The Famous Contract. — Second Expedition. — Ruiz Explores The Coast. — Pizarro’s Sufferings In The Forests. — Arrival Of New Recruits. — Fresh Discoveries And Disasters. — Pizarro On The Isle2 Of Gallo.
1526–1527.
On his arrival at Panama, Almagro found that events had taken a turn less favorable to his views than he had anticipated. Pedrarias, the governor, was preparing to lead an expedition in person against a rebellious3 officer in Nicaragua; and his temper, naturally not the most amiable4, was still further soured by this defection of his lieutenant5, and the necessity it imposed on him of a long and perilous6 march. When, therefore, Almagro appeared before him with the request that he might be permitted to raise further levies8 to prosecute9 his enterprise, the governor received him with obvious dissatisfaction, listened coldly to the narrative10 of his losses, turned an incredulous ear to his magnificent promises for the future, and bluntly demanded an account of the lives, which had been sacrificed by Pizarro’s obstinacy11, but which, had they been spared, might have stood him in good stead in his present expedition to Nicaragua. He positively12 declined to countenance13 the rash schemes of the two adventurers any longer, and the conquest of Peru would have been crushed in the bud, but for the efficient interposition of the remaining associate, Fernando de Luque.
This sagacious ecclesiastic14 had received a very different impression from Almagro’s narrative, from that which had been made on the mind of the irritable15 governor. The actual results of the enterprise in gold and silver, thus far, indeed, had been small, — forming a mortifying16 contrast to the magnitude of their expectations. But, in another point of view, they were of the last importance; since the intelligence which the adventurers had gained in every successive stage of their progress confirmed, in the strongest manner, the previous accounts, received from Andagoya and others, of a rich Indian empire at the south, which might repay the trouble of conquering it as well as Mexico had repaid the enterprise of Cortes. Fully17 entering, therefore, into the feelings of his military associates, he used all his influence with the governor to incline him to a more favorable view of Almagro’s petition; and no one in the little community of Panama exercised greater influence over the councils of the executive than Father Luque, for which he was indebted no less to his discretion18 and acknowledged sagacity than to his professional station.
But while Pedrarias, overcome by the arguments or importunity19 of the churchman, yielded a reluctant assent20 to the application, he took care to testify his displeasure with Pizarro, on whom he particularly charged the loss of his followers21, by naming Almagro as his equal in command in the proposed expedition. This mortification22 sunk deep into Pizarro’s mind. He suspected his comrade, with what reason does not appear, of soliciting23 this boon24 from the governor. A temporary coldness arose between them, which subsided25, in outward show, at least, on Pizarro’s reflecting that it was better to have this authority conferred on a friend than on a stranger, perhaps an enemy. But the seeds of permanent distrust were left in his bosom26, and lay waiting for the due season to ripen27 into a fruitful harvest of discord28. 1
1 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 180. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1526. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3 lib. 8, cap. 12.]
Pedrarias had been originally interested in the enterprise, at least, so far as to stipulate29 for a share of the gains, though he had not contributed, as it appears, a single ducat towards the expenses. He was at length, however, induced to relinquish30 all right to a share of the contingent31 profits. But, in his manner of doing so, he showed a mercenary spirit, better becoming a petty trader than a high officer of the Crown. He stipulated32 that the associates should secure to him the sum of one thousand pesos de oro in requital33 of his goodwill34, and they eagerly closed with his proposal, rather than be encumbered35 with his pretensions36. For so paltry37 a consideration did he resign his portion of the rich spoil of the Incas! 2 But the governor was not gifted with the eye of a prophet. His avarice38 was of that short-sighted kind which defeats itself. He had sacrificed the chivalrous39 Balboa just as that officer was opening to him the conquest of Peru, and he would now have quenched40 the spirit of enterprise, that was taking the same direction, in Pizarro and his associates.
2 Such is Oviedo’s account, who was present at the interview between the governor and Almagro, when the terms of compensation were discussed. The dialogue, which is amusing enough, and well told by the old Chronicler, may be found translated in Appendix, No. 5. Another version of the affair is given in the Relacion, often quoted by me, of one of the Peruvian conquerors41, in which Pedrarias is said to have gone out of the partnership43 voluntarily, from his disgust at the unpromising state of affairs. “Vueltos con1 la dicha gente a Panama, destrozados y gastados que ya no tenian haciendas para tornar con provisiones y gentes que todo lo habian gastado, el dicho Pedrarias de Avila les dijo, que ya el no queria mas hacer compania con ellos en los gastos de la armada, que si ellos querian volver a su costa, que lo hiciesen; y ansi como gente que habia perdido todo lo que tenia y tanto habia trabajado, acordaron de tornar a proseguir su jornada y dar fin44 a las vidas y haciendas que les quedaba, o descubrir aquella tierra, y ciertamente ellos tubieron grande constancia y animo.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
Not long after this, in the following year, he was succeeded in his government by Don Pedro de los Rios, a cavalier of Cordova. It was the policy of the Castilian Crown to allow no one of the great colonial officers to occupy the same station so long as to render himself formidable by his authority. 3 It had, moreover, many particular causes of disgust with Pedrarias. The functionary45 they sent out to succeed him was fortified46 with ample instructions for the good of the colony, and especially of the natives, whose religious conversion47 was urged as a capital object, and whose personal freedom was unequivocally asserted, as loyal vassals48 of the Crown. It is but justice to the Spanish government to admit that its provisions were generally guided by a humane49 and considerate policy, which was as regularly frustrated50 by the cupidity51 of the colonist52, and the capricious cruelty of the conqueror42. The few remaining years of Pedrarias were spent in petty squabbles, both of a personal and official nature; for he was still continued in office, though in one of less consideration than that which he had hitherto filled. He survived but a few years, leaving behind him a reputation not to be envied, of one who united a pusillanimous53 spirit with uncontrollable passions; who displayed, notwithstanding, a certain energy of character, or, to speak more correctly, an impetuosity of purpose, which might have led to good results had it taken a right direction. Unfortunately, his lack of discretion was such, that the direction he took was rarely of service to his country or to himself.
