Ancient And Modern Science. — Art Of Navigation. — Maritime1 Discovery. — Spirit Of The Spaniards. — Possessions In The New World. — Rumors3 Concerning Peru.
Whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the comparative merit of the ancients and the moderns in the arts, in poetry, eloquence4, and all that depends on imagination, there can be no doubt that in science the moderns have eminently5 the advantage. It could not be otherwise. In the early ages of the world, as in the early period of life, there was the freshness of a morning existence, when the gloss6 of novelty was on every thing that met the eye; when the senses, not blunted by familiarity, were more keenly alive to the beautiful, and the mind, under the influence of a healthy and natural taste, was not perverted7 by philosophical8 theory; when the simple was necessarily connected with the beautiful, and the epicurean intellect, sated by repetition, had not begun to seek for stimulants9 in the fantastic and capricious. The realms of fancy were all untravelled, and its fairest flowers had not been gathered, nor its beauties despoiled10 by the rude touch of those who affected11 to cultivate them. The wing of genius was not bound to the earth by the cold and conventional rules of criticism, but was permitted to take its flight far and wide over the broad expanse of creation. But with science it was otherwise. No genius could suffice for the creation of facts, — hardly for their detection. They were to be gathered in by painful industry; to be collected from careful observation and experiment. Genius, indeed, might arrange and combine these facts into new forms, and elicit12 from their combinations new and important inferences; and in this process might almost rival in originality13 the creations of the poet and the artist. But if the processes of science are necessarily slow, they are sure. There is no retrograde movement in her domain14. Arts may fade, the Muse15 become dumb, a moral lethargy may lock up the faculties16 of a nation, the nation itself may pass away and leave only the memory of its existence, but the stores of science it has garnered17 up will endure for ever. As other nations come upon the stage, and new forms of civilization arise, the monuments of art and of imagination, productions of an older time, will lie as an obstacle in the path of improvement. They cannot be built upon; they occupy the ground which the new aspirant18 for immortality19 would cover. The whole work is to be gone over again, and other forms of beauty — whether higher or lower in the scale of merit, but unlike the past — must arise to take a place by their side. But, in science, every stone that has been laid remains20 as the foundation for another. The coming generation takes up the work where the preceding left it. There is no retrograde movement. The individual nation may recede21, but science still advances. Every step that has been gained makes the ascent22 easier for those who come after. Every step carries the patient inquirer after truth higher and higher towards heaven, and unfolds to him, as he rises, a wider horizon, and new and more magnificent views of the universe.
Geography partook of the embarrassments23 which belonged to every other department of science in the primitive24 ages of the world. The knowledge of the earth could come only from an extended commerce; and commerce is founded on artificial wants or an enlightened curiosity, hardly compatible with the earlier condition of society. In the infancy25 of nations, the different tribes, occupied with their domestic feuds26, found few occasions to wander beyond the mountain chain or broad stream that formed the natural boundary of their domains27. The Phoenicians, it is true, are said to have sailed beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and to have launched out on the great western ocean. But the adventures of these ancient voyagers belong to the mythic legends of antiquity28, and ascend29 far beyond the domain of authentic30 record.
The Greeks, quick and adventurous31, skilled in mechanical art, had many of the qualities of successful navigators, and within the limits of their little inland sea ranged fearlessly and freely. But the conquests of Alexander did more to extend the limits of geographical32 science, and opened an acquaintance with the remote countries of the East. Yet the march of the conqueror33 is slow in comparison with the movements of the unencumbered traveller. The Romans were still less enterprising than the Greeks, were less commercial in their character. The contributions to geographical knowledge grew with the slow acquisitions of empire. But their system was centralizing in its tendency; and instead of taking an outward direction and looking abroad for discovery, every part of the vast imperial domain turned towards the capital as its head and central point of attraction. The Roman conqueror pursued his path by land, not by sea. But the water is the great highway between nations, the true element for the discoverer. The Romans were not a maritime people. At the close of their empire, geographical science could hardly be said to extend farther than to an acquaintance with Europe, — and this not its more northern division, — together with a portion of Asia and Africa; while they had no other conception of a world beyond the western waters than was to be gathered from the fortunate prediction of the poet. 1
1 Seneca’s well-known prediction, in his Medea, is, perhaps, the most remarkable35 random36 prophecy on record. For it is not a simple extension of the boundaries of the known parts of the globe that is so confidently announced, but the existence of a New World across the waters, to be revealed in coming ages
“Quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Typhisque Novos
Detegat Orbes.”
