domestic comfort. No long apprenticeship83 was required for this, where the wants were so few as among the simple peasantry of the Incas. But, if this were all, it would imply but a very moderate advancement84 in the arts. There were certain individuals, however, carefully trained to those occupations which minister to the demands of the more opulent classes of society. These occupations, like every other calling and office in Peru, always descended85 from father to son. 14 The division of castes, in this particular, was as precise as that which existed in Egypt or Hindostan. If this arrangement be unfavorable to originality86, or to the development of the peculiar talent of the individual, it at least conduces to an easy and finished execution by familiarizing the artist with the practice of his art from childhood. 15
14 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim. et Seg., Mss. — Garcillaso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 7, 9, 13.]
15 At least, such was the opinion of the Egyptians, who referred to this arrangement of castes as the source of their own peculiar dexterity87 in the arts. See Diodorus Sic., lib. 1, sec. 74.]
The royal magazines and the huacas or tombs of the Incas have been found to contain many specimens88 of curious and elaborate workmanship. Among these are vases of gold and silver, bracelets89, collars, and other ornaments91 for the person; utensils92 of every description, some of fine clay, and many more of copper93; mirrors of a hard, polished stone, or burnished94 silver, with a great variety of other articles made frequently on a whimsical pattern, evincing quite as much ingenuity95 as taste or inventive talent. 16 The character of the Peruvian mind led to imitation, in fact, rather than invention, to delicacy and minuteness of finish, rather than to boldness or beauty of design.
16 Ulloa, Not. Amer., ent. 21. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 114. — Condamine, Mem. ap. Hist. de l’Acad. Royale de Berlin, tom. II. p. 454–456.
The last writer says, that a large collection of massive gold ornaments of very rich workmanship was long preserved in the royal treasury96 of Quito. But on his going there to examine them, he learned that they had just been melted down into ingots to send to Carthagena, then besieged97 by the English! The art of war can flourish only at the expense of all the other arts.
That they should have accomplished98 these difficult works with such tools as they possessed, is truly wonderful. It was comparatively easy to cast and even to sculpture metallic99 substances, both of which they did with consummate100 skill. But that they should have shown the like facility in cutting the hardest substances, as emeralds and other precious stones, is not so easy to explain. Emeralds they obtained in considerable quantity from the barren district of Atacames, and this inflexible101 material seems to have been almost as ductile102 in the hands of the Peruvian artist as if it had been made of clay. 17 Yet the natives were unacquainted with the use of iron, though the soil was largely impregnated with it. 18 The tools used were of stone, or more frequently of copper. But the material on which they relied for the execution of their most difficult tasks was formed by combining a very small portion of tin with copper. 19 This composition gave a hardness to the metal which seems to have been little inferior to that of steel. With the aid of it, not only did the Peruvian artisan hew103 into shape porphyry and granite104, but by his patient industry accomplished works which the European would not have ventured to undertake. Among the remains105 of the monuments of Cannar may be seen movable rings in the muzzles106 of animals, all nicely sculptured of one entire block of granite. 20 It is worthy107 of remark, that the Egyptians, the Mexicans, and the Peruvians, in their progress towards civilization, should never have detected the use of iron, which lay around them in abundance; and that they should each, without any knowledge of the other, have found a substitute for it in such a curious composition of metals as gave to their tools almost the temper of steel; 21 a secret that has been lost — or, to speak more correctly, has never been discovered — by the civilized108 European.
17 They had turquoises109, also, and might have had pearls, but for the tenderness of the Incas, who were unwilling110 to risk the lives of their people in this perilous111 fishery! At least, so we are assured by Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 23.]
18 “No tenian herramientas de hierro in azero.” Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 4.]
19 M. de Humboldt brought with him back to Europe one of these metallic tools, a chisel112, found in a silver mine opened by the Incas not far from Cuzco. On an analysis, it was found to contain 0.94 of copper, and 0.06 of tin. See Vues des Cordilleres, p. 117.]
20 “Quoiqu’il en soit,” says M. de la Condamine, “nous avons vu en quelques autres ruines des ornemens du meme granit, qui representoient des mufles d’animaux, dont les narines percees portoient des anneaux mobiles de la meme pierre.” Mem. ap. Hist. de l’Acad. Royale de Berlin, tom. II. p. 452.]
21 See the History of the Conquest of Mexico, Book 1, chap. 5.
I have already spoken of the large quantity of gold and silver wrought into various articles of elegance113 and utility for the Incas; though the amount was inconsiderable, in comparison with what could have been afforded by the mineral riches of the land, and with what has since been obtained by the more sagacious and unscrupulous cupidity114 of the white man. Gold was gathered by the Incas from the deposits of the streams. They extracted the ore also in considerable quantities from the valley of Curimayo, northeast of Caxamarca, as well as from other places; and the silver mines of Porco, in particular, yielded them considerable returns. Yet they did not attempt to penetrate56 into the bowels115 of the earth by sinking a shaft116, but simply excavated117 a cavern118 in the steep sides of the mountain, or, at most, opened a horizontal vein119 of moderate depth. They were equally deficient120 in the knowledge of the best means of detaching the precious metal from the dross121 with which it was united, and had no idea of the virtues123 of quicksilver, — a mineral not rare in Peru, — as an amalgam124 to effect this decomposition125. 22 Their method of smelting126 the ore was by means of furnaces built in elevated and exposed situations, where they might be fanned by the strong breezes of the mountains. The subjects of the Incas, in short, with all their patient perseverance127, did little more than penetrate below the crust, the outer rind, as it were, formed over those golden caverns128 which lie hidden in the dark depths of the Andes. Yet what they gleaned129 from the surface was more than adequate for all their demands. For they were not a commercial people, and had no knowledge of money. 23 In this they differed from the ancient Mexicans, who had an established currency of a determinate value. In one respect, however, they were superior to their American rivals, since they made use of weights to determine the quantity of their commodities, a thing wholly unknown to the Aztecs. This fact is ascertained130 by the discovery of silver balances, adjusted with perfect accuracy, in some of the tombs of the Incas. 24
22 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 25.]
23 Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 5, cap. 7; lib. 6, cap. 8. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.
This, which Bonaparte thought so incredible of the little island of Loo Choo, was still more extraordinary in a great and flourishing empire like Peru; — the country, too, which contained within its bowels the treasures that were one day to furnish Europe with the basis of its vast metallic currency.]