3 This policy is noticed by the sagacious Martyr55. “De mutandis namque plaerisque gubernatoribus, ne longa nimis imperii assuetudine insolescant, cogitatur, qui praecipue non fuerint prouinciarum domitores. de hisce ducibus namque alia ratio ponderatur.” (De Orbe Novo, (Parisiis, 1587,) p. 498.) One cannot but regret that the philosopher, who took so keen an interest in the successive revelations of the different portions of the New World, should have died before the empire of the Incas was disclosed to Europeans. He lived to learn and to record the wonders of
“Rich Mexico, the seat of Montezuma
Not Cuzco in Peru, the richer seat of
Atabalipa.”
Having settled their difficulties with the governor, and obtained his sanction to their enterprise, the confederates lost no time in making the requisite56 preparations for it. Their first step was to execute the memorable57 contract which served as the basis of their future arrangements; and, as Pizarro’s name appears in this, it seems probable that that chief had crossed over to Panama so soon as the favorable disposition59 of Pedrarias had been secured. 4 The instrument, after invoking60 in the most solemn manner the names of the Holy Trinity and Our Lady the Blessed Virgin61, sets forth62, that, whereas the parties have full authority to discover and subdue63 the countries and provinces lying south of the Gulf64, belonging to the empire of Peru, and as Fernando de Luque had advanced the funds for the enterprise in bars of gold of the value of twenty thousand pesos, they mutually bind65 themselves to divide equally among them the whole of the conquered territory. This stipulation66 is reiterated67 over and over again, particularly with reference to Luque, who, it is declared, is to be entitled to one third of all lands, repartimientos, treasures of every kind, gold, silver, and precious stones, — to one third even of all vassals, rents, and emoluments68 arising from such grants as may be conferred by the Crown on either of his military associates, to be held for his own use, or for that of his heirs, assigns, or legal representative.
4 In opposition70 to most authorities, — but not to the judicious71 Quintana, — I have conformed to Montesinos, in placing the execution of the contract at the commencement of the second, instead of the first, expedition. This arrangement coincides with the date of the instrument itself, which, moreover, is reported in extenso by no ancient writer whom I have consulted except Montesinos.]
The two captains solemnly engage to devote themselves exclusively to the present undertaking72 until it is accomplished73; and, in case of failure in their part of the covenant74, they pledge themselves to reimburse75 Luque for his advances, for which all the property they possess shall be held responsible, and this declaration is to be a sufficient warrant for the execution of judgment76 against them, in the same manner as if it had proceeded from the decree of a court of justice.
The commanders, Pizarro and Almagro, made oath, in the name of God and the Holy Evangelists, sacredly to keep this covenant, swearing it on the missal, on which they traced with their own hands the sacred emblem77 of the cross. To give still greater efficacy to the compact, Father Luque administered the sacrament to the parties, dividing the consecrated78 wafer into three portions, of which each one of them partook; while the by-standers, says an historian, were affected79 to tears by this spectacle of the solemn ceremonial with which these men voluntarily devoted80 themselves to a sacrifice that seemed little short of insanity81. 5
5 This singular instrument is given at length by Montesinos. (Annales, Ms., ano 1526.) It may be found in the original in Appendix, No. 6.]
The instrument, which was dated March 10, 1526, was subscribed83 by Luque, and attested84 by three respectable citizens of Panama, one of whom signed on behalf of Pizarro, and the other for Almagro; since neither of these parties, according to the avowal85 of the instrument, was able to subscribe82 his own name. 6
6 For some investigation86 of the fact, which has been disputed by more than one, of Pizarro’s ignorance of the art of writing, see Book 4, chap. 5, of this History.]
Such was the singular compact by which three obscure individuals coolly carved out and partitioned among themselves, an empire of whose extent, power, and resources, of whose situation, of whose existence, even, they had no sure or precise knowledge. The positive and unhesitating manner in which they speak of the grandeur87 of this empire, of its stores of wealth, so conformable to the event, but of which they could have really known so little, forms a striking contrast with the general skepticism and indifference88 manifested by nearly every other person, high and low, in the community of Panama. 7
7 The epithet89 of loco or “madman” was punningly bestowed90 on Father Luque, for his spirited exertions92 in behalf of the enterprise; Padre Luque o loco, says Oviedo of him, as if it were synonymous. Historia de las Indias Islas e Tierra Firme del Mar7 Oceano, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8 cap. 1.]
