Francisco Pizarro. — His Early History. — First Expedition To The South. — Distresses1 Of The Voyagers. — Sharp Encounters. — Return To Panama. — Almagro’s Expedition.
1524–1525.
Francisco Pizarro was born at Truxillo, a city of Estremadura, in Spain. The period of his birth is uncertain; but probably it was not far from 1471. 1 He was an illegitimate child, and that his parents should not have taken pains to perpetuate3 the date of his birth is not surprising. Few care to make a particular record of their transgressions4. His father, Gonzalo Pizarro, was a colonel of infantry5, and served with some distinction in the Italian campaigns under the Great Captain, and afterwards in the wars of Navarre. His mother, named Francisca Gonzales, was a person of humble6 condition in the town of Truxillo. 2
1 The few writers who venture to assign the date of Pizarro’s birth do it in so vague and contradictory8 a manner as to inspire us with but little confidence in their accounts. Herrera, it is true, says positively9, that he was sixty-three years old at the time of his death, in 1541. (Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 6.) This would carry back the date of his birth only to 1478. But Garcilasso de la Vega affirms that he was more than fifty years old in 1525. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 1.) This would place his birth before 1475. Pizarro y Orellana, who, as a kinsman10 of the Conqueror11, may be supposed to have had better means of information, says he was fifty-four years of age at the same date of 1525. (Varones Ilustres del Nuevo Mundo, (Madrid, 1639,) p. 128.) But at the period of his death he calls him nearly eighty years old! (p. 185.) Taking this latter as a round exaggeration for effect in the particular connection in which it is used, and admitting the accuracy of the former statement, the epoch12 of his birth will conform to that given in the text. This makes him somewhat late in life to set about the conquest of an empire. But Columbus, when he entered on his career, was still older.]
2 Xerez, Conquista del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 179. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 1. — Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. 128.]
But little is told of Francisco’s early years, and that little not always deserving of credit. According to some, he was deserted13 by both his parents, and left as a foundling at the door of one of the principal churches of the city. It is even said that he would have perished, had he not been nursed by a sow. 3 This is a more discreditable fountain of supply than that assigned to the infant Romulus. The early history of men who have made their names famous by deeds in after-life, like the early history of nations, affords a fruitful field for invention.
3 “Nacio en Truxillo, i echaronlo a la puerta de la Iglesia, mamo una Puerca ciertos Dias, no se hallando quien le quisiese dar leche.” Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 144.]
It seems certain that the young Pizarro received little care from either of his parents, and was suffered to grow up as nature dictated14. He was neither taught to read nor write, and his principal occupation was that of a swineherd. But this torpid15 way of life did not suit the stirring spirit of Pizarro, as he grew older, and listened to the tales, widely circulated and so captivating to a youthful fancy, of the New World. He shared in the popular enthusiasm, and availed himself of a favorable moment to abandon his ignoble16 charge, and escape to Seville, the port where the Spanish adventurers embarked18 to seek their fortunes in the West. Few of them could have turned their backs on their native land with less cause for regret than Pizarro. 4
4 According to the Comendador Pizarro y Orellana, Francis Pizarro served, while quite a stripling, with his father, in the Italian wars; and afterwards, under Columbus and other illustrious discoverers, in the New World, whose successes the author modestly attributes to his kinsman’s valor19, as a principal cause! Varones Ilustres, p. 187.]
In what year this important change in his destiny took place we are not informed. The first we hear of him in the New World is at the island of Hispaniola, in 1510, where he took part in the expedition to Uraba in Terra Firma, under Alonzo de Ojeda, a cavalier whose character and achievements find no parallel but in the pages of Cervantes. Hernando Cortes, whose mother was a Pizarro, and related, it is said, to the father of Francis, was then in St. Domingo, and prepared to accompany Ojeda’s expedition, but was prevented by a temporary lameness20. Had he gone, the fall of the Aztec empire might have been postponed21 for some time longer, and the sceptre of Montezuma have descended22 in peace to his posterity23. Pizarro shared in the disastrous24 fortunes of Ojeda’s colony, and, by his discretion25, obtained so far the confidence of his commander, as to be left in charge of the settlement, when the latter returned for supplies to the islands. The lieutenant26 continued at his perilous27 post for nearly two months, waiting deliberately28 until death should have thinned off the colony sufficiently29 to allow the miserable30 remnant to be embarked in the single small vessel31 that remained to it. 5
5 Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, pp. 121, 128. — Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 1, lib. 7, cap. 14. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ane 1510.]
After this, we find him associated with Balboa, the discoverer of the Pacific, and cooperating with him in establishing the settlement at Darien. He had the glory of accompanying this gallant32 cavalier in his terrible march across the mountains, and of being among the first Europeans, therefore, whose eyes were greeted with the long-promised vision of the Southern Ocean. After the untimely death of his commander, Pizarro attached himself to the fortunes of Pedrarias, and was employed by that governor in several military expeditions, which, if they afforded nothing else, gave him the requisite34 training for the perils35 and privations that lay in the path of the future Conqueror of Peru.