It was the lucky hit of the philosopher rather than the poet.
Then followed the Middle Ages; the dark ages, as they are called, though in their darkness were matured those seeds of knowledge, which, in fulness of time, were to spring up into new and more glorious forms of civilization. The organization of society became more favorable to geographical science. Instead of one overgrown, lethargic37 empire, oppressing every thing by its colossal38 weight, Europe was broken up into various independent communities, many of which, adopting liberal forms of government, felt all the impulses natural to freemen; and the petty republics on the Mediterranean39 and the Baltic sent forth40 their swarms41 of seamen42 in a profitable commerce, that knit together the different countries scattered43 along the great European waters. But the improvements which took place in the art of navigation, the more accurate measurement of time, and, above all, the discovery of the polarity of the magnet, greatly advanced the cause of geographical knowledge. Instead of creeping timidly along the coast, or limiting his expeditions to the narrow basins of inland waters, the voyager might now spread his sails boldly on the deep, secure of a guide to direct his bark unerringly across the illimitable waste. The consciousness of this powered thought to travel in a new direction; and the mariner44 began to look with earnestness for another path to the Indian Spice-islands than that by which the Eastern caravans45 had traversed the continent of Asia. The nations on whom the spirit of enterprise, at this crisis, naturally descended46, were Spain and Portugal, placed, as they were, on the outposts of the European continent, commanding the great theatre of future discovery.
Both countries felt the responsibility of their new position. The crown of Portugal was constant in its efforts, through the fifteenth century, to find a passage round the southern point of Africa into the Indian Ocean; though so timid was the navigation, that every fresh headland became a formidable barrier; and it was not till the latter part of the century that the adventurous Diaz passed quite round the Stormy Cape47, as he termed it, but which John the Second, with happier augury48, called the Cape of Good Hope. But, before Vasco de Gama had availed himself of this discovery to spread his sails in the Indian seas, Spain entered on her glorious career, and sent Columbus across the western waters.
The object of the great navigator was still the discovery of a route to India, but by the west instead of the east. He had no expectation of meeting with a continent in his way, and, after repeated voyages, he remained in his original error, dying, as is well known, in the conviction that it was the eastern shore of Asia which he had reached. It was the same object which directed the nautical49 enterprises of those who followed in the Admiral’s track; and the discovery of a strait into the Indian Ocean was the burden of every order from the government, and the design of many an expedition to different points of the new continent, which seemed to stretch its leviathan length along from one pole to the other. The discovery of an Indian passage is the true key to the maritime movements of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries. It was the great leading idea that gave the character to the enterprise of the age.
It is not easy at this time to comprehend the impulse given to Europe by the discovery of America. It was not the gradual acquisition of some border territory, a province or a kingdom that had been gained, but a New World that was now thrown open to the European. The races of animals, the mineral treasures, the vegetable forms, and the varied50 aspects of nature, man in the different phases of civilization, filled the mind with entirely51 new sets of ideas, that changed the habitual52 current of thought and stimulated53 it to indefinite conjecture54. The eagerness to explore the wonderful secrets of the new hemisphere became so active, that the principal cities of Spain were, in a manner, depopulated, as emigrants55 thronged56 one after another to take their chance upon the deep. 2 It was a world of romance that was thrown open; for, whatever might be the luck of the adventurer, his reports on his return were tinged57 with a coloring of romance that stimulated still higher the sensitive fancies of his countrymen, and nourished the chimerical58 sentiments of an age of chivalry59. They listened with attentive60 ears to tales of Amazons which seemed to realize the classic legends of antiquity, to stories of Patagonian giants, to flaming pictures of an El Dorado, where the sands sparkled with gems61, and golden pebbles62 as large as birds’ eggs were dragged in nets out of the rivers.
2 The Venetian ambassador, Andrea Navagiero, who travelled through Spain in 1525, near the period of the commencement of our narrative63, notices the general fever of emigration. Seville, in particular, the great port of embarkation64, was so stripped of its inhabitants, he says, “that the city was left almost to the women.” Viaggio fatto in Spagna, (Vinegia, 1563.) fol. 15.]