24 Ulloa, Not. Amer., ent. 21.]
But the surest test of the civilization of a people — at least, as sure as any — afforded by mechanical art is to be found in their architecture, which presents so noble a field for the display of the grand and the beautiful, and which, at the same time, is so intimately connected with the essential comforts of life. There is no object on which the resources of the wealthy are more freely lavished131, or which calls out more effectually the inventive talent of the artist. The painter and the sculptor132 may display their individual genius in creations of surpassing excellence133, but it is the great monuments of architectural taste and magnificence that are stamped in a peculiar manner by the genius of the nation. The Greek, the Egyptian, the Saracen, the Gothic, — what a key do their respective styles afford to the character and condition of the people! The monuments of China, of Hindostan, and of Central America are all indicative of an immature134 period, in which the imagination has not been disciplined by study, and which, therefore, in its best results, betrays only the ill-regulated aspirations135 after the beautiful, that belong to a semi-civilized people.
The Peruvian architecture, bearing also the general characteristics of an imperfect state of refinement136, had still its peculiar character; and so uniform was that character, that the edifices138 throughout the country seem to have been all cast in the same mould. 25 They were usually built of porphyry or granite; not unfrequently of brick. This, which was formed into blocks or squares of much larger dimensions than our brick, was made of a tenacious139 earth mixed up with reeds or tough grass, and acquired a degree of hardness with age that made it insensible alike to the storms and the more trying sun of the tropics. 26 The walls were of great thickness, but low, seldom reaching to more than twelve or fourteen feet in height. It is rare to meet with accounts of a building that rose to a second story. 27
25 It is the observation of Humboldt. “Il est impossible d’examiner attentivement un seul edifice137 du temps des Incas, sans reconnoitre le meme type dans tous les autres qui couvrent le dos des Andes, sur une longueur de plus de quatre cent cinquante lieues, depuis mille jusqu’a quatre mille metres d’elevation au-dessus du niveau de l’Ocean. On dirait qu’un seul architecte a construit ce grand nombre de monumens.” Vues des Cordilleres, p. 197.]
26 Ulloa, who carefully examined these bricks, suggests that there must have been some secret in their composition, — so superior in many respects to our own manufacture, — now lost. Not. Amer., ent. 20.]
27 Ibid., ubi supra.]
The apartments had no communication with one another, but usually opened into a court; and, as they were unprovided with windows, or apertures140 that served for them, the only light from without must have been admitted by the doorways141. These were made with the sides approaching each other towards the top, so that the lintel was considerably142 narrower than the threshold, a peculiarity143, also, in Egyptian architecture. The roofs have for the most part disappeared with time. Some few survive in the less ambitious edifices, of a singular bell-shape, and made of a composition of earth and pebbles144. They are supposed, however, to have been generally formed of more perishable145 materials, of wood or straw. It is certain that some of the most considerable stone-buildings were thatched with straw. Many seem to have been constructed without the aid of cement; and writers have contended that the Peruvians were unacquainted with the use of mortar146, or cement of any kind. 28 But a close, tenacious mould, mixed with lime, may be discovered filling up the interstices of the granite in some buildings; and in others, where the well-fitted blocks leave no room for this coarser material, the eye of the antiquary has detected a fine bituminous glue, as hard as the rock itself. 29
28 Among others, see Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 15. — Robertson, History of America, (London, 1796,) vol. III. p. 213.]
29 Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms. — Ulloa, Not. Amer., ent. 21.
Humboldt, who analyzed147 the cement of the ancient structures at Cannar, says that it is a true mortar, formed of a mixture of pebbles and a clayey marl. (Vues des Cordilleres, p. 116.) Father Velasco is in raptures149 with an “almost imperceptible kind of cement” made of lime and a bituminous substance resembling glue, which incorporated with the stones so as to hold them firmly together like one solid mass, yet left nothing visible to the eye of the common observer. This glutinous150 composition, mixed with pebbles, made a sort of Macadamized road much used by the Incas, as hard and almost as smooth as marble. Hist. de Quito, tom. I. pp. 126–128.]
The greatest simplicity151 is observed in the construction of the buildings, which are usually free from outward ornament90; though in some the huge stones are shaped into a convex form with great regularity153, and adjusted with such nice precision to one another, that it would be impossible, but for the flutings, to determine the line of junction154. In others, the stone is rough, as it was taken from the quarry155, in the most irregular forms, with the edges nicely wrought and fitted to each other. There is no appearance of columns or of arches; though there is some contradiction as to the latter point. But it is not to be doubted, that, although they may have made some approach to this mode of construction by the greater or less inclination156 of the walls, the Peruvian architects were wholly unacquainted with the true principle of the circular arch reposing157 on its key-stone. 30
30 Condamine, Mem. ap. Hist. de l’Acad. Royale de Berlin, tom. II. p. 448. — Antig. y Monumentos del Peru, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib 4, cap. 4. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 14. — Ulloa, Voyage to S. America, vol. I. p 469. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.]
The architecture of the Incas is characterized, says an eminent158 traveller, “by simplicity, symmetry and solidity.” 31 It may seem unphilosophical to condemn161 the peculiar fashion of a nation as indicating want of taste, because its standard of taste differs from our own. Yet there is an incongruity162 in the composition of the Peruvian buildings which argues a very imperfect acquaintance with the first principles of architecture. While they put together their bulky masses of porphyry and granite with the nicest art, they were incapable163 of mortising their timbers, and, in their ignorance of iron, knew no better way of holding the beams together than tying them with thongs164 of maguey. In the same incongruous spirit, the building that was thatched with straw, and unilluminated by a window, was glowing with tapestries165 of gold and silver! These are the inconsistencies of a rude people, among whom the arts are but partially166 developed. It might not be difficult to find examples of like inconsistency in the architecture and domestic arrangements of our Anglo–Saxon, and, at a still later period, of our Norman ancestors.
31 “Simplicite, symetrie, et solidite, voila les trois caracteres par10 lesquels se distinguent avantageusement tous les edifices peruviens.’ Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres, p. 115.]
Yet the buildings of the Incas were accommodated to the character of the climate, and were well fitted to resist those terrible convulsions which belong to the land of volcanoes. The wisdom of their plan is attested167 by the number which still survive, while the more modern constructions of the Conquerors have been buried in ruins. The hand of the Conquerors, indeed, has fallen heavily on these venerable monuments, and, in their blind and superstitious168 search for hidden treasure, has caused infinitely169 more ruin than time or the earthquake. 32 Yet enough of these monuments still remain to invite the researches of the antiquary. Those only in the most conspicuous170 situations have been hitherto examined. But, by the testimony171 of travellers, many more are to be found in the less frequented parts of the country; and we may hope they will one day call forth172 a kindred spirit of enterprise to that which has so successfully explored the mysterious recesses173 of Central America and Yucatan.