In 1515, he was selected, with another cavalier named Morales, to cross the Isthmus36 and traffic with the natives on the shores of the Pacific. And there, while engaged in collecting his booty of gold and pearls from the neighbouring islands, as his eye ranged along the shadowy line of coast till it faded in the distance, his imagination may have been first fired with the idea of, one day, attempting the conquest of the mysterious regions beyond the mountains. On the removal of the seat of government across the Isthmus to Panama, Pizarro accompanied Pedrarias, and his name became conspicuous37 among the cavaliers who extended the line of conquest to the north over the martial38 tribes of Veragua. But all these expeditions, whatever glory they may have brought him, were productive of very little gold, and, at the age of fifty, the captain Pizarro found himself in possession only of a tract39 of unhealthy land in the neigbourhood of the capital, and of such repartimientos of the natives as were deemed suited to his military services. 6 The New World was a lottery40, where the great prizes were so few that the odds41 were much against the player; yet in the game he was content to stake health, fortune, and, too often, his fair fame.
6 “Teniendo su casa, i Hacienda, i Repartimiento de Indios como uno de los Principales de la Tierra; porque siempre lo fue.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 79.]
Such was Pizarro’s situation when, in 1522, Andagoya returned from his unfinished enterprise to the south of Panama, bringing back with him more copious42 accounts than any hitherto received of the opulence43 and grandeur44 of the countries that lay beyond. 7 It was at this time, too, that the splendid achievements of Cortes made their impression on the public mind, and gave a new impulse to the spirit of adventure. The southern expeditions became a common topic of speculation45 among the colonists46 of Panama. But the region of gold, as it lay behind the mighty47 curtain of the Cordilleras, was still veiled in obscurity. No idea could be formed of its actual distance; and the hardships and difficulties encountered by the few navigators who had sailed in that direction gave a gloomy character to the undertaking48, which had hitherto deterred49 the most daring from embarking50 in it. There is no evidence that Pizarro showed any particular alacrity51 in the cause. Nor were his own funds such as to warrant any expectation of success without great assistance from others. He found this in two individuals of the colony, who took too important a part in the subsequent transactions not to be particularly noticed.
7 Andagoya says that he obtained, while at Biru, very minute accounts of the empire of the Incas, from certain itinerant52 traders who frequented that country. “En esta provincia supe y hube relacion, ansi de los senores como de mercaderes e interpretes que ellos tenian, de toda la costa de todo lo que despues se ha visto hasta el Cuzco, particularmente de cada provincia la manera y gente della, porque estos alcanzaban por via de mercaduria mucha tierra.” Navarrete, Coleccion, tom. III. No 7.]
One of them, Diego de Almagro, was a soldier of fortune, somewhat older, it seems probable, than Pizarro; though little is known of his birth, and even the place of it is disputed. It is supposed to have been the town of Almagro in New Castile, whence his own name, for want of a better source, was derived53; for, like Pizarro, he was a foundling. 8 Few particulars are known of him till the present period of our history; for he was one of those whom the working of turbulent times first throws upon the surface, — less fortunate, perhaps, than if left in their original obscurity. In his military career, Almagro had earned the reputation of a gallant soldier. He was frank and liberal in his disposition55, somewhat hasty and ungovernable in his passions, but, like men of a sanguine56 temperament57, after the first sallies had passed away, not difficult to be appeased58. He had, in short, the good qualities and the defects incident to an honest nature, not improved by the discipline of early education or self-control.
8 “Decia el que hera de Almagro,” says Pedro Pizarro, who knew him well. Relacion del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru, Ms. — See also Zarate. Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 1. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 141. — Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. 211.
The last writer admits that Almagro’s parentage is unknown; but adds that the character of his early exploits infers an illustrious descent. — This would scarcely pass for evidence with the College of Heralds59.]
The other member of the confederacy was Hernando de Luque, a Spanish ecclesiastic60, who exercised the functions of vicar at Panama, and had formerly61 filled the office of schoolmaster in the Cathedral of Darien. He seems to have been a man of singular prudence62 and knowledge of the world; and by his respectable qualities had acquired considerable influence in the little community to which he belonged, as well as the control of funds, which made his cooperation essential to the success of the present enterprise.