The religious tone of the instrument is not the least remarkable93 feature in it, especially when we contrast this with the relentless94 policy, pursued by the very men who were parties to it, in their conquest of the country. “In the name of the Prince of Peace,” says the illustrious historian of America, “they ratified95 a contract of which plunder96 and bloodshed were the objects.” 8 The reflection seems reasonable. Yet, in criticizing what is done, as well as what is written, we must take into account the spirit of the times. 9 The invocation of Heaven was natural, where the object of the undertaking was, in part, a religious one. Religion entered, more or less, into the theory, at least, of the Spanish conquests in the New World. That motives97 of a baser sort mingled99 largely with these higher ones, and in different proportions according to the character of the individual, no one will deny. And few are they that have proposed to themselves a long career of action without the intermixture of some vulgar personal motive98, — fame, honors, or emolument69. Yet that religion furnishes a key to the American crusades, however rudely they may have been conducted, is evident from the history of their origin; from the sanction openly given to them by the Head of the Church; from the throng100 of self-devoted missionaries101, who followed in the track of the conquerors to garner102 up the rich harvest of souls; from the reiterated instructions of the Crown, the great object of which was the conversion of the natives; from those superstitious103 acts of the iron-hearted soldiery themselves, which, however they may be set down to fanaticism104, were clearly too much in earnest to leave any ground for the charge of hypocrisy105. It was indeed a fiery106 cross that was borne over the devoted land, scathing107 and consuming it in its terrible progress; but it was still the cross, the sign of man’s salvation108, the only sign by which generations and generations yet unborn were to be rescued from eternal perdition.
8 Robertson, America, vol. III. p. 5.]
9 “A perfect judge will read each work of wit With the same spirit that its author writ,”
says the great bard109 of Reason. A fair criticism will apply the same rule to action as to writing, and, in the moral estimate of conduct, will take largely into account the spirit of the age which prompted it.]
It is a remarkable fact, which has hitherto escaped the notice of the historian, that Luque was not the real party to this contract. He represented another, who placed in his hands the funds required for the undertaking. This appears from an instrument signed by Luque himself and certified110 before the same notary111 that prepared the original contract. The instrument declares that the whole sum of twenty thousand pesos advanced for the expedition was furnished by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, then at Panama; that the vicar acted only as his agent and by his authority; and that, in consequence, the said Espinosa and no other was entitled to a third of all the profits and acquisitions resulting from the conquest of Peru. This instrument, attested by three persons, one of them the same who had witnessed the original contract, was dated on the 6th of August, 1531. 10 The Licentiate Espinosa was a respectable functionary, who had filled the office of principal alcalde in Darien, and since taken a conspicuous112 part in the conquest and settlement of Tierra Firme. He enjoyed much consideration for his personal character and station; and it is remarkable that so little should be known of the manner in which the covenant, so solemnly made, was executed in reference to him. As in the case of Columbus, it is probable that the unexpected magnitude of the results was such as to prevent a faithful adherence113 to the original stipulation; and yet, from the same consideration, one can hardly doubt that the twenty thousand pesos of the bold speculator must have brought him a magnificent return. Nor did the worthy114 vicar of Panama, as the history will show hereafter, go without his reward.
10 The instrument making this extraordinary disclosure is cited at length in a manuscript entitled Noticia General del Peru, Tierra Firme y Chili115, by Francisco Lopez de Caravantes, a fiscal116 officer in these colonies. The Ms., formerly117 preserved in the library of the great college of Cuenca at Salamanca, is now to be found in her Majesty’s library at Madrid. The passage is extracted by Quintana, Espanoles Celebres, tom. II. Apend. No. 2, nota.]
Having completed these preliminary arrangements, the three associates lost no time in making preparations for the voyage. Two vessels119 were purchased, larger and every way better than those employed on the former occasion. Stores were laid in, as experience dictated120, on a larger scale than before, and proclamation was made of “an expedition to Peru.” But the call was not readily answered by the skeptical121 citizens of Panama. Of nearly two hundred men who had embarked122 on the former cruise, not more than three fourths now remained. 11 This dismal123 mortality, and the emaciated124, poverty-stricken aspect of the survivors125, spoke126 more eloquently127 than the braggart128 promises and magnificent prospects129 held out by the adventurers. Still there were men in the community of such desperate circumstances, that any change seemed like a chance of bettering their condition. Most of the former company also, strange to say, felt more pleased to follow up the adventure to the end than to abandon it, as they saw the light of a better day dawning upon them. From these sources the two captains succeeded in mustering130 about one hundred and sixty men, making altogether a very inadequate131 force for the conquest of an empire. A few horses were also purchased, and a better supply of ammunition132 and military stores than before, though still on a very limited scale. Considering their funds, the only way of accounting133 for this must be by the difficulty of obtaining supplies at Panama, which, recently founded, and on the remote coast of the Pacific, could be approached only by crossing the rugged134 barrier of mountains, which made the transportation of bulky articles extremely difficult. Even such scanty135 stock of materials as it possessed136 was probably laid under heavy contribution, at the present juncture137, by the governor’s preparations for his own expedition to the north.
11 “Con ciento i diez Hombres salio de Panama, i fue donde estaba el Capitan Picarro con otros cinquenta de los primeros ciento; diez, que con el salieron, i de los setenta, que el Capitan Almagro llevo, quando le fue a buscar, que los ciento i treinta ia eran muertos. Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 180.]
Thus indifferently provided, the two captains, each in his own vessel118, again took their departure from Panama, under the direction of Bartholomew Ruiz, a sagacious and resolute138 pilot, well experienced in the navigation of the Southern Ocean. He was a native of Moguer, in Andalusia, that little nursery of nautical139 enterprise, which furnished so many seamen140 for the first voyages of Columbus. Without touching141 at the intervening points of the coast, which offered no attraction to the voyagers, they stood farther out to sea, steering142 direct for the Rio de San Juan, the utmost limit reached by Almagro. The season was better selected than on the former occasion, and they were borne along by favorable breezes to the place of their destination, which they reached without accident in a few days. Entering the mouth of the river, they saw the banks well lined with Indian habitations; and Pizarro, disembarking, at the head of a party of soldiers, succeeded in surprising a small village and carrying off a considerable booty of gold ornaments143 found in the dwellings144, together with a few of the natives. 12
12 Ibid., pp. 180, 181. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib 1, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 13.]