32 The anonymous174 author of the Antig. y Monumentos del Peru, Ms., gives us, at second hand, one of those golden traditions which, in early times, fostered the spirit of adventure. The tradition, in this instance, he thinks well entitled to credit. The reader will judge for himself. “It is a well-authenticated report, and generally received, that there is a secret hall in the fortress176 of Cuzco, where an immense treasure is concealed177, consisting of the statues of all the Incas, wrought in gold. A lady is still living, Dona Maria de Esquivel, the wife of the last Inca, who has visited this hall, and I have heard her relate the way in which she was carried to see it.
“Don Carlos, the lady’s husband, did not maintain a style of living becoming his high rank. Dona Maria sometimes reproached him, declaring that she had been deceived into marrying a poor Indian under the lofty title of Lord or Inca. She said this so frequently, that Don Carlos one night exclaimed, ‘Lady! do you wish to know whether I am rich or poor? You shall see that no lord nor king in the world has a larger treasure than I have.’ Then covering her eyes with a handkerchief he made her turn round two or three times, and, taking her by the hand, led her a short distance before he removed the bandage. On opening her eyes, what was her amazement178! She had gone not more than two hundred paces, and descended a short flight of steps, and she now found herself in a large quadrangular hall, where, ranged on benches round the walls, she beheld179 the statues of the Incas, each of the size of a boy twelve years old, all of massive gold! She saw also many vessels180 of gold and silver. ‘In fact,’ she said, ‘it was one of the most magnificent treasures in the whole world!’"]
I cannot close this analysis of the Peruvian institutions without a few reflections on their general character and tendency, which, if they involve some repetition of previous remarks, may, I trust, be excused, from my desire to leave a correct and consistent impression on the reader. In this survey, we cannot but be struck with the total dissimilarity between these institutions and those of the Aztecs, — the other great nation who led in the march of civilization on this western continent, and whose empire in the northern portion of it was as conspicuous as that of the Incas in the south. Both nations came on the plateau, and commenced their career of conquest, at dates, it may be, not far removed from each other. 33 And it is worthy of notice, that, in America, the elevated region along the crests181 of the great mountain ranges should have been the chosen seat of civilization in both hemispheres.
33 Ante, chap. 1.]
Very different was the policy pursued by the two races in their military career. The Aztecs, animated182 by the most ferocious183 spirit, carried on a war of extermination184, signalizing their triumphs by the sacrifice of hecatombs of captives; while the Incas, although they pursued the game of conquest with equal pertinacity185, preferred a milder policy, substituting negotiation186 and intrigue187 for violence, and dealt with their antagonists188 so that their future resources should not be crippled, and that they should come as friends, not as foes189, into the bosom190 of the empire.
Their policy toward the conquered forms a contrast no less striking to that pursued by the Aztecs. The Mexican vassals192 were ground by excessive imposts and military conscriptions. No regard was had to their welfare, and the only limit to oppression was the power of endurance. They were overawed by fortresses193 and armed garrisons194, and were made to feel every hour that they were not part and parcel of the nation, but held only in subjugation195 as a conquered people. The Incas, on the other hand, admitted their new subjects at once to all the rights enjoyed by the rest of the community; and, though they made them conform to the established laws and usages of the empire, they watched over their personal security and comfort with a sort of parental196 solicitude197. The motley population, thus bound together by common interest, was animated by a common feeling of loyalty198, which gave greater strength and stability to the empire, as it became more and more widely extended; while the various tribes who successively came under the Mexican sceptre, being held together only by the pressure of external force, were ready to fall asunder199 the moment that that force was withdrawn200. The policy of the two nations displayed the principle of fear as contrasted with the principle of love.
The characteristic features of their religious systems had as little resemblance to each other. The whole Aztec pantheon partook more or less of the sanguinary spirit of the terrible war-god who presided over it, and their frivolous202 ceremonial almost always terminated with human sacrifice and cannibal orgies. But the rites203 of the Peruvians were of a more innocent cast, as they tended to a more spiritual worship. For the worship of the Creator is most nearly approached by that of the heavenly bodies, which, as they revolve204 in their bright orbits, seem to be the most glorious symbols of his beneficence and power.
In the minuter mechanical arts, both showed considerable skill; but in the construction of important public works, of roads, aqueducts, canals, and in agriculture in all its details, the Peruvians were much superior. Strange that they should have fallen so far below their rivals in their efforts after a higher intellectual culture, in astronomical205 science, more especially, and in the art of communicating thought by visible symbols. When we consider the greater refinement of the Incas, their inferiority to the Aztecs in these particulars can be explained only by the fact, that the latter in all probability were indebted for their science to the race who preceded them in the land, — that shadowy race whose origin and whose end are alike veiled from the eye of the inquirer, but who possibly may have sought a refuge from their ferocious invaders206 in those regions of Central America the architectural remains of which now supply us with the most pleasing monuments of Indian civilization. It is with this more polished race, to whom the Peruvians seem to have borne some resemblance in their mental and moral organization, that they should be compared. Had the empire of the Incas been permitted to extend itself with the rapid strides with which it was advancing at the period of the Spanish conquest, the two races might have come into conflict, or, perhaps, into alliance with one another.
The Mexicans and Peruvians, so different in the character of their peculiar civilization, were, it seems probable, ignorant of each other’s existence; and it may appear singular, that, during the simultaneous continuance of their empires, some of the seeds of science and of art, which pass so imperceptibly from one people to another, should not have found their way across the interval208 which separated the two nations. They furnish an interesting example of the opposite directions which the human mind may take in its struggle to emerge from darkness into the light of civilization.
A closer resemblance — as I have more than once taken occasion to notice — may be found between the Peruvian institutions and some of the despotic governments of Eastern Asia; those governments where despotism appears in its more mitigated209 form, and the whole people, under the patriarchal sway of its sovereign, seem to be gathered together like the members of one vast family. Such were the Chinese, for example, whom the Peruvians resembled in their implicit152 obedience to authority, their mild yet somewhat stubborn temper, their solicitude for forms, their reverence210 for ancient usage, their skill in the minuter manufactures, their imitative rather than inventive cast of mind, and their invincible211 patience, which serves instead of a more adventurous212 spirit for the execution of difficult undertakings213. 34
34 Count Carli has amused himself with tracing out the different points of resemblance between the Chinese and the Peruvians. The emperor of China was styled the son of Heaven or of the Sun. He also held a plough once a year in presence of his people, to show his respect for agriculture. And the solstices and equinoxes were noted214, to determine the periods of their religious festivals. The coincidences are curious. Lettres Americaines, tom. II. pp. 7, 8.]