Yet that the advtenturers were no impostors, but dupes, too easy dupes of their own credulous65 fancies, is shown by the extravagant66 character of their enterprises; by expeditions in search of the magical Fountain of Health, of the golden Temple of Doboyba, of the golden sepulchres of Zenu; for gold was ever floating before their distempered vision, and the name of Castilla del Oro, Golden Castile, the most unhealthy and unprofitable region of the Isthmus67, held out a bright promise to the unfortunate settler, who too frequently, instead of gold, found there only his grave.
In this realm of enchantment68, all the accessories served to maintain the illusion. The simple natives, with their defenceless bodies and rude weapons were no match for the European warrior69 armed to the teeth in mail. The odds70 were as great as those found in any legend of chivalry, where the lance of the good knight71 overturned hundreds at a touch. The perils72 that lay in the discoverer’s path, and the sufferings he had to sustain, were scarcely inferior to those that beset74 the knight-errant. Hunger and thirst and fatigue75, the deadly effluvia of the morass76 with its swarms of venomous insects, the cold of mountain snows, and the scorching77 sun of the tropics, these were the lot of every cavalier who came to seek his fortunes in the New World. It was the reality of romance. The life of the Spanish adventurer was one chapter more — and not the least remarkable — in the chronicles of knight-errantry.
The character of the warrior took somewhat of the exaggerated coloring shed over his exploits. Proud and vainglorious78, swelled79 with lofty anticipations80 of his destiny, and an invincible81 confidence in his own resources, no danger could appall82 and no toil83 could tire him. The greater the danger, indeed, the higher the charm; for his soul revelled84 in excitement, and the enterprise without peril73 wanted that spur of romance which was necessary to rouse his energies into action. Yet in the motives85 of action meaner influences were strangely mingled86 with the loftier, the temporal with the spiritual. Gold was the incentive87 and the recompense, and in the pursuit of it his inflexible88 nature rarely hesitated as to the means. His courage was sullied with cruelty, the cruelty that flowed equally — strange as it may seem — from his avarice89 and his religion; religion as it was understood in that age, — the religion of the Crusader. It was the convenient cloak for a multitude of sins, which covered them even from himself. The Castilian, too proud for hypocrisy90, committed more cruelties in the name of religion than were ever practised by the pagan idolater or the fanatical Moslem91. The burning of the infidel was a sacrifice acceptable to Heaven, and the conversion92 of those who survived amply atoned93 for the foulest95 offences. It is a melancholy96 and mortifying97 consideration, that the most uncompromising spirit of intolerance — the spirit of the Inquisitor at home, and of the Crusader abroad — should have emanated98 from a religion which preached peace upon earth and good-will towards man!
What a contrast did these children of Southern Europe present to the Anglo–Saxon races who scattered themselves along the great northern division of the western hemisphere! For the principle of action with these latter was not avarice, nor the more specious99 pretext100 of proselytism; but independence, — independence religious and political. To secure this, they were content to earn a bare subsistence by a life of frugality102 and toil. They asked nothing from the soil, but the reasonable returns of their own labor103. No golden visions threw a deceitful halo around their path, and beckoned104 them onwards through seas of blood to the subversion105 of an unoffending dynasty. They were content with the slow but steady progress of their social polity. They patiently endured the privations of the wilderness106, watering the tree of liberty with their tears and with the sweat of their brow, till it took deep root in the land and sent up its branches high towards the heavens; while the communities of the neighbouring continent, shooting up into the sudden splendors107 of a tropical vegetation, exhibited, even in their prime, the sure symptoms of decay.
It would seem to have been especially ordered by Providence108 that the discovery of the two great divisions of the American hemisphere should fall to the two races best fitted to conquer and colonize109 them. Thus the northern section was consigned110 to the Anglo–Saxon race, whose orderly, industrious111 habits found an ample field for development under its colder skies and on its more rugged112 soil; while the southern portion, with its rich tropical products and treasures of mineral wealth, held out the most attractive bait to invite the enterprise of the Spaniard. How different might have been the result, if the bark of Columbus had taken a more northerly direction, as he at one time meditated113, and landed its band of adventurers on the shores of what is now Protestant America!