Flushed with their success, the two chiefs were confident that the sight of the rich spoil so speedily obtained could not fail to draw adventurers to their standard in Panama; and, as they felt more than ever the necessity of a stronger force to cope with the thickening population of the country which they were now to penetrate145, it was decided146 that Almagro should return with the treasure and beat up for reinforcements, while the pilot Ruiz, in the other vessel, should reconnoitre the country towards the south, and obtain such information as might determine their future movements. Pizarro, with the rest of the force, would remain in the neighbourhood of the river, as he was assured by the Indian prisoners, that not far in the interior was an open reach of country, where he and his men could find comfortable quarters. This arrangement was instantly put in execution. We will first accompany the intrepid147 pilot in his cruise towards the south.
Coasting along the great continent, with his canvas still spread to favorable winds, the first place at which Ruiz cast anchor was off the little island of Gallo, about two degrees north. The inhabitants, who were not numerous, were prepared to give him a hostile reception, — for tidings of the invaders148 had preceded them along the country, and even reached this insulated spot. As the object of Ruiz was to explore, not to conquer, he did not care to entangle149 himself in hostilities150 with the natives; so, changing his purpose of landing, he weighed anchor, and ran down the coast as far as what is now called the Bay of St. Matthew. The country, which, as he advanced, continued to exhibit evidence of a better culture as well as of a more dense151 population than the parts hitherto seen, was crowded, along the shores, with spectators, who gave no signs of fear or hostility152. They stood gazing on the vessel of the white men as it glided153 smoothly154 into the crystal waters of the bay, fancying it, says an old writer, some mysterious being descended155 from the skies.
Without staying long enough on this friendly coast to undeceive the simple people, Ruiz, standing54 off shore, struck out into the deep sea; but he had not sailed far in that direction, when he was surprised by the sight of a vessel, seeming in the distance like a caravel of considerable size, traversed by a large sail that carried it sluggishly156 over the waters. The old navigator was not a little perplexed157 by this phenomenon, as he was confident no European bark could have been before him in these latitudes158, and no Indian nation, yet discovered, not even the civilized159 Mexican, was acquainted with the use of sails in navigation. As he drew near, he found it was a large vessel, or rather raft, called balsa by the natives, consisting of a number of huge timbers of a light, porous160 wood, tightly lashed161 together, with a frail162 flooring of reeds raised on them by way of deck. Two masts or sturdy poles, erected163 in the middle of the vessel, sustained a large square-sail of cotton, while a rude kind of rudder and a movable keel, made of plank164 inserted between the logs, enabled the mariner165 to give a direction to the floating fabric166, which held on its course without the aid of oar167 or paddle. 13 The simple architecture of this craft was sufficient for the purposes of the natives, and indeed has continued to answer them to the present day; for the balsa, surmounted168 by small thatched huts or cabins, still supplies the most commodious169 means for the transportation of passengers and luggage on the streams and along the shores of this part of the South American continent.
13 “Traia sus manteles y antenas de muy fina madera y velas de algodon del mismo talle de manera que los nuestros navios.” Relacion de los Primeros Descubrimientos de F. Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, sacada del Codice, No. 120 de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms]
On coming alongside, Ruiz found several Indians, both men and women, on board, some with rich ornaments on their persons, besides several articles wrought170 with considerable skill in gold and silver, which they were carrying for purposes of traffic to the different places along the coast. But what most attracted his attention was the woollen cloth of which some of their dresses were made. It was of a fine texture171, delicately embroidered172 with figures of birds and flowers, and dyed in brilliant colors. He also observed in the boat a pair of balances made to weigh the precious metals. 14 His astonishment173 at these proofs of ingenuity174 and civilization, so much higher than any thing he had ever seen in the country, was heightened by the intelligence which he collected from some of these Indians. Two of them had come from Tumbez, a Peruvian port, some degrees to the south; and they gave him to understand, that in their neighbourhood the fields were covered with large flocks of the animals from which the wool was obtained, and that gold and silver were almost as common as wood in the palaces of their monarch175. The Spaniards listened greedily to reports which harmonized so well with their fond desires. Though half distrusting the exaggeration, Ruiz resolved to detain some of the Indians, including the natives of Tumbez, that they might repeat the wondrous176 tale to his commander, and at the same time, by learning the Castilian, might hereafter serve as interpreters with their countrymen. The rest of the party he suffered to proceed without further interruption on their voyage. Then holding on his course, the prudent177 pilot, without touching at any other point of the coast, advanced as far as the Punta de Pasado, about half a degree south, having the glory of being the first European who, sailing in this direction on the Pacific, had crossed the equinoctial line. This was the limit of his discoveries; on reaching which he tacked178 about, and standing away to the north, succeeded, after an absence of several weeks, in regaining180 the spot where he had left Pizarro and his comrades. 15
14 In a short notice of this expedition, written apparently181 at the time of it, or soon after, a minute specification182 is given of the several articles found in the balsa; among them are mentioned vases and mirrors of burnished183 silver, and curious fabrics184 both cotton and woollen. “Espejos guarnecidos de la dicha plata, y tasas y otras vasijas para beber, trahian muchas mantas de lana y de algodon, y camisas y aljubas y alcaceres y alaremes, y otras muchas ropas, todo lo mas de ello muy labrado de labores muy ricas de colores de grana y carmisi y azul y amarillo, y de todas otras colores de diversas maneras de labores y figuras de aves y animales, y Pescados, y arbolesas y trahian unos pesos chiquitos de pesar oro como hechura de Romana, y otras muchas cosas.’ Relacion sacada de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms.]
15 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 181. — Relacion sacada de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap. 13.