A still closer analogy may be found with the natives of Hindostan in their division into castes, their worship of the heavenly bodies and the elements of nature, and their acquaintance with the scientific principles of husbandry. To the ancient Egyptians, also, they bore considerable resemblance in the same particulars, as well as in those ideas of a future existence which led them to attach so much importance to the permanent preservation215 of the body.
But we shall look in vain in the history of the East for a parallel to the absolute control exercised by the Incas over their subjects. In the East, this was founded on physical power, — on the external resources of the government. The authority of the Inca might be compared with that of the Pope in the day of his might, when Christendom trembled at the thunders of the Vatican, and the successor of St. Peter set his foot on the necks of princes. But the authority of the Pope was founded on opinion. His temporal power was nothing. The empire of the Incas rested on both. It was a theocracy216 more potent217 in its operation than that of the Jews; for, though the sanction of the law might be as great among the latter, the law was expounded218 by a human lawgiver, the servant and representative of Divinity. But the Inca was both the lawgiver and the law. He was not merely the representative of Divinity, or, like the Pope, its vicegerent, but he was Divinity itself. The violation221 of his ordinance222 was sacrilege. Never was there a scheme of government enforced by such terrible sanctions, or which bore so oppressively on the subjects of it. For it reached not only to the visible acts, but to the private conduct, the words, the very thoughts, of its vassals.
It added not a little to the efficacy of the government, that, below the sovereign, there was an order of hereditary223 nobles of the same divine original with himself, who, placed far below himself, were still immeasurably above the rest of the community, not merely by descent, but, as it would seem, by their intellectual nature. These were the exclusive depositaries of power, and, as their long hereditary training made them familiar with their vocation224, and secured them implicit deference225 from the multitude, they became the prompt and well-practised agents for carrying out the executive measures of the administration. All that occurred throughout the wide extent of his empire — such was the perfect system of communication — passed in review, as it were, before the eyes of the monarch, and a thousand hands, armed with irresistible226 authority, stood ready in every quarter to do his bidding. Was it not, as we have said, the most oppressive, though the mildest, of despotisms? It was the mildest, from the very circumstance, that the transcendent rank of the sovereign, and the humble, nay, superstitious, devotion to his will made it superfluous227 to assert this will by acts of violence or rigor228. The great mass of the people may have appeared to his eyes as but little removed above the condition of the brute, formed to minister to his pleasures. But, from their very helplessness, he regarded them with feelings of commiseration229, like those which a kind master might feel for the poor animals committed to his charge, or — to do justice to the beneficent character attributed to many of the Incas — that a parent might feel for his young and impotent offspring. The laws were carefully directed to their preservation and personal comfort. The people were not allowed to be employed on works pernicious to their health, nor to pine — a sad contrast to their subsequent destiny — under the imposition of tasks too heavy for their powers. They were never made the victims of public or private extortion; and a benevolent230 forecast watched carefully over their necessities, and provided for their relief in seasons of infirmity, and for their sustenance in health. The government of the Incas, however arbitrary in form, was in its spirit truly patriarchal.
Yet in this there was nothing cheering to the dignity of human nature. What the people had was conceded as a boon231, not as a right. When a nation was brought under the sceptre of the Incas, it resigned every personal right, even the rights dearest to humanity. Under this extraordinary polity, a people advanced in many of the social refinements232, well skilled in manufactures and agriculture, were unacquainted, as we have seen, with money. They had nothing that deserved to be called property. They could follow no craft, could engage in no labor, no amusement, but such as was specially3 provided by law. They could not change their residence or their dress without a license233 from the government. They could not even exercise the freedom which is conceded to the most abject234 in other countries, that of selecting their own wives. The imperative235 spirit of despotism would not allow them to be happy or miserable236 in any way but that established by law. The power of free agency — the inestimable and inborn237 right of every human being — was annihilated238 in Peru.
The astonishing mechanism239 of the Peruvian polity could have resulted only from the combined authority of opinion and positive power in the ruler to an extent unprecedented240 in the history of man. Yet that it should have so successfully gone into operation, and so long endured, in opposition241 to the taste, the prejudices, and the very principles of our nature, is a strong proof of a generally wise and temperate242 administration of the government.
The policy habitually243 pursued by the Incas for the prevention of evils that might have disturbed the order of things is well exemplified in their provisions against poverty and idleness. In these they rightly discerned the two great causes of disaffection in a populous244 community. The industry of the people was secured not only by their compulsory245 occupations at home, but by their employment on those great public works which covered every part of the country, and which still bear testimony in their decay to their primitive246 grandeur247. Yet it may well astonish us to find, that the natural difficulty of these undertakings, sufficiently248 great in itself, considering the imperfection of their tools and machinery, was inconceivably enhanced by the politic249 contrivance of government. The royal edifices of Quito, we are assured by the Spanish conquerors, were constructed of huge masses of stone, many of which were carried all the way along the mountain roads from Cuzco, a distance of several hundred leagues. 35 The great square of the capital was filled to a considerable depth with mould brought with incredible labor up the steep slopes of the Cordilleras from the distant shores of the Pacific Ocean. 36 Labor was regarded not only as a means, but as an end, by the Peruvian law.
35 “Era muy principal intento que la gente no holgase, que dava causa a que despues que los Ingas estuvieron en paz hacer traer de Quito al Cuzco piedra que venia de provincia en provincia para hacer casas para si o pa el Sol en gran cantidad, y del Cuzco llevalla a Quito pa el mismo efecto, . . . . . y asi destas cosas hacian los Ingas muchas de poco provecho y de escesivo travajo en que traian ocupadas las provincias ordinariamte, y en fin4 el travajo era causa de su conservacion.” Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., Ms. — Also Antig. y Monumentos del Peru, Ms.]
36 This was literally250 gold dust; for Ondegardo states, that, when governor of Cuzco, he caused great quantities of gold vessels and ornaments to be disinterred from the sand in which they had been secreted251 by the natives. “Que toda aquella plaza252 del Cuzco le sacaron la tierra propia, y se llevo a otras partes por cosa de gran estima, e la hincheron de arena253 de la costa de la mar30, como hasta dos palmos y medio en algunas partes, mas sembraron por toda ella muchos vasos de oro e plata, y hovejuelas y hombrecillos pequenos de lo mismo, lo cual se ha sacado en mucha cantidad, que todo lo hemos visto; desta arena estaba toda la plaza, quando yo fui a governar aquella Ciudad; e si fue verdad que aquella se trajo de ellos, afirman e tienen puestos en sus registros, paresceme que sea ansi, que toda la tierra junta68 tubo necesidad de entender en ello, por que la plaza es grande, y no tiene numero las cargas que en ella entraron; y la costa por lo mas cerca esta mas de nobenta leguas a lo que creo, y cierto yo me satisfice, porque todos dicen, que aquel genero de arena, no lo hay hasta la costa.” Rel. Seg., Ms]
With their manifold provisions against poverty the reader has already been made acquainted. They were so perfect, that, in their wide extent of territory, — much of it smitten254 with the curse of barrenness, — no man, however humble, suffered from the want of food and clothing. Famine, so common a scourge255 in every other American nation, so common at that period in every country of civilized Europe, was an evil unknown in the dominions256 of the Incas.