It was arranged among the three associates, that the two cavaliers should contribute their little stock towards defraying the expenses of the armament, but by far the greater part of the funds was to be furnished by Luque. Pizarro was to take command of the expedition, and the business of victualling and equipping the vessels63 was assigned to Almagro. The associates found no difficulty in obtaining the consent of the governor to their undertaking. After the return of Andagoya, he had projected another expedition, but the officer to whom it was to be intrusted died. Why he did not prosecute64 his original purpose, and commit the affair to an experienced captain like Pizarro, does not appear. He was probably not displeased65 that the burden of the enterprise should be borne by others, so long as a good share of the profits went into his own coffers. This he did not overlook in his stipulations. 9
9 “Asi que estos tres companeros ya dichos Acordaron de yr a conquistar esta provincia ya dicha. Pues consultandolo con7 Pedro Arias33 de Avila que a la sazon hera governador en tierra firme. Vino en ello haziendo compania con los dichos companeros con condicion que Pedro Arias no havia de contribuir entonces con ningun dinero ni otra cosa sino de lo que se hallase en la tierra de lo que a el le cupiese por virtud de la compania de alli se pagasen los gastos que a el le cupiesen. Los tres companeros vinieron en ello por aver66 esta licencia porque de otra manera no la alcanzaran.” (Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.) Andagoya, however, affirms that the governor was interested equally with the other associates in the adventure, each taking a fourth part on himself. (Navarrete, Coleccion, tom. III. No. 7.) But whatever was the original interest of Pedrarias, it mattered little, as it was surrendered before any profits were realized from the expedition.
Thus fortified67 with the funds of Luque, and the consent of the governor, Almagro was not slow to make preparations for the voyage. Two small vessels were purchased, the larger of which had been originally built by Balboa, for himself, with a view to this same expedition. Since his death, it had lain dismantled68 in the harbour of Panama. It was now refitted as well as circumstances would permit, and put in order for sea, while the stores and provisions were got on board with an alacrity which did more credit, as the event proved, to Almagro’s zeal69 than to his forecast.
There was more difficulty in obtaining the necessary complement70 of hands; for a general feeling of distrust had gathered round expeditions in this direction, which could not readily be overcome. But there were many idle hangers-on in the colony, who had come out to mend their fortunes, and were willing to take their chance of doing so, however desperate. From such materials as these, Almagro assembled a body of somewhat more than a hundred men; 10 and every thing being ready, Pizarro assumed the command, and, weighing anchor, took his departure from the little port of Panama, about the middle of November, 1524. Almagro was to follow in a second vessel of inferior size, as soon as it could be fitted out. 11
10 Herrera, the most popular historian of these transactions, estimates the number of Pizarro’s followers71 only at eighty. But every other authority which I have consulted raises them to over a hundred. Father Naharro, a contemporary, and resident at Lima even allows a hundred and twenty-nine. Relacion sumaria de la entrada de los Espanoles en el Peru, Ms.]
11 There is the usual discrepancy72 among authors about the date of this expedition. Most fix it at 1525. I have conformed to Xerez, Pizarro’s secretary, whose narrative73 was published ten years after the voyage, and who could hardly have forgotten the date of so memorable74 an event, in so short an interval75 of time. (See his Conquista del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 179.)
The year seems to be settled by Pizarro’s Capitulacion with the Crown, which I had not examined till after the above was written. This instrument, dated July, 1529, speaks of his first expedition as having taken place about five years previous. (See Appendix, No. VII.)]
The time of year was the most unsuitable that could have been selected for the voyage; for it was the rainy season, when the navigation to the south, impeded76 by contrary winds, is made doubly dangerous by the tempests that sweep over the coast. But this was not understood by the adventurers. After touching77 at the Isle78 of Pearls, the frequent resort of navigators, at a few leagues’ distance from Panama, Pizarro held his way across the Gulf79 of St. Michael, and steered80 almost due south for the Puerto de Pinas, a headland in the province of Biruquete, which marked the limit of Andagoya’s voyage. Before his departure, Pizarro had obtained all the information which he could derive54 from that officer in respect to the country, and the route he was to follow. But the cavalier’s own experience had been too limited to enable him to be of much assistance.
Doubling the Puerto de Pinas, the little vessel entered the river Biru, the misapplication of which name is supposed by some to have given rise to that of the empire of the Incas. 12 After sailing up this stream for a couple of leagues, Pizarro came to anchor, and disembarking his whole force except the sailors, proceeded at the head of it to explore the country. The land spread out into a vast swamp, where the heavy rains had settled in pools of stagnant81 water, and the muddy soil afforded no footing to the traveller. This dismal82 morass83 was fringed with woods, through whose thick and tangled84 undergrowth they found it difficult to penetrate85; and emerging from them, they came out on a hilly country, so rough and rocky in its character, that their feet were cut to the bone, and the weary soldier, encumbered86 with his heavy mail or thick-padded doublet of cotton, found it difficult to drag one foot after the other. The heat at times was oppressive; and, fainting with toil87 and famished88 for want of food, they sank down on the earth from mere89 exhaustion90. Such was the ominous91 commencement of the expedition to Peru.