Under the pressure of that spirit of nautical enterprise which filled the maritime communities of Europe in the sixteenth century, the whole extent of the mighty114 continent, from Labrador to Terra del Fuego, was explored in less than thirty years after its discovery; and in 1521, the Portuguese115 Maghellan, sailing under the Spanish flag, solved the problem of the strait, and found a westerly way to the long sought Spice-islands of India, — greatly to the astonishment116 of the Portuguese, who, sailing from the opposite direction, there met their rivals, face to face, at the antipodes. But while the whole eastern coast of the American continent had been explored, and the central portion of it colonized117, — even after the brilliant achievement of the Mexican conquest, — the veil was not yet raised that hung over the golden shores of the Pacific.
Floating rumors had reached the Spaniards, from time to time, of countries in the far west, teeming118 with the metal they so much coveted119; but the first distinct notice of Peru was about the year 1511, when Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the discoverer of the Southern Sea, was weighing some gold which he had collected from the natives. A young barbarian120 chieftain, who was present, struck the scales with his fist, and, scattering121 the glittering metal around the apartment, exclaimed, — “If this is what you prize so much that you are willing to leave your distant homes, and risk even life itself for it, I can tell you of a land where they eat and drink out of golden vessels122, and gold is as cheap as iron is with you.” It was not long after this startling intelligence that Balboa achieved the formidable adventure of scaling the mountain rampart of the isthmus which divides the two mighty oceans from each other; when, armed with sword and buckler, he rushed into the waters of the Pacific, and cried out, in the true chivalrous123 vein124, that “he claimed this unknown sea with all that it contained for the king of Castile, and that he would make good the claim against all, Christian125 or infidel, who dared to gain say it”! 3 All the broad continent and sunny isles126 washed by the waters of the Southern Ocean! Little did the bold cavalier comprehend the full import of his magnificent vaunt.
3 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 1. lib. 10, cap. 2. — Quintana, Vidas de Espanoles Celebres, (Madrid, 1830,) tom. II. p. 44.]
On this spot he received more explicit127 tidings of the Peruvian empire, heard proofs recounted of its civilization, and was shown drawings of the llama, which, to the European eye, seemed a species of the Arabian camel. But, although he steered128 his caravel for these golden realms, and even pushed his discoveries some twenty leagues south of the Gulf129 of St. Michael, the adventure was not reserved for him. The illustrious discoverer was doomed130 to fall a victim to that miserable131 jealousy132 with which a little spirit regards the achievements of a great one.
The Spanish colonial domain was broken up into a number of petty governments, which were dispensed133 sometimes to court favorites, though, as the duties of the post, at this early period, were of an arduous134 nature, they were more frequently reserved for men of some practical talent and enterprise. Columbus, by virtue135 of his original contract with the Crown, had jurisdiction136 over the territories discovered by himself, embracing some of the principal islands, and a few places on the continent. This jurisdiction differed from that of other functionaries137, inasmuch as it was hereditary138; a privilege found in the end too considerable for a subject, and commuted139, therefore, for a title and a pension. These colonial governments were multiplied with the increase of empire, and by the year 1524, the period at which our narrative properly commences, were scattered over the islands, along the Isthmus of Darien, the broad tract34 of Terra Firma, and the recent conquests of Mexico. Some of these governments were of no great extent. Others, like that of Mexico, were of the dimensions of a kingdom; and most had an indefinite range for discovery assigned to them in their immediate140 neighbourhood, by which each of the petty potentates141 might enlarge his territorial142 sway, and enrich his followers143 and himself. This politic101 arrangement best served the ends of the Crown, by affording a perpetual incentive to the spirit of enterprise. Thus living on their own little domains at a long distance from the mother country, these military rulers held a sort of vice-regal sway, and too frequently exercised it in the most oppressive and tyrannical manner; oppressive to the native, and tyrannical towards their own followers. It was the natural consequence, when men, originally low in station, and unprepared by education for office, were suddenly called to the possession of a brief, but in its nature irresponsible, authority. It was not till after some sad experience of these results, that measures were taken to hold these petty tyrants144 in check by means of regular tribunals, or Royal Audiences, as they were termed, which, composed of men of character and learning, might interpose the arm of the law, or, at least, the voice of remonstrance145, for the protection of both colonist146 and native.