The most enlightened of the Spaniards who first visited Peru, struck with the general appearance of plenty and prosperity, and with the astonishing order with which every thing throughout the country was regulated, are loud in their expressions of admiration. No better government, in their opinion, could have been devised for the people. Contented257 with their condition, and free from vice220, to borrow the language of an eminent authority of that early day, the mild and docile character of the Peruvians would have well fitted them to receive the teachings of Christianity, had the love of conversion259, instead of gold, animated the breasts of the Conquerors. 37 And a philosopher of a later time, warmed by the contemplation of the picture — which his own fancy had colored — of public prosperity and private happiness under the rule of the Incas, pronounces “the moral man in Peru far superior to the European.” 38
37 “Y si Dios permitiera que tubieran quien con celo de Cristiandad, y no con ramo de codicia, en lo pasado, les dieran entera noticia de nuestra sagrada Religion, era gente en que bien imprimiera, segun vemos por lo que ahora con la buena orden que hay se obra.” Sarmiento, Relacion, Ms., cap. 22.
But the most emphatic46 testimony to the merits of the people is that afforded by Mancio Sierra Lejesema, the last survivor260 of the early Spanish Conquerors, who settled in Peru. In the preamble261 to his testament262, made, as he states, to relieve his conscience, at the time of his death, he declares that the whole population, under the Incas, was distinguished by sobriety and industry; that such things as robbery and theft were unknown; that, far from licentiousness263, there was not even a prostitute in the country; and that every thing was conducted with the greatest order, and entire submission265 to authority. The panegyric266 is somewhat too unqualified for a whole nation, and may lead one to suspect that the stings of remorse268 for his own treatment of the natives goaded269 the dying veteran into a higher estimate of their deserts than was strictly270 warranted by facts. Yet this testimony by such a man at such a time is too remarkable271, as well as too honorable to the Peruvians, to be passed over in silence by the historian; and I have transferred the document in the original to Appendix, No. 4.]
38 “Sans doute l’homme moral du Perou etoit infiniment plus perfectionne que l’Europeen.” Carli, Lettres Americaines, tom. I. p. 215.]
Yet such results are scarcely reconcilable with the theory of the government I have attempted to analyze148. Where there is no free agency, there can be no morality. Where there is no temptation, there can be little claim to virtue122. Where the routine is rigorously prescribed by law, the law, and not the man, must have the credit of the conduct. If that government is the best, which is felt the least, which encroaches on the natural liberty of the subject only so far as is essential to civil subordination, then of all governments devised by man the Peruvian has the least real claim to our admiration.
It is not easy to comprehend the genius and the full import of institutions so opposite to those of our own free republic, where every man, however humble his condition, may aspire272 to the highest honors of the state, — may select his own career, and carve out his fortune in his own way; where the light of knowledge, instead of being concentrated on a chosen few, is shed abroad like the light of day, and suffered to fall equally on the poor and the rich; where the collision of man with man wakens a generous emulation273 that calls out latent talent and tasks the energies to the utmost; where consciousness of independence gives a feeling of self-reliance unknown to the timid subjects of a despotism; where, in short, the government is made for man, — not as in Peru, where man seemed to be made only for the government. The New World is the theatre on which these two political systems, so opposite in their character, have been carried into operation. The empire of the Incas has passed away and left no trace. The other great experiment is still going on, — the experiment which is to solve the problem, so long contested in the Old World, of the capacity of man for self-government. Alas274 for humanity, if it should fail!
The testimony of the Spanish conquerors is not uniform in respect to the favorable influence exerted by the Peruvian institutions on the character of the people. Drinking and dancing are said to have been the pleasures to which they were immoderately addicted275. Like the slaves and serfs in other lands, whose position excluded them from more serious and ennobling occupations, they found a substitute in frivolous or sensual indulgence. Lazy, luxurious276, and licentious264, are the epithets277 bestowed278 on them by one of those who saw them at the Conquest, but whose pen was not too friendly to the Indian. 39 Yet the spirit of independence could hardly be strong in a people who had no interest in the soil, no personal rights to defend; and the facility with which they yielded to the Spanish invader207 — after every allowance for their comparative inferiority — argues a deplorable destitution279 of that patriotic280 feeling which holds life as little in comparison with freedom.
39 “Heran muy dados a la lujuria y al bever, tenian acceso carnal con las hermanas y las mugeres de sus padres como no fuesen sus mismas madres, y aun algunos avia que con ellas mismas lo hacian y ansi mismo con sus hijas. Estando borrachos tocavan algunos en el pecado nefando, emborrachavanse muy a menudo, y estando borrachos todo lo que el demonio les traia a la voluntad hacian Heran estos orejones muy soberbios y presuntuosos.
. . . . . Tenian otras muchas maldades que por ser muchas no las digo.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
These random281 aspersions of the hard conqueror40 show too gross an ignorance of the institutions of the people to merit much confidence as to what is said of their character.]
But we must not judge too hardly of the unfortunate native, because he quailed282 before the civilization of the European. We must not be insensible to the really great results that were achieved by the government of the Incas. We must not forget, that, under their rule, the meanest of the people enjoyed a far greater degree of personal comfort, at least, a greater exemption283 from physical suffering, than was possessed by similar classes in other nations on the American continent, — greater, probably, than was possessed by these classes in most of the countries of feudal284 Europe. Under their sceptre, the higher orders of the state had made advances in many of the arts that belong to a cultivated community. The foundations of a regular government were laid, which, in an age of rapine, secured to its subjects the inestimable blessings285 of tranquillity286 and safety. By the well-sustained policy of the Incas, the rude tribes of the forest were gradually drawn201 from their fastnesses, and gathered within the folds of civilization; and of these materials was constructed a flourishing and populous empire, such as was to be found in no other quarter of the American continent. The defects of this government were those of over-refinement in legislation, — the last defects to have been looked for, certainly, in the American aborigines.