12 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1. cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 6, cap. 13.]
Pizarro, however, did not lose heart. He endeavoured to revive the spirits of his men, and besought92 them not to be discouraged by difficulties which a brave heart would be sure to overcome, reminding them of the golden prize which awaited those who persevered93. Yet it was obvious that nothing was to be gained by remaining longer in this desolate94 region. Returning to their vessel, therefore, it was suffered to drop down the river and proceed along its southern course on the great ocean.
After coasting a few leagues, Pizarro anchored off a place not very inviting95 in its appearance, where he took in a supply of wood and water. Then, stretching more towards the open sea, he held on in the same direction towards the south. But in this he was baffled by a succession of heavy tempests, accompanied with such tremendous peals96 of thunder and floods of rain as are found only in the terrible storms of the tropics. The sea was lashed97 into fury, and, swelling99 into mountain billows, threatened every moment to overwhelm the crazy little bark, which opened at every seam. For ten days the unfortunate voyagers were tossed about by the pitiless elements, and it was only by incessant100 exertions101 — the exertions of despair — that they preserved the ship from foundering102. To add to their calamities103, their provisions began to fail, and they were short of water, of which they had been furnished only with a small number of casks; for Almagro had counted on their recruiting their scanty104 supplies, from time to time, from the shore. Their meat was wholly consumed, and they were reduced to the wretched allowance of two ears of Indian corn a day for each man.
Thus harassed105 by hunger and the elements, the battered106 voyagers were too happy to retrace107 their course and regain108 the port where they had last taken in supplies of wood and water. Yet nothing could be more unpromising than the aspect of the country. It had the same character of low, swampy109 soil, that distinguished110 the former landing-place; while thick-matted forests, of a depth which the eye could not penetrate, stretched along the coast to an interminable length. It was in vain that the wearied Spaniards endeavoured to thread the mazes111 of this tangled thicket112, where the creepers and flowering vines, that shoot up luxuriant in a hot and humid atmosphere, had twined themselves round the huge trunks of the forest-trees, and made a network that could be opened only with the axe113. The rain, in the mean time, rarely slackened, and the ground, strewed114 with leaves and saturated115 with moisture, seemed to slip away beneath their feet.
Nothing could be more dreary116 and disheartening than the aspect of these funereal117 forests; where the exhalations from the overcharged surface of the ground poisoned the air, and seemed to allow no life, except that, indeed, of myriads118 of insects, whose enamelled wings glanced to and fro, like sparks of fire, in every opening of the woods. Even the brute119 creation appeared instinctively120 to have shunned121 the fatal spot, and neither beast nor bird of any description was seen by the wanderers. Silence reigned122 unbroken in the heart of these dismal solitudes123; at least, the only sounds that could be heard were the plashing of the rain-drops on the leaves, and the tread of the forlorn adventurers. 13
13 Xerez, Conq del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 180. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1515. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 1. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 7. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 6, cap. 13.]
Entirely124 discouraged by the aspect of the country, the Spaniards began to comprehend that they had gained nothing by changing their quarters from sea to shore, and they felt the most serious apprehensions125 of perishing from famine in a region which afforded nothing but such unwholesome berries as they could pick up here and there in the woods. They loudly complained of their hard lot, accusing their commander as the author of all their troubles, and as deluding126 them with promises of a fairy land, which seemed to recede127 in proportion as they advanced. It was of no use, they said, to contend against fate, and it was better to take their chance of regaining128 the port of Panama in time to save their lives, than to wait where they were to die of hunger.
But Pizarro was prepared to encounter much greater evils than these, before returning to Panama, bankrupt in credit, an object of derision as a vainglorious129 dreamer, who had persuaded others to embark17 in an adventure which he had not the courage to carry through himself. The present was his only chance. To return would be ruin. He used every argument, therefore, that mortified130 pride or avarice131 could suggest to turn his followers from their purpose; represented to them that these were the troubles that necessarily lay in the path of the discoverer; and called to mind the brilliant successes of their countrymen in other quarters, and the repeated reports, which they had themselves received, of the rich regions along this coast, of which it required only courage and constancy on their part to become the masters. Yet, as their present exigencies132 were pressing, he resolved to send back the vessel to the Isle of Pearls, to lay in a fresh stock of provisions for his company, which might enable them to go forward with renewed confidence. The distance was not great, and in a few days they would all be relieved from their perilous position. The officer detached on this service was named Montenegro; and taking with him nearly half the company, after receiving Pizarro’s directions, he instantly weighed anchor, and steered for the Isle of Pearls.