Among the colonial governors, who were indebted for their situation to their rank at home, was Don Pedro Arias147 de Avila, or Pedrarias, as usually called. He was married to a daughter of Dona Beatriz de Bobadilla, the celebrated148 Marchioness of Moya, best known as the friend of Isabella the Catholic. He was a man of some military experience and considerable energy of character. But, as it proved, he was of a malignant149 temper; and the base qualities, which might have passed unnoticed in the obscurity of private life, were made conspicuous150, and perhaps created in some measure, by sudden elevation151 to power; as the sunshine, which operates kindly152 on a generous soil, and stimulates153 it to production, calls forth from the unwholesome marsh154 only foul94 and pestilent vapors155. This man was placed over the territory of Castilla del Oro, the ground selected by Nunez de Balboa for the theatre of his discoveries. Success drew on this latter the jealousy of his superior, for it was crime enough in the eyes of Pedrarias to deserve too well. The tragical156 history of this cavalier belongs to a period somewhat earlier than that with which we are to be occupied. It has been traced by abler hands than mine, and, though brief, forms one of the most brilliant passages in the annals of the American conquerors157. 4
4 The memorable158 adventures of Vasco Nunez de Balboa have been recorded by Quintana, (Espanoles Celebres, tom II.) and by Irving in his Companions of Columbus. — It is rare that the life of an individual has formed the subject of two such elegant memorials, produced at nearly the same time, and in different languages, without any communication between the authors.
But though Pedrarias was willing to cut short the glorious career of his rival, he was not insensible to the important consequences of his discoveries. He saw at once the unsuitableness of Darien for prosecuting159 expeditions on the Pacific, and, conformably to the original suggestion of Balboa, in 1519, he caused his rising capital to be transferred from the shores of the Atlantic to the ancient site of Panama, some distance east of the present city of that name. 5 This most unhealthy spot, the cemetery160 of many an unfortunate colonist, was favorably situated161 for the great object of maritime enterprise; and the port, from its central position, afforded the best point of departure for expeditions, whether to the north or south, along the wide range of undiscovered coast that lined the Southern Ocean. Yet in this new and more favorable position, several years were suffered to elapse before the course of discovery took the direction of Peru. This was turned exclusively towards the north, or rather west, in obedience162 to the orders of government, which had ever at heart the detection of a strait that, as was supposed, must intersect some part or other of the long-extended Isthmus. Armament after armament was fitted out with this chimerical object; and Pedrarias saw his domain extending every year farther and farther without deriving163 any considerable advantage from his acquisitions. Veragua, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, were successively occupied; and his brave cavaliers forced a way across forest and mountain and warlike tribes of savages164, till, at Honduras, they came in collision with the companions of Cortes, the Conquerors of Mexico, who had descended from the great northern plateau on the regions of Central America, and thus completed the survey of this wild and mysterious land.
5 The Court gave positive instructions to Pedrarias to make a settlement in the Gulf of St. Michael, in obedience to the suggestion of Vasco Nunez, that it would be the most eligible165 site for discovery and traffic in the South Sea. “El asiento que se oviere de hacer en el golfo de S. Miguel en la mar2 del sur debe ser en el puerto que mejor se hallare y mas convenible para la contratacion de aquel golfo, porque segund lo que Vasco Nunez escribe, seria muy necessario que alli haya algunos navios, asi para descubrir las cosas del golfo; y de la comarca del, como para la contratacion de rescates de las otras cosas necesarias al buen provoimiento de aquello; e para que estos navios aprovechen es menester que se hagan alla.” Capitulo de Carta escrita por el Rey Catolico a Pedrarias Davila, ap. Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, (Madrid, 1829.) tom. III. No. 3.
It was not till 1522 that a regular expedition was despatched in the direction south of Panama, under the conduct of Pascual de Andagoya, a cavalier of much distinction in the colony. But that officer penetrated166 only to the Puerto de Pinas, the limit of Balboa’s discoveries, when the bad state of his health compelled him to reembark and abandon his enterprise at its commencement. 6
6 According to Montesinos, Andagoya received a severe injury by a fall from his horse, while showing off the high-mettled animal to the wondering eyes of the natives. (Annales del Peru, Ms., ano 1524.) But the Adelantado, in a memorial of his own discoveries, drawn167 up by himself, says nothing of this unlucky feat168 of horsemanship, but imputes169 his illness to his having fallen into the water, an accident by which he was near being drowned, so that it was some years before he recovered from the effects of it; a mode of accounting170 for his premature171 return, more soothing172 to his vanity, probably, than the one usually received. This document, important as coming from the pen of one of the primitive discoverers, is preserved in the Indian Archives of Seville, and was published by Navarrete, Coleccion, tom. III. No. 7.]