Note. I have not thought it necessary to swell287 this Introduction by an inquiry288 into the origin of Peruvian civilization, like that appended to the history of the Mexican. The Peruvian history doubtless suggests analogies with more than one nation in the East, some of which have been briefly289 adverted290 to in the preceding pages; although these analogies are adduced there not as evidence of a common origin, but as showing the coincidences which might naturally spring up among different nations under the same phase of civilization. Such coincidences are neither so numerous nor so striking as those afforded by the Aztec history. The correspondence presented by the astronomical science of the Mexicans is alone of more importance than all the rest. Yet the light of analogy, afforded by the institutions of the Incas, seems to point, as far as it goes, towards the same direction; and as the investigation291 could present but little substantially to confirm, and still less to confute, the views taken in the former disquisition, I have not thought it best to fatigue292 the reader with it.
Two of the prominent authorities on whom I have relied in this Introductory portion of the work, are Juan de Sarmiento and the Licentiate Ondegardo. Of the former I have been able to collect no information beyond what is afforded by his own writings. In the title prefixed to his manuscript, he is styled President of the Council of the Indies, a post of high authority, which infers a weight of character in the party, and means of information, that entitle his opinions on colonial topics to great deference. These means of information were much enlarged by Sarmiento’s visit to the colonies, during the administration of Gasca. Having conceived the design of compiling a history of the ancient Peruvian institutions, he visited Cuzco, as he tells us, in 1550, and there drew from the natives themselves the materials for his narrative293. His position gave him access to the most authentic175 sources of knowledge, and from the lips of the Inca nobles, the best instructed of the conquered race, he gathered the traditions of their national history and institutions. The quipus formed, as we have seen, an imperfect system of mnemonics294, requiring constant attention, and much inferior to the Mexican hieroglyphics295. It was only by diligent296 instruction that they were made available to historical purposes; and this instruction was so far neglected after the Conquest, that the ancient annals of the country would have perished with the generation which was the sole depositary of them, had it not been for the efforts of a few intelligent scholars, like Sarmiento, who saw the importance, at this critical period, of cultivating an intercourse297 with the natives, and drawing from them their hidden stores of information.
To give still further authenticity298 to his work, Sarmiento travelled over the country, examined the principal objects of interest with his own eyes, and thus verified the accounts of the natives as far as possible by personal observation. The result of these labors299 was his work entitled, “Relacion de la sucesion y govierno de las Yngas Senores naturales que fueron de las Provincias del Peru y otras cosas tocantes a aquel Reyno, para el Iltmo. Senor Dn Juan Sarmiento, Presidente del Consejo R1 de Indias.”
It is divided into chapters, and embraces about four hundred folio pages in manuscript. The introductory portion of the work is occupied with the traditionary tales of the origin and early period of the Incas; teeming300, as usual, in the antiquities301 of a barbarous people, with legendary302 fables303 of the most wild and monstrous304 character. Yet these puerile305 conceptions afford an inexhaustible mine for the labors of the antiquarian, who endeavours to unravel306 the allegorical web which a cunning priesthood had devised as symbolical307 of those mysteries of creation that it was beyond their power to comprehend. But Sarmiento happily confines himself to the mere219 statement of traditional fables, without the chimerical308 ambition to explain them.
From this region of romance, Sarmiento passes to the institutions of the Peruvians, describes their ancient polity, their religion, their progress in the arts, especially agriculture; and presents, in short, an elaborate picture of the civilization which they reached under the Inca dynasty. This part of his work, resting, as it does, on the best authority, confirmed in many instances by his own observation, is of unquestionable value, and is written with an apparent respect for truth, that engages the confidence of the reader. The concluding portion of the manuscript is occupied with the civil history of the country. The reigns309 of the early Incas, which lie beyond the sober province of history, he despatches with commendable310 brevity. But on the three last reigns, and fortunately of the greatest princes who occupied the Peruvian throne, he is more diffuse311. This was comparatively firm ground for the chronicler, for the events were too recent to be obscured by the vulgar legends that gather like moss round every incident of the older time. His account stops with the Spanish invasion; for this story, Sarmiento felt, might be safely left to his contemporaries who acted a part in it, but whose taste and education had qualified267 them but indifferently for exploring the antiquities and social institutions of the natives.
Sarmiento’s work is composed in a simple, perspicuous style, without that ambition of rhetorical display too common with his countrymen. He writes with honest candor312, and while he does ample justice to the merits and capacity of the conquered races, he notices with indignation the atrocities313 of the Spaniards and the demoralizing tendency of the Conquest. It may be thought, indeed, that he forms too high an estimate of the attainments314 of the nation under the Incas. And it is not improbable, that, astonished by the vestiges315 it afforded of an original civilization, he became enamoured of his subject, and thus exhibited it in colors somewhat too glowing to the eye of the European. But this was an amiable316 failing, not too largely shared by the stern Conquerors, who subverted317 the institutions of the country, and saw little to admire in it, save its gold. It must be further admitted, that Sarmiento has no design to impose on his reader, and that he is careful to distinguish between what he reports on hearsay318, and what on personal experience. The Father of History himself does not discriminate319 between these two things more carefully.
Neither is the Spanish historian to be altogether vindicated320 from the superstition321 which belongs to his time; and we often find him referring to the immediate322 interposition of Satan those effects which might quite as well be charged on the perverseness323 of man. But this was common to the age, and to the wisest men in it; and it is too much to demand of a man to be wiser than his generation. It is sufficient praise of Sarmiento, that, in an age when superstition was too often allied324 with fanaticism325, he seems to have had no tincture of bigotry326 in his nature. His heart opens with benevolent fulness to the unfortunate native; and his language, while it is not kindled327 into the religious glow of the missionary328, is warmed by a generous ray of philanthropy that embraces the conquered, no less than the conquerors, as his brethren.
Notwithstanding the great value of Sarmiento’s work for the information it affords of Peru under the Incas, it is but little known, has been rarely consulted by historians, and still remains among the unpublished manuscripts which lie, like uncoined bullion329, in the secret chambers330 of the Escurial. The other authority to whom I have alluded331, the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo, was a highly respectable jurist, whose name appears frequently in the affairs of Peru. I find no account of the period when he first came into the country. But he was there on the arrival of Gasca, and resided at Lima under the usurpation332 of Gonzalo Pizarro. When the artful Cepeda endeavoured to secure the signatures of the inhabitants to the instrument proclaiming the sovereignty of his chief, we find Ondegardo taking the lead among those of his profession in resisting it. On Gasca’s arrival, he consented to take a commission in his army. At the close of the rebellion he was made corregidor of La Plata, and subsequently of Cuzco, in which honorable station he seems to have remained several years. In the exercise of his magisterial333 functions, he was brought into familiar intercourse with the natives, and had ample opportunity for studying their laws and ancient customs. He conducted himself with such prudence334 and moderation, that he seems to have won the confidence not only of his countrymen but of the Indians; while the administration was careful to profit by his large experience in devising measures for the better government of the colony.