On the departure of his vessel, the Spanish commander made an attempt to explore the country, and see if some Indian settlement might not be found, where he could procure133 refreshments134 for his followers. But his efforts were vain, and no trace was visible of a human dwelling135; though, in the dense136 and impenetrable foliage137 of the equatorial regions, the distance of a few rods might suffice to screen a city from observation. The only means of nourishment138 left to the unfortunate adventurers were such shell-fish as they occasionally picked up on the shore, or the bitter buds of the palm-tree, and such berries and unsavoury herbs as grew wild in the woods. Some of these were so poisonous, that the bodies of those who ate them swelled139 up and were tormented140 with racking pains. Others, preferring famine to this miserable diet, pined away from weakness and actually died of starvation. Yet their resolute141 leader strove to maintain his own cheerfulness and to keep up the drooping142 spirits of his men. He freely shared with them his scanty stock of provisions, was unwearied in his endeavours to procure them sustenance143, tended the sick, and ordered barracks to be constructed for their accommodation, which might, at least, shelter them from the drenching144 storms of the season. By this ready sympathy with his followers in their sufferings, he obtained an ascendency over their rough natures, which the assertion of authority, at least in the present extremity145, could never have secured to him.
Day after day, week after week, had now passed away, and no tidings were heard of the vessel that was to bring relief to the wanderers. In vain did they strain their eyes over the distant waters to catch a glimpse of their coming friends. Not a speck146 was to be seen in the blue distance, where the canoe of the savage147 dared not venture, and the sail of the white man was not yet spread. Those who had borne up bravely at first now gave way to despondency, as they felt themselves abandoned by their countrymen on this desolate shore. They pined under that sad feeling which “maketh the heart sick.” More than twenty of the little band had already died, and the survivors148 seemed to be rapidly following. 14
14 Ibid., ubi supra. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ubi supra.]
At this crisis reports were brought to Pizarro of a light having been seen through a distant opening in the woods. He hailed the tidings with eagerness, as intimating the existence of some settlement in the neighbourhood; and, putting himself at the head of a small party, went in the direction pointed149 out, to reconnoitre. He was not disappointed, and, after extricating150 himself from a dense wilderness151 of underbrush and foliage, he emerged into an open space, where a small Indian village was planted. The timid inhabitants, on the sudden apparition152 of the strangers, quitted their huts in dismay; and the famished Spaniards, rushing in, eagerly made themselves masters of their contents. These consisted of different articles of food, chiefly maize153 and cocoanuts. The supply, though small, was too seasonable not to fill them with rapture154.
The astonished natives made no attempt at resistance. But, gathering155 more confidence as no violence was offered to their persons, they drew nearer the white men, and inquired, “Why they did not stay at home and till their own lands, instead of roaming about to rob others who had never harmed them?” 15 Whatever may have been their opinion as to the question of right, the Spaniards, no doubt, felt then that it would have been wiser to do so. But the savages156 wore about their persons gold ornaments157 of some size, though of clumsy workmanship. This furnished the best reply to their demand. It was the golden bait which lured158 the Spanish adventurer to forsake159 his pleasant home for the trials of the wilderness. From the Indians Pizarro gathered a confirmation160 of the reports he had so often received of a rich country lying farther south; and at the distance of ten days’ journey across the mountains, they told him, there dwelt a mighty monarch161 whose dominions162 had been invaded by another still more powerful, the Child of the Sun. 16 It may have been the invasion of Quito that was meant, by the valiant163 Inca Huayna Capac, which took place some years previous to Pizarro’s expedition.
15 “Porque decian a los Castellanos, que por que no sembraban. i cogian, sin andar tomando los Bastimentos agenos, pasando tantos trabajos?” Herrera, Hist. General, loc. cit.]
16 “Dioles noticia el viejo por medio del lengua, como diez soles de alli habia un Rey muy poderoso yendo por espesas montanas, y que otro mas poderoso hijo del sol habia venido de milagro a quitarle el Reino sobre que tenian mui sangrientas batallas.” (Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1525.) The conquest of Quito by Huayna Capac took place more than thirty years before this period in our history. But the particulars of this revolution, its time or precise theatre, were, probably, but very vaguely164 comprehended by the rude nations in the neighbourhood of Panama: and their allusion165 to it in an unknown dialect was as little comprehended by the Spanish voyagers, who must have collected their information from signs much more than words.
At length, after the expiration166 of more than six weeks, the Spaniards beheld167 with delight the return of the wandering bark that had borne away their comrades, and Montenegro sailed into port with an ample supply of provisions for his famishing countrymen. Great was his horror at the aspect presented by the latter, their wild and haggard countenances168 and wasted frames, — so wasted by hunger and disease, that their old companions found it difficult to recognize them. Montenegro accounted for his delay by incessant head winds and bad weather; and he himself had also a doleful tale to tell of the distress2 to which he and his crew had been reduced by hunger, on their passage to the Isle of Pearls. — It is minute incidents like these with which we have been occupied, that enable one to comprehend the extremity of suffering to which the Spanish adventurer was subjected in the prosecution170 of his great work of discovery.