One of the authorities speaks of his having been sixty days on this cruise. I regret not to be able to give precise dates of the events in these early expeditions. But chronology is a thing beneath the notice of these ancient chroniclers, who seem to think that the date of events, so fresh in their own memory, must be so in that of every one else.]
It was high time; for the spirits of that little band had been sorely tried by the perils185 they had encountered. On the departure of his vessels, Pizarro marched into the interior, in the hope of finding the pleasant champaign country which had been promised him by the natives. But at every step the forests seemed to grow denser186 and darker, and the trees towered to a height such as he had never seen, even in these fruitful regions, where Nature works on so gigantic a scale. 16 Hill continued to rise above hill, as he advanced, rolling onward187, as it were, by successive waves to join that colossal188 barrier of the Andes, whose frosty sides, far away above the clouds, spread out like a curtain of burnished silver, that seemed to connect the heavens with the earth.
16 “Todo era montanas, con arboles hasta el cielo!” Herrera Hist. General, ubi supra.]
On crossing these woody eminences189, the forlorn adventurers would plunge190 into ravines of frightful191 depth, where the exhalations of a humid soil steamed up amidst the incense192 of sweet-scented flowers, which shone through the deep glooms in every conceivable variety of color. Birds, especially of the parrot tribe, mocked this fantastic variety of nature with tints193 as brilliant as those of the vegetable world. Monkeys chattered194 in crowds above their heads, and made grimaces195 like the fiendish spirits of these solitudes196; while hideous197 reptiles198, engendered199 in the slimy depths of the pools, gathered round the footsteps of the wanderers. Here was seen the gigantic boa, coiling his unwieldy folds about the trees, so as hardly to be distinguished200 from their trunks, till he was ready to dart201 upon his prey202; and alligators203 lay basking204 on the borders of the streams, or, gliding205 under the waters, seized their incautious victim before he was aware of their approach. 17 Many of the Spaniards perished miserably206 in this way, and others were waylaid207 by the natives, who kept a jealous eye on their movements, and availed themselves of every opportunity to take them at advantage. Fourteen of Pizarro’s men were cut off at once in a canoe which had stranded208 on the bank of a stream. 18
17 Ibid., ubi supra.]
18 Ibid., loc. cit. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 108. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms]
Famine came in addition to other troubles, and it was with difficulty that they found the means of sustaining life on the scanty fare of the forest, — occasionally the potato, as it grew without cultivation209, or the wild cocoa-nut, or, on the shore, the salt and bitter fruit of the mangrove210; though the shore was less tolerable than the forest, from the swarms211 of mosquitos which compelled the wretched adventurers to bury their bodies up to their very faces in the sand. In this extremity212 of suffering, they thought only of return; and all schemes of avarice and ambition — except with Pizarro and a few dauntless spirits — were exchanged for the one craving213 desire to return to Panama.
It was at this crisis that the pilot Ruiz returned with the report of his brilliant discoveries; and, not long after, Almagro sailed into port with his vessel laden214 with refreshments215, and a considerable reinforcement of volunteers. The voyage of that commander had been prosperous. When he arrived at Panama, he found the government in the hands of Don Pedro de los Rios; and he came to anchor in the harbour, unwilling216 to trust himself on shore, till he had obtained from Father Luque some account of the dispositions217 of the executive. These were sufficiently218 favorable; for the new governor had particular instructions fully to carry out the arrangements made by his predecessor219 with the associates. On learning Almagro’s arrival, he came down to the port to welcome him, professing220 his willingness to afford every facility for the execution of his designs. Fortunately, just before this period, a small body of military adventurers had come to Panama from the mother country, burning with desire to make their fortunes in the New World. They caught much more eagerly than the old and wary221 colonists222 at the golden bait held out to them; and with their addition, and that of a few supernumerary stragglers who hung about the town, Almagro found himself at the head of a reinforcement of at least eighty men, with which, having laid in a fresh supply of stores, he again set sail for the Rio de San Juan.
The arrival of the new recruits all eager to follow up the expedition, the comfortable change in their circumstances produced by an ample supply of refreshments, and the glowing pictures of the wealth that awaited them in the south, all had their effect on the dejected spirits of Pizarro’s followers. Their late toils223 and privations were speedily forgotten, and, with the buoyant and variable feelings incident to a freebooter’s life, they now called as eagerly on their commander to go forward in the voyage, as they had before called on him to abandon it. Availing themselves of the renewed spirit of enterprise, the captains embarked on board their vessels, and, under the guidance of the veteran pilot, steered224 in the same track he had lately pursued.