Yet the floating rumors of the wealth and civilization of a mighty nation at the South were continually reaching the ears and kindling173 the dreamy imaginations of the colonists174; and it may seem astonishing that an expedition in that direction should have been so long deferred175. But the exact position and distance of this fairy realm were matter of conjecture. The long tract of intervening country was occupied by rude and warlike races; and the little experience which the Spanish navigators had already had of the neighbouring coast and its inhabitants, and still more, the tempestuous176 character of the seas — for their expeditions had taken place at the most unpropitious seasons of the year — enhanced the apparent difficulties of the undertaking177, and made even their stout178 hearts shrink from it. Such was the state of feeling in the little community of Panama for several years after its foundation. Meanwhile, the dazzling conquest of Mexico gave a new impulse to the ardor179 of discovery, and, in 1524, three men were found in the colony, in whom the spirit of adventure triumphed over every consideration of difficulty and danger that obstructed180 the prosecution181 of the enterprise. One among them was selected as fitted by his character to conduct it to a successful issue. That man was Francisco Pizarro; and as he held the same conspicuous post in the Conquest of Peru that was occupied by Cortes in that of Mexico, it will be necessary to take a brief review of his early history.
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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gloss
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| n.光泽，光滑；虚饰；注释；vt.加光泽于；掩饰 | |
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perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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stimulants
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| n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 )；含兴奋剂的饮料；刺激物；激励物 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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elicit
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| v.引出,抽出,引起 | |
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originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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garnered
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| v.收集并（通常）贮藏（某物），取得，获得( garner的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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29
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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30
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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31
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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32
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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33
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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34
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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35
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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36
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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37
lethargic
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| adj.昏睡的，懒洋洋的 | |
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38
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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39
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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40
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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41
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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42
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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43
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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44
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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45
caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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46
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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47
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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48
augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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49
nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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50
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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51
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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52
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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53
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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54
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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55
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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56
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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59
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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60
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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61
gems
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| growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
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62
pebbles
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| [复数]鹅卵石； 沙砾； 卵石，小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
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63
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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64
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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65
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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66
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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67
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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68
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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69
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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70
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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71
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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72
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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73
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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74
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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75
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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76
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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77
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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78
vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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79
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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80
anticipations
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|
| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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81
invincible
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|
| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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82
appall
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| vt.使惊骇，使大吃一惊 | |
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83
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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84
revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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85
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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86
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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87
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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88
inflexible
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|
| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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89
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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90
hypocrisy
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|
| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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91
Moslem
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|
| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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92
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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93
atoned
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|
| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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94
foul
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|
| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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95
foulest
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|
| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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96
melancholy
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|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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97
mortifying
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|
| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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98
emanated
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|
| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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99
specious
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|
| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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100
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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101
politic
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|
| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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102
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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103
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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104
beckoned
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| v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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106
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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107
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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108
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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109
colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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110
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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111
industrious
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|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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112
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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113
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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114
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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115
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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116
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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117
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
teeming
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|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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119
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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120
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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121
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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122
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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123
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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124
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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125
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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126
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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127
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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128
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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129
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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130
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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131
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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132
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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133
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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134
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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135
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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136
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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137
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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138
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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139
commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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140
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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141
potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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142
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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143
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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144
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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145
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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146
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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147
arias
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| n.咏叹调( aria的名词复数 ) | |
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148
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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149
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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150
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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151
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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152
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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153
stimulates
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| v.刺激( stimulate的第三人称单数 )；激励；使兴奋；起兴奋作用，起刺激作用，起促进作用 | |
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154
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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155
vapors
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| n.水汽，水蒸气，无实质之物( vapor的名词复数 )；自夸者；幻想 [药]吸入剂 [古]忧郁（症）v.自夸，（使）蒸发( vapor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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156
tragical
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| adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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157
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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158
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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159
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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160
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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161
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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162
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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163
deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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164
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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165
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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166
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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167
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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168
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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169
imputes
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的第三人称单数 ) | |
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170
accounting
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| n.会计，会计学，借贷对照表 | |
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171
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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172
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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173
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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174
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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175
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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176
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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177
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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179
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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180
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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181
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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