Revived by the substantial nourishment to which they had so long been strangers, the Spanish cavaliers, with the buoyancy that belongs to men of a hazardous171 and roving life, forgot their past distresses in their eagerness to prosecute their enterprise. Reembarking therefore on board his vessel, Pizarro bade adieu to the scene of so much suffering, which he branded with the appropriate name of Puerto de la Hambre, the Port of Famine, and again opened his sails to a favorable breeze that bore him onwards towards the south.
Had he struck boldly out into the deep, instead of hugging the inhospitable shore, where he had hitherto found so little to recompense him, he might have spared himself the repetition of wearisome and unprofitable adventures, and reached by a shorter route the point of his destination. But the Spanish mariner172 groped his way along these unknown coasts, landing at every convenient headland, as if fearful lest some fruitful region or precious mine might be overlooked, should a single break occur in the line of survey. Yet it should be remembered, that, though the true point of Pizarro’s destination is obvious to us, familiar with the topography of these countries, he was wandering in the dark, feeling his way along, inch by inch, as it were, without chart to guide him, without knowledge of the seas or of the bearings of the coast, and even with no better defined idea of the object at which he aimed than that of a land, teeming173 with gold, that lay somewhere at the south! It was a hunt after an El Dorado; on information scarcely more circumstantial or authentic174 than that which furnished the basis of so many chimerical175 enterprises in this land of wonders. Success only, the best argument with the multitude, redeemed176 the expeditions of Pizarro from a similar imputation177 of extravagance.
Holding on his southerly course under the lee of the shore, Pizarro, after a short run, found himself abreast178 of an open reach of country, or at least one less encumbered with wood, which rose by a gradual swell98, as it receded179 from the coast. He landed with a small body of men, and, advancing a short distance into the interior, fell in with an Indian hamlet. It was abandoned by the inhabitants, who, on the approach of the invaders180, had betaken themselves to the mountains; and the Spaniards, entering their deserted dwellings181, found there a good store of maize and other articles of food, and rude ornaments of gold of considerable value. Food was not more necessary for their bodies than was the sight of gold, from time to time, to stimulate182 their appetite for adventure. One spectacle, however, chilled their blood with horror. This was the sight of human flesh, which they found roasting before the fire, as the barbarians183 had left it, preparatory to their obscene repast. The Spaniards, conceiving that they had fallen in with a tribe of Caribs, the only race in that part of the New World known to be cannibals, retreated precipitately184 to their vessel. 17 They were not steeled by sad familiarity with the spectacle, like the Conquerors185 of Mexico.
17 “I en las Ollas de la comida, que estaban al Fuego, entre la Carne, que sacaban, havia Pies i Manos de Hombres, de donde conocieron, que aquellos Indios eran Caribes.” Herrera, Hist. General dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 11.]
The weather, which had been favorable, new set in tempestuous186, with heavy squalls, accompanied by incessant thunder and lightning, and the rain, as usual in these tropical tempests, descended not so much in drops as in unbroken sheets of water. The Spaniards, however, preferred to take their chance on the raging element rather than remain in the scene of such brutal187 abominations. But the fury of the storm gradually subsided188, and the little vessel held on her way along the coast, till, coming abreast of a bold point of land named by Pizarro Punta Quemada, he gave orders to anchor. The margin189 of the shore was fringed with a deep belt of mangrove-trees, the long roots of which, interlacing one another, formed a kind of submarine lattice-work that made the place difficult of approach. Several avenues, opening through this tangled thicket, led Pizarro to conclude that the country must be inhabited, and he disembarked, with the greater part of his force, to explore the interior.
He had not penetrated190 more than a league, when he found his conjecture191 verified by the sight of an Indian town of larger size than those he had hitherto seen, occupying the brow of an eminence192, and well defended by palisades. The inhabitants, as usual, had fled; but left in their dwellings a good supply of provisions and some gold trinkets, which the Spaniards made no difficulty of appropriating to themselves. Pizarro’s flimsy bark had been strained by the heavy gales193 it had of late encountered, so that it was unsafe to prosecute the voyage further without more thorough repairs than could be given to her on this desolate coast. He accordingly determined194 to send her back with a few hands to be careened at Panama, and meanwhile to establish his quarters in his present position, which was so favorable for defence. But first he despatched a small party under Montenegro to reconnoitre the country, and, if possible, to open a communication with the natives.