But the favorable season for a southern course, which in these latitudes lasts but a few months in the year, had been suffered to escape. The breezes blew steadily225 towards the north, and a strong current, not far from shore, set in the same direction. The winds frequently rose into tempests, and the unfortunate voyagers were tossed about, for many days, in the boiling surges, amidst the most awful storms of thunder and lightning, until, at length, they found a secure haven226 in the island of Gallo, already visited by Ruiz. As they were now too strong in numbers to apprehend227 an assault, the crews landed, and, experiencing no molestation228 from the natives, they continued on the island for a fortnight, refitting their damaged vessels, and recruiting themselves after the fatigues229 of the ocean. Then, resuming their voyage, the captains stood towards the south until they reached the Bay of St. Matthew. As they advanced along the coast, they were struck, as Ruiz had been before, with the evidences of a higher civilization constantly exhibited in the general aspect of the country and its inhabitants. The hand of cultivation was visible in every quarter. The natural appearance of the coast, too, had something in it more inviting230; for, instead of the eternal labyrinth231 of mangrove-trees, with their complicated roots snarled232 into formidable coils under the water, as if to waylay233 and entangle the voyager, the low margin234 of the sea was covered with a stately growth of ebony, and with a species of mahogany, and other hard woods that take the most brilliant and variegated235 polish. The sandal-wood, and many balsamic trees of unknown names, scattered236 their sweet odors far and wide, not in an atmosphere tainted237 with vegetable corruption238, but on the pure breezes of the ocean, bearing health as well as fragrance239 on their wings. Broad patches of cultivated land intervened, disclosing hill-sides covered with the yellow maize240 and the potato, or checkered241, in the lower levels, with blooming plantations242 of cacao. 19
19 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 181. — Relacion sacada de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1526. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1. cap. 1. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
The villages became more numerous; and, as the vessels rode at anchor off the port of Tacamez, the Spaniards saw before them a town of two thousand houses or more, laid out into streets, with a numerous population clustering around it in the suburbs. 20 The men and women displayed many ornaments of gold and precious stones about their persons, which may seem strange, considering that the Peruvian Incas claimed a monopoly of jewels for themselves and the nobles on whom they condescended243 to bestow91 them. But, although the Spaniards had now reached the outer limits of the Peruvian empire, it was not Peru, but Quito, and that portion of it but recently brought under the sceptre of the Incas, where the ancient usages of the people could hardly have been effaced244 under the oppressive system of the American despots. The adjacent country was, moreover, particularly rich in gold, which, collected from the washings of the streams, still forms one of the staple245 products of Barbacoas. Here, too, was the fair River of Emeralds, so called from the quarries246 of the beautiful gem58 on its borders, from which the Indian monarchs247 enriched their treasury248. 21
20 Pizarro’s secretary speaks of one of the towns as containing 3,000 houses. “En esta Tierra havia muchos Mantenimientos, i la Gente tenia mui buena orden de vivir, los Pueblos250 con sus Calles, i Placas: Pueblo249 havia que tenia mas de tres mil Casas, i otros havia menores.” Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 181.]
21 Stevenson, who visited this part of the coast early in the present century, is profuse251 in his description of its mineral and vegetable treasures. The emerald mine in the neighbourhood of Las Esmeraldas, once so famous, is now placed under the ban of a superstition252, more befitting the times of the Incas. “I never visited it,” says the traveller, “owing to the superstitious dread253 of the natives, who assured me that it was enchanted254, and guarded by an enormous dragon, which poured forth thunder and lightning on those who dared to ascend255 the river.” Residence in South America, vol. II. p. 406.]
The Spaniards gazed with delight on these undeniable evidences of wealth, and saw in the careful cultivation of the soil a comfortable assurance that they had at length reached the land which had so long been seen in brilliant, though distant, perspective before them. But here again they were doomed256 to be disappointed by the warlike spirit of the people, who, conscious of their own strength, showed no disposition to quail257 before the invaders. On the contrary, several of their canoes shot out, loaded with warriors258, who, displaying a gold mask as their ensign, hovered259 round the vessels with looks of defiance260, and, when pursued, easily took shelter under the lee of the land. 22
22 “Salieron a los dichos navios quatorce canoas grandes con muchos Indios dos armados de oro y plata, y trahian en la una canoa o en estandarte y encima de el un bolto de un mucho desio de oro, y dieron una suelta a los navios por avisarlos en manera que no los pudiese enojar, y asi dieron vuelta acia a su pueblo, y los navios no los pudieron tomar porque se metieron en los baxos junto261 a la tierra.” Relacion sacada de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms.]
A more formidable body mustered262 along the shore, to the number, according to the Spanish accounts, of at least ten thousand warriors, eager, apparently, to come to close action with the invaders. Nor could Pizarro, who had landed with a party of his men in the hope of a conference with the natives, wholly prevent hostilities; and it might have gone hard with the Spaniards, hotly pressed by their resolute enemy so superior in numbers, but for a ludicrous accident reported by the historians as happening to one of the cavaliers. This was a fall from his horse, which so astonished the barbarians263, who were not prepared for this division of what seemed one and the same being into two, that, filled with consternation264, they fell back, and left a way open for the Christians265 to regain179 their vessels! 23
23 “Al tiempo del romper los unos con los otros, uno de aquellos de caballo cayo del caballo abajo; y como los Indios vieron dividirse aquel animal en dos partes, teniendo por cierto que todo era una cosa, fue tanto el miedo que tubieron que volvieron las espaldas dando voces a los suyos, diciendo, que se habia hecho dos haciendo admiracion dello: lo cual no fue sin misterio; porque a no acaecer esto se presume, que mataran todos los cristianos.” (Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.) This way of accounting for the panic of the barbarians is certainly quite as credible266 as the explanation, under similar circumstances, afforded by the apparition267 of the militant268 apostle St. James, so often noticed by the historians of these wars.
A council of war was now called. It was evident that the forces of the Spaniards were unequal to a contest with so numerous and well-appointed a body of natives; and, even if they should prevail here, they could have no hope of stemming the torrent269 which must rise against them in their progress — for the country was becoming more and more thickly settled, and towns and hamlets started into view at every new headland which they doubled. It was better, in the opinion of some, — the faint-hearted, — to abandon the enterprise at once, as beyond their strength. But Almagro took a different view of the affair. “To go home,” he said, “with nothing done, would be ruin, as well as disgrace. There was scarcely one but had left creditors270 at Panama, who looked for payment to the fruits of this expedition. To go home now would be to deliver themselves at once into their hands. It would be to go to prison. Better to roam a freeman, though in the wilderness271, than to lie bound with fetters272 in the dungeons273 of Panama. 24 The only course for them,” he concluded, “was the one lately pursued. Pizarro might find some more commodious place where he could remain with part of the force, while he himself went back for recruits to Panama. The story they had now to tell of the riches of the land, as they had seen them with their own eyes, would put their expedition in a very different light, and could not fail to draw to their banner as many volunteers as they needed.”