The Relaciones, so often cited in this History, were prepared at the suggestion of the viceroys, the first being addressed to the Marques de Canete, in 1561, and the second, ten years later, to the Conde de Nieva. The two cover about as much ground as Sarmiento’s manuscript; and the second memorial, written so long after the first, may be thought to intimate the advancing age of the author, in the greater carelessness and diffuseness335 of the composition.
As these documents are in the nature of answers to the interrogatories propounded336 by government, the range of topics might seem to be limited within narrower bounds than the modern historian would desire. These queries337, indeed, had particular reference to the revenues, tributes, — the financial administration, in short, of the Incas; and on these obscure topics the communication of Ondegardo is particularly full. But the enlightened curiosity of government embraced a far wider range; and the answers necessarily implied an acquaintance with the domestic policy of the Incas, with their laws, social habits, their religion, science, and arts, in short, with all that make up the elements of civilization. Ondegardo’s memoirs338, therefore, cover the whole ground of inquiry for the philosophic160 historian. In the management of these various subjects, Ondegardo displays both acuteness and erudition. He never shrinks from the discussion, however difficult; and while he gives his conclusions with an air of modesty339, it is evident that he feels conscious of having derived340 his information through the most authentic channels. He rejects the fabulous341 with disdain342; decides on the probabilities of such facts as he relates, and candidly343 exposes the deficiency of evidence. Far from displaying the simple enthusiasm of the well-meaning but credulous344 missionary, he proceeds with the cool and cautious step of a lawyer accustomed to the conflict of testimony and the uncertainty345 of oral tradition. This circumspect346 manner of proceeding347, and the temperate character of his judgments348, entitle Ondegardo to much higher consideration as an authority than most of his countrymen who have treated of Indian antiquities.
There runs through his writings a vein of humanity, shown particularly in his tenderness to the unfortunate natives, to whose ancient civilization he does entire, but not extravagant349, justice; while, like Sarmiento, he fearlessly denounces the excesses of his own countrymen, and admits the dark reproach they had brought on the honor of the nation. But while this censure350 forms the strongest ground for condemnation351 of the Conquerors, since it comes from the lips of a Spaniard like themselves, it proves, also, that Spain in this age of violence could send forth from her bosom wise and good men who refused to make common cause with the licentious rabble352 around them. Indeed, proof enough is given in these very memorials of the unceasing efforts of the colonial government, from the good viceroy Mendoza downwards353, to secure protection and the benefit of a mild legislation to the unfortunate natives. But the iron Conquerors, and the colonist354 whose heart softened355 only to the touch of gold, presented a formidable barrier to improvement.
Ondegardo’s writings are honorably distinguished by freedom from that superstition which is the debasing characteristic of the times; a superstition shown in the easy credit given to the marvellous, and this equally whether in heathen or in Christian258 story; for in the former the eye of credulity could discern as readily the direct interposition of Satan, as in the latter the hand of the Almighty356. It is this ready belief in a spiritual agency, whether for good or for evil, which forms one of the most prominent features in the writings of the sixteenth century. Nothing could be more repugnant to the true spirit of philosophical159 inquiry, or more irreconcilable357 with rational criticism. Far from betraying such weakness, Ondegardo writes in a direct and business-like manner, estimating things for what they are worth by the plain rule of common-sense. He keeps the main object of his argument ever in view, without allowing himself, like the garrulous358 chroniclers of the period, to be led astray into a thousand rambling359 episodes that bewilder the reader and lead to nothing.
Ondegardo’s memoirs deal not only with the antiquities of the nation, but with its actual condition, and with the best means for redressing360 the manifold evils to which it was subjected under the stern rule of its conquerors. His suggestions are replete361 with wisdom, and a merciful policy, that would reconcile the interests of government with the prosperity and happiness of its humblest vassal191. Thus, while his contemporaries gathered light from his suggestions as to the present condition of affairs, the historian of later times is no less indebted to him for information in respect to the past. His manuscript was freely consulted by Herrera, and the reader, as he peruses362 the pages of the learned historian of the Indies, is unconsciously enjoying the benefit of the researches of Ondegardo. His valuable Relaciones thus had their uses for future generations, though they have never been admitted to the honors of the press. The copy in my possession, like that of Sarmiento’s manuscript, for which I am indebted to that industrious363 bibliographer364, Mr. Rich, formed part of the magnificent collection of Lord Kingsborough, — a name ever to be held in honor by the scholar for his indefatigable365 efforts to illustrate366 the antiquities of America.
Ondegardo’s manuscripts, it should be remarked, do not bear his signature. But they contain allusions367 to several actions of the writer’s life, which identify them, beyond any reasonable doubt, as his production. In the archives of Simancas is a duplicate copy of the first memorial, Relacion Primera, though, like the one in the Escurial, without its author’s name. Munoz assigns it to the pen of Gabriel de Rojas, a distinguished cavalier of the Conquest. This is clearly an error; for the author of the manuscript identifies himself with Ondegardo, by declaring, in his reply to the fifth interrogatory, that he was the person who discovered the mummies of the Incas in Cuzco; an act expressly referred, both by Acosta and Garcilasso, to the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo, when corregidor of that city. — Should the savans of Madrid hereafter embrace among the publications of valuable manuscripts these Relaciones, they should be careful not to be led into an error here, by the authority of a critic like Munoz, whose criticism is rarely at fault.