The latter were a warlike race. They had left their habitations in order to place their wives and children in safety. But they had kept an eye on the movements of the invaders, and, when they saw their forces divided, they resolved to fall upon each body singly before it could communicate with the other. So soon, therefore, as Montenegro had penetrated through the defiles196 of the lofty hills, which shoot out like spurs of the Cordilleras along this part of the coast, the Indian warriors198, springing from their ambush199, sent off a cloud of arrows and other missiles that darkened the air, while they made the forest ring with their shrill200 war-whoop. The Spaniards, astonished at the appearance of the savages, with their naked bodies gaudily201 painted, and brandishing202 their weapons as they glanced among the trees and straggling underbrush that choked up the defile197, were taken by surprise and thrown for a moment into disarray203. Three of their number were killed and several wounded. Yet, speedily rallying, they returned the discharge of the assailants with their cross-bows, — for Pizarro’s troops do not seem to have been provided with muskets204 on this expedition, — and then gallantly205 charging the enemy, sword in hand, succeeded in driving them back into the fastnesses of the mountains. But it only led them to shift their operations to another quarter, and make an assault on Pizarro before he could be relieved by his lieutenant.
Availing themselves of their superior knowledge of the passes, they reached that commander’s quarters long before Montenegro, who had commenced a countermarch in the same direction. And issuing from the woods, the bold savages saluted206 the Spanish garrison207 with a tempest of darts208 and arrows, some of which found their way through the joints209 of the harness and the quilted mail of the cavaliers. But Pizarro was too well practised a soldier to be off his guard. Calling his men about him, he resolved not to abide210 the assault tamely in the works, but to sally out, and meet the enemy on their own ground. The barbarians, who had advanced near the defences, fell back as the Spaniards burst forth211 with their valiant leader at their head. But, soon returning with admirable ferocity to the charge, they singled out Pizarro, whom, by his bold bearing and air of authority, they easily recognized as the chief; and, hurling212 at him a storm of missiles, wounded him, in spite of his armour213, in no less than seven places. 18
18 Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 180. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 1. — Balboa, Hist. du Perou, chap. 15.]
Driven back by the fury of the assault directed against his own person, the Spanish commander retreated down the slope of the hill, still defending himself as he could with sword and buckler, when his foot slipped and he fell. The enemy set up a fierce yell of triumph, and some of the boldest sprang forward to despatch195 him. But Pizarro was on his feet in an instant, and, striking down two of the foremost with his strong arm, held the rest at bay till his soldiers could come to the rescue. The barbarians, struck with admiration214 at his valor, began to falter215, when Montenegro luckily coming on the ground at the moment, and falling on their rear, completed their confusion; and, abandoning the field, they made the best of their way into the recesses216 of the mountains. The ground was covered with their slain217; but the victory was dearly purchased by the death of two more Spaniards and a long list of wounded.
A council of war was then called. The position had lost its charm in the eyes of the Spaniards, who had met here with the first resistance they had yet experienced on their expedition. It was necessary to place the wounded in some secure spot, where their injuries could be attended to. Yet it was not safe to proceed farther, in the crippled state of their vessel. On the whole, it was decided218 to return and report their proceedings219 to the governor; and, though the magnificent hopes of the adventurers had not been realized, Pizarro trusted that enough had been done to vindicate220 the importance of the enterprise, and to secure the countenance169 of Pedrarias for the further prosecution of it. 19
19 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 11. — Xerez, ubi supra.]
Yet Pizarro could not make up his mind to present himself, in the present state of the undertaking, before the governor. He determined, therefore, to be set on shore with the principal part of his company at Chicama, a place on the main land, at a short distance west of Panama. From this place, which he reached without any further accident, he despatched the vessel, and in it his treasurer221, Nicolas de Ribera, with the gold he had collected, and with instructions to lay before the governor a full account of his discoveries, and the result of the expedition.
While these events were passing, Pizarro’s associate, Almagro, had been busily employed in fitting out another vessel for the expedition at the port of Panama. It was not till long after his friend’s departure that he was prepared to follow him. With the assistance of Luque, he at length succeeded in equipping a small caravel and embarking a body of between sixty and seventy adventurers, mostly of the lowest order of the colonists. He steered in the track of his comrade, with the intention of overtaking him as soon as possible. By a signal previously222 concerted of notching223 the trees, he was able to identify the spots visited by Pizarro, — Puerto de Pinas, Puerto de la Hambre, Pueblo224 Quemado, — touching successively at every point of the coast explored by his countrymen, though in a much shorter time. At the last-mentioned place he was received by the fierce natives with the same hostile demonstrations225 as Pizarro, though in the present encounter the Indians did not venture beyond their defences. But the hot blood of Almagro was so exasperated226 by this check, that he assaulted the place and carried it sword in hand, setting fire to the outworks and dwellings, and driving the wretched inhabitants into the forests.
His victory cost him dear. A wound from a javelin227 on the head caused an inflammation in one of his eyes, which, after great anguish228, ended in the loss of it. Yet the intrepid229 adventurer did not hesitate to pursue his voyage, and, after touching at several places on the coast, some of which rewarded him with a considerable booty in gold, he reached the mouth of the Rio de San Juan, about the fourth degree of north latitude230. He was struck with the beauty of the stream, and with the cultivation231 on its borders, which were sprinkled with Indian cottages showing some skill in their construction, and altogether intimating a higher civilization than any thing he had yet seen.