24 “No era bien bolver pobres, a pedir limosna, i morir en las Carceles, los que tenian deudas.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 2.]
But this recommendation, however judicious, was not altogether to the taste of the latter commander, who did not relish274 the part, which constantly fell to him, of remaining behind in the swamps and forests of this wild country. “It is all very well,” he said to Almagro, “for you, who pass your time pleasantly enough, careering to and fro in your vessel, or snugly275 sheltered in a land of plenty at Panama; but it is quite another matter for those who stay behind to droop276 and die of hunger in the wilderness” 25 To this Almagro retorted with some heat, professing his own willingness to take charge of the brave men who would remain with him, if Pizarro declined it. The controversy277 assuming a more angry and menacing tone, from words they would have soon come to blows, as both, laying their hands on their swords, were preparing to rush on each other, when the treasurer278 Ribera, aided by the pilot Ruiz, succeeded in pacifying279 them. It required but little effort on the part of these cooler counsellors to convince the cavaliers of the folly280 of a conduct which must at once terminate the expedition in a manner little creditable to its projectors281. A reconciliation282 consequently took place, sufficient, at least in outward show, to allow the two commanders to act together in concert. Almagro’s plan was then adopted; and it only remained to find out the most secure and convenient spot for Pizarro’s quarters.
25 “Como iba, i venia en los Navios, adonde no le faltaba Vitualla, no padecia la miseria de la hambre, i otras angustias que tenian, i ponian a todos en estrema congoja.” (Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 2.) The cavaliers of Cortes and Pizarro however doughty283 their achievements, certainly fell short of those knights-errant, commemorated284 by Hudibras, who,
“As some think,
Of old did neither eat nor drink;
Because, when thorough deserts vast
And regions desolate285 they past,
Unless they grazed, there’s not one word
Of their provision on record;
Which made some confidently write,
They had no stomachs but to fight.”
Several days were passed in touching at different parts of the coast, as they retraced286 their course; but everywhere the natives appeared to have caught the alarm, and assumed a menacing, and from their numbers a formidable, aspect. The more northerly region, with its unwholesome fens287 and forest, where nature wages a war even more relentless than man, was not to be thought of. In this perplexity, they decided on the little island of Gallo, as being, on the whole, from its distance from the shore, and from the scantiness288 of its population, the most eligible289 spot for them in their forlorn and destitute290 condition. 26
26 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Relacion sacada de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 2.]
It was singularly unfortunate, that Pizarro, instead of striking farther south, should have so long clung to the northern shores of the continent. Dampier notices them as afflicted291 with incessant292 rain; while the inhospitable forest and the particularly ferocious293 character of the natives continued to make these regions but little known down to his time. See his Voyages and Adventures, (London, 1776,) vol. I. chap. 14.]
But no sooner was the resolution of the two captains made known, than a feeling of discontent broke forth among their followers, especially those who were to remain with Pizarro on the island. “What!” they exclaimed, “were they to be dragged to that obscure spot to die by hunger? The whole expedition had been a cheat and a failure, from beginning to end. The golden countries, so much vaunted, had seemed to fly before them as they advanced; and the little gold they had been fortunate enough to glean294 had all been sent back to Panama to entice295 other fools to follow their example. What had they got in return for all their sufferings? The only treasures they could boast were their bows and arrows, and they were now to be left to die on this dreary296 island, without so much as a rood of consecrated ground to lay their bones in!” 27
27 “Miserablemente morir adonde aun no havia lugar Sagrado, para sepultura de sus cuerpos.” Herrera, Hist General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 3.]
In this exasperated297 state of feeling, several of the soldiers wrote back to their friends, informing them of their deplorable condition, and complaining of the cold-blooded manner in which they were to be sacrificed to the obstinate298 cupidity of their leaders. But the latter were wary enough to anticipate this movement, and Almagro defeated it by seizing all the letters in the vessels, and thus cutting off at once the means of communication with their friends at home. Yet this act of unscrupulous violence, like most other similar acts, fell short of its purpose; for a soldier named Sarabia had the ingenuity to evade299 it by introducing a letter into a ball of cotton, which was to be taken to Panama as a specimen300 of the products of the country, and presented to the governor’s lady. 28
28 “Metieron en un ovillo de algodon una carta firmada de muchos en que sumariamente daban cuenta de las hambres, muertes y desnudez que padecian, y que era cosa de risa todo, pues las riquezas se habian convertido en flechas, y no havia otra cosa.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527.]
The letter, which was signed by several of the disaffected301 soldiery besides the writer, painted in gloomy colors the miseries302 of their condition, accused the two commanders of being the authors of this, and called on the authorities of Panama to interfere303 by sending a vessel to take them from the desolate spot, while some of them might still be found surviving the horrors of their confinement304. The epistle concluded with a stanza305, in which the two leaders were stigmatized306 as partners in a slaughter-house; one being employed to drive in the cattle for the other to butcher. The verses, which had a currency in their day among the colonists to which they were certainly not entitled by their poetical307 merits, may be thus rendered into corresponding doggerel308:
“Look out, Senor Governor,
For the drover while he’s near;
Since he goes home to get the sheep
For the butcher, who stays here.” 29
29 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 181. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Balboa, Hist. du Perou, chap. 15.