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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lining
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| n.衬里，衬料 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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moss
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| n.苔，藓，地衣 | |
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stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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hoof
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| n.(马，牛等的)蹄 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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overloaded
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| a.超载的，超负荷的 | |
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caresses
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| 爱抚，抚摸( caress的名词复数 ) | |
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docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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42
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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43
migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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46
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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48
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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49
condor
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| n.秃鹰；秃鹰金币 | |
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50
pinions
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| v.抓住[捆住]（双臂）( pinion的第三人称单数 ) | |
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51
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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52
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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57
flora
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| n.(某一地区的)植物群 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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sleek
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| adj.光滑的，井然有序的；v.使光滑，梳拢 | |
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replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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63
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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71
sheared
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| v.剪羊毛( shear的过去式和过去分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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73
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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looms
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| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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80
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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81
durability
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| n.经久性，耐用性 | |
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82
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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83
apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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84
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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85
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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88
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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90
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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92
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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93
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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94
burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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99
metallic
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| adj.金属的；金属制的；含金属的；产金属的；像金属的 | |
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100
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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101
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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102
ductile
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| adj.易延展的，柔软的 | |
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103
hew
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| v.砍；伐；削 | |
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104
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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105
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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106
muzzles
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| 枪口( muzzle的名词复数 )； （防止动物咬人的）口套； （四足动物的）鼻口部； （狗）等凸出的鼻子和口 | |
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107
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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108
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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109
turquoises
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| n.绿松石( turquoise的名词复数 )；青绿色 | |
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110
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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111
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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112
chisel
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| n.凿子；v.用凿子刻，雕，凿 | |
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113
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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114
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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115
bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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excavated
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| v.挖掘( excavate的过去式和过去分词 )；开凿；挖出；发掘 | |
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118
cavern
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| n.洞穴，大山洞 | |
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119
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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121
dross
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| n.渣滓；无用之物 | |
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122
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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123
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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124
amalgam
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| n.混合物；汞合金 | |
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125
decomposition
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| n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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126
smelting
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| n.熔炼v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的现在分词 ) | |
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127
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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128
caverns
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| 大山洞，大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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129
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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130
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
sculptor
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| n.雕刻家，雕刻家 | |
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133
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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134
immature
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| adj.未成熟的，发育未全的，未充分发展的 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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136
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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137
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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138
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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139
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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apertures
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| n.孔( aperture的名词复数 )；隙缝；（照相机的）光圈；孔径 | |
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141
doorways
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| n.门口，门道( doorway的名词复数 ) | |
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142
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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143
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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144
pebbles
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| [复数]鹅卵石； 沙砾； 卵石，小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
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145
perishable
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| adj.（尤指食物）易腐的，易坏的 | |
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146
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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analyzed
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| v.分析( analyze的过去式和过去分词 )；分解；解释；对…进行心理分析 | |
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148
analyze
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| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
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149
raptures
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| 极度欢喜( rapture的名词复数 ) | |
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150
glutinous
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| adj.粘的，胶状的 | |
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151
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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152
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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153
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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154
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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155
quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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156
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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157
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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158
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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159
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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160
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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161
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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162
incongruity
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| n.不协调，不一致 | |
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163
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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164
thongs
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| 的东西 | |
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165
tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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166
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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167
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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168
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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169
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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170
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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171
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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172
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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173
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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174
anonymous
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|
| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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175
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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176
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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177
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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178
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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179
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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180
vessels
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|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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181
crests
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|
| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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182
animated
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|
| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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183
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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184
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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185
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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186
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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187
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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188
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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189
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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190
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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191
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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192
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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193
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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194
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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195
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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196
parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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197
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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198
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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199
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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200
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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201
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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202
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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203
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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204
revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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205
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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206
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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207
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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208
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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209
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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211
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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212
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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213
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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214
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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215
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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216
theocracy
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| n.神权政治；僧侣政治 | |
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217
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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218
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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219
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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220
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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221
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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222
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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223
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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224
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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225
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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226
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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227
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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228
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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229
commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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230
benevolent
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|
| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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231
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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232
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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233
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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234
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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235
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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236
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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237
inborn
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| adj.天生的，生来的，先天的 | |
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238
annihilated
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|
| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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239
mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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240
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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241
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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242
temperate
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|
| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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243
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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244
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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245
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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246
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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247
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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248
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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249
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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250
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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251
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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252
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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253
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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254
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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255
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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256
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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257
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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258
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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259
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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260
survivor
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| n.生存者，残存者，幸存者 | |
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261
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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262
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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263
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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264
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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265
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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266
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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267
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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268
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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269
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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270
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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271
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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272
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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273
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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274
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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275
addicted
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|
| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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276
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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277
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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278
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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279
destitution
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|
| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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280
patriotic
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|
| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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281
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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282
quailed
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| 害怕，发抖，畏缩( quail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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283
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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284
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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285
blessings
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|
| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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286
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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287
swell
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|
| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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288
inquiry
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|
| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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289
briefly
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|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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290
adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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291
investigation
|
|
| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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292
fatigue
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|
| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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293
narrative
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|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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294
mnemonics
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| n.记忆术 | |
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295
hieroglyphics
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|
| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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296
diligent
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|
| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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297
intercourse
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|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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298
authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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299
labors
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|
| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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300
teeming
|
|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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301
antiquities
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|
| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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302
legendary
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|
| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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303
fables
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|
| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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304
monstrous
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|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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305
puerile
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|
| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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306
unravel
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|
| v.弄清楚（秘密）；拆开，解开，松开 | |
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307
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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308
chimerical
|
|
| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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309
reigns
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|
| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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310
commendable
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|
| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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311
diffuse
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|
| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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312
candor
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|
| n.坦白，率真 | |
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313
atrocities
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|
| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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314
attainments
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|
| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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315
vestiges
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|
| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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316
amiable
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|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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317
subverted
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|
| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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318
hearsay
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|
| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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319
discriminate
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|
| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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320
vindicated
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|
| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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321
superstition
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|
| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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322
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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323
perverseness
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|
| n. 乖张, 倔强, 顽固 | |
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324
allied
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|
| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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325
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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326
bigotry
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|
| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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327
kindled
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|
| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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328
missionary
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|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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329
bullion
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| n.金条，银条 | |
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330
chambers
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|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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331
alluded
|
|
| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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332
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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333
magisterial
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|
| adj.威风的，有权威的；adv.威严地 | |
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334
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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335
diffuseness
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| 漫射，扩散 | |
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336
propounded
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|
| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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337
queries
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|
| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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338
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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339
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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340
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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341
fabulous
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|
| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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342
disdain
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|
| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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343
candidly
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|
| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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344
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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345
uncertainty
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|
| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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346
circumspect
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|
| adj.慎重的，谨慎的 | |
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347
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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348
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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349
extravagant
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|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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350
censure
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|
| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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351
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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352
rabble
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|
| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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353
downwards
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|
| adj./adv.向下的（地），下行的（地） | |
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354
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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355
softened
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|
| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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356
almighty
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|
| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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357
irreconcilable
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|
| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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358
garrulous
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| adj.唠叨的，多话的 | |
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359
rambling
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| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
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360
redressing
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| v.改正( redress的现在分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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361
replete
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| adj.饱满的，塞满的；n.贮蜜蚁 | |
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362
peruses
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的第三人称单数 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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363
industrious
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|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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364
bibliographer
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| 书志学家，书目提要编著人 | |
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365
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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366
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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367
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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