Still his mind was filled with anxiety for the fate of Pizarro and his followers. No trace of them had been found on the coast for a long time, and it was evident they must have foundered232 at sea, or made their way back to Panama. This last he deemed most probable; as the vessel might have passed him unnoticed under the cover of the night, or of the dense fogs that sometimes hang over the coast.
Impressed with this belief, he felt no heart to continue his voyage of discovery, for which, indeed, his single bark, with its small complement of men, was altogether inadequate233. He proposed, therefore, to return without delay. On his way, he touched at the Isle of Pearls, and there learned the result of his friend’s expedition, and the place of his present residence. Directing his course, at once, to Chicama, the two cavaliers soon had the satisfaction of embracing each other, and recounting their several exploits and escapes. Almagro returned even better freighted with gold than his confederate, and at every step of his progress he had collected fresh confirmation of the existence of some great and opulent empire in the South. The confidence of the two friends was much strengthened by their discoveries; and they unhesitatingly pledged themselves to one another to die rather than abandon the enterprise. 20
20 Xerez, ubi supra. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, loc. cit. — Balboa, Hist. du Perou, chap. 15. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 13. — Levinus Apollonius, fol. 12. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 108.]
The best means of obtaining the levies234 requisite for so formidable an undertaking — more formidable, as it now appeared to them, than before — were made the subject of long and serious discussion. It was at length decided that Pizarro should remain in his present quarters, inconvenient235 and even unwholesome as they were rendered by the humidity of the climate, and the pestilent swarms236 of insects that filled the atmosphere. Almagro would pass over to Panama, lay the case before the governor, and secure, if possible, his good-will towards the prosecution of the enterprise. If no obstacle were thrown in their way from this quarter, they might hope, with the assistance of Luque, to raise the necessary supplies; while the results of the recent expedition were sufficiently encouraging to draw adventurers to their standard in a community which had a craving237 for excitement that gave even danger a charm, and which held life cheap in comparison with gold.
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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transgressions
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| n.违反，违法，罪过( transgression的名词复数 ) | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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torpid
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| adj.麻痹的，麻木的，迟钝的 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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lameness
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| n. 跛, 瘸, 残废 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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arias
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| n.咏叹调( aria的名词复数 ) | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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lottery
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| n.抽彩；碰运气的事，难于算计的事 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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51
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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52
itinerant
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| adj.巡回的；流动的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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54
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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64
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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88
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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89
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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90
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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91
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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92
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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93
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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95
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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96
peals
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| n.（声音大而持续或重复的）洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 )；隆隆声；洪亮的钟声；钟乐v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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97
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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98
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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99
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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100
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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101
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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102
foundering
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| v.创始人( founder的现在分词 ) | |
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103
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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104
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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105
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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106
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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107
retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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108
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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109
swampy
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| adj.沼泽的，湿地的 | |
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110
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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111
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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112
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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113
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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114
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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115
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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116
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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117
funereal
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| adj.悲哀的；送葬的 | |
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118
myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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119
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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120
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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121
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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123
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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124
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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125
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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126
deluding
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的现在分词 ) | |
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127
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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128
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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129
vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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130
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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131
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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132
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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133
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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134
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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135
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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136
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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137
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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138
nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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139
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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140
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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141
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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142
drooping
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| adj. 下垂的，无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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143
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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144
drenching
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| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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145
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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146
speck
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| n.微粒，小污点，小斑点 | |
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147
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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148
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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149
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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150
extricating
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的现在分词 ) | |
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151
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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152
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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153
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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154
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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155
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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156
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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157
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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158
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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159
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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160
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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161
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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162
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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163
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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164
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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165
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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166
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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167
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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168
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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169
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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170
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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171
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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172
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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173
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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174
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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175
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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176
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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177
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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178
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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179
receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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180
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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181
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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182
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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183
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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184
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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185
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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186
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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187
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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188
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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189
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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190
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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191
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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192
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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193
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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194
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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195
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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196
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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197
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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198
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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199
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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200
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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201
gaudily
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| adv.俗丽地 | |
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202
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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203
disarray
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| n.混乱，紊乱，凌乱 | |
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204
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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205
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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206
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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207
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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208
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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209
joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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210
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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212
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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213
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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216
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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217
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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218
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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220
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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221
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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222
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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223
notching
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| adj.多级的（指继电器）n.做凹口，开槽v.在（某物）上刻V形痕( notch的现在分词 )；赢得；赢取；获得高分 | |
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224
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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225
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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226
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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227
javelin
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| n.标枪，投枪 | |
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228
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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230
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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231
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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232
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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234
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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235
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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