“Al fin de la peticion que hacian en la carta al Governador puso Juan de Sarabia, natural de Trujillo, esta cuarteta: —
Pues Senor Gobernador,
Mirelo bien por entero
que alla va el recogedor,
y aca queda el carnicero”
Montesinos, Annales Ms., ane 1527.]
收听单词发音 |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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25
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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27
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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28
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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29
stipulate
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| vt.规定，（作为条件）讲定，保证 | |
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30
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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31
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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32
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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35
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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37
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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38
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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39
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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40
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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41
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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48
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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51
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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gem
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| n.宝石，珠宝；受爱戴的人 [同]jewel | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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61
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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66
stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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67
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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69
emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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70
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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71
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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72
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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73
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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74
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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75
reimburse
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| v.补偿，付还 | |
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76
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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77
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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78
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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79
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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80
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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81
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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82
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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83
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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84
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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85
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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86
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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87
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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88
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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89
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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90
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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92
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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93
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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94
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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95
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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97
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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98
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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99
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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100
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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101
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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102
garner
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| v.收藏；取得 | |
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103
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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104
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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105
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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106
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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107
scathing
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| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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108
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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109
bard
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| n.吟游诗人 | |
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110
certified
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| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
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111
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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112
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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113
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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114
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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115
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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116
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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117
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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118
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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119
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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120
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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121
skeptical
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| adj.怀疑的，多疑的 | |
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122
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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123
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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124
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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125
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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126
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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127
eloquently
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|
| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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128
braggart
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| n.吹牛者；adj.吹牛的，自夸的 | |
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129
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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130
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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131
inadequate
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|
| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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132
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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133
accounting
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| n.会计，会计学，借贷对照表 | |
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134
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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135
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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136
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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137
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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138
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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139
nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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140
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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141
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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142
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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143
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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144
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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145
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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146
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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147
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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148
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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149
entangle
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| vt.缠住，套住；卷入，连累 | |
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150
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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151
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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152
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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153
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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154
smoothly
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| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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155
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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156
sluggishly
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| adv.懒惰地；缓慢地 | |
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157
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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158
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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159
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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160
porous
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| adj.可渗透的，多孔的 | |
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161
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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162
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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163
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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164
plank
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| n.板条，木板，政策要点，政纲条目 | |
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165
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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166
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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167
oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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168
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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169
commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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170
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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171
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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172
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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173
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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174
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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175
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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176
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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177
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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178
tacked
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| 用平头钉钉( tack的过去式和过去分词 )； 附加，增补； 帆船抢风行驶，用粗线脚缝 | |
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179
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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180
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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181
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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182
specification
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| n.详述；[常pl.]规格，说明书，规范 | |
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183
burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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184
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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185
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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186
denser
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| adj. 不易看透的, 密集的, 浓厚的, 愚钝的 | |
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187
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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188
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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189
eminences
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| 卓越( eminence的名词复数 )； 著名； 高地； 山丘 | |
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190
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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191
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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192
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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193
tints
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| 色彩( tint的名词复数 )； 带白的颜色； （淡色）染发剂； 痕迹 | |
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194
chattered
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| （人）喋喋不休( chatter的过去式 )； 唠叨； （牙齿）打战； （机器）震颤 | |
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195
grimaces
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| n.（表蔑视、厌恶等）面部扭曲，鬼脸( grimace的名词复数 )v.扮鬼相，做鬼脸( grimace的第三人称单数 ) | |
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196
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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197
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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198
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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199
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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201
dart
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| v.猛冲，投掷；n.飞镖，猛冲 | |
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202
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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203
alligators
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| n.短吻鳄( alligator的名词复数 ) | |
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204
basking
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| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的现在分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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205
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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206
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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207
waylaid
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| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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208
stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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209
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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210
mangrove
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| n.(植物)红树，红树林 | |
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211
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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212
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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213
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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214
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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215
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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216
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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217
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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218
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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219
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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220
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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221
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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222
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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223
toils
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| 网 | |
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224
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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225
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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226
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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227
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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228
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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229
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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230
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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231
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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232
snarled
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| v.（指狗）吠，嗥叫， （人）咆哮( snarl的过去式和过去分词 )；咆哮着说，厉声地说 | |
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233
waylay
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| v.埋伏，伏击 | |
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234
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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235
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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236
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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237
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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238
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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239
fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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240
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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241
checkered
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| adj.有方格图案的 | |
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242
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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243
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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244
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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245
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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246
quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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247
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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248
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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249
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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250
pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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251
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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252
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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253
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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254
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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255
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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256
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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257
quail
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| n.鹌鹑；vi.畏惧，颤抖 | |
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258
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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259
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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260
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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261
junto
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| n.秘密结社；私党 | |
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262
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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263
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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264
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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265
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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266
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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267
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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268
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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269
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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270
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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271
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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272
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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273
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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274
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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275
snugly
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| adv.紧贴地；贴身地；暖和舒适地；安适地 | |
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276
droop
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| v.低垂，下垂；凋萎，萎靡 | |
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277
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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278
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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279
pacifying
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的现在分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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280
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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281
projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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282
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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283
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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284
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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285
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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286
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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287
fens
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| n.（尤指英格兰东部的）沼泽地带( fen的名词复数 ) | |
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288
scantiness
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| n.缺乏 | |
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289
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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290
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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291
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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292
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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293
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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294
glean
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| v.收集(消息、资料、情报等) | |
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295
entice
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| v.诱骗，引诱，怂恿 | |
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296
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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297
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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298
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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299
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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300
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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301
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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302
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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303
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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304
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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305
stanza
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| n.（诗）节，段 | |
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306
stigmatized
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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307
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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308
doggerel
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| n.拙劣的诗，打油诗 | |
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