1527–1528.
Not long after Almagro’s departure, Pizarro sent off the remaining vessel4, under the pretext5 of its being put in repair at Panama. It probably relieved him of a part of his followers6, whose mutinous7 spirit made them an obstacle rather than a help in his forlorn condition, and with whom he was the more willing to part from the difficulty of finding subsistence on the barren spot which he now occupied.
Great was the dismay occasioned by the return of Almagro and his followers, in the little community of Panama; for the letter, surreptitiously conveyed in the ball of cotton, fell into the hands for which it was intended, and the contents soon got abroad with the usual quantity of exaggeration. The haggard and dejected mien11 of the adventurers, of itself, told a tale sufficiently13 disheartening, and it was soon generally believed that the few ill-fated survivors14 of the expedition were detained against their will by Pizarro, to end their days with their disappointed leader on his desolate15 island.
Pedro de los Rios, the governor, was so much incensed16 at the result of the expedition, and the waste of life it had occasioned to the colony, that he turned a deaf ear to all the applications of Luque and Almagro for further countenance17 in the affair; he derided18 their sanguine19 anticipations20 of the future, and finally resolved to send an officer to the isle21 of Gallo, with orders to bring back every Spaniard whom he should find still living in that dreary22 abode23. Two vessels24 were immediately despatched for the purpose, and placed under charge of a cavalier named Tafur, a native of Cordova.
Meanwhile Pizarro and his followers were experiencing all the miseries26 which might have been expected from the character of the barren spot on which they were imprisoned27. They were, indeed, relieved from all apprehensions28 of the natives, since these had quitted the island on its occupation by the white men; but they had to endure the pains of hunger even in a greater degree than they had formerly29 experienced in the wild woods of the neighbouring continent. Their principal food was crabs30 and such shell-fish as they could scantily31 pick up along the shores. Incessant32 storms of thunder and lightning, for it was the rainy season, swept over the devoted33 island, and drenched34 them with a perpetual flood. Thus, half-naked, and pining with famine, there were few in that little company who did not feel the spirit of enterprise quenched35 within them, or who looked for any happier termination of their difficulties than that afforded by a return to Panama. The appearance of Tafur, therefore, with his two vessels, well stored with provisions, was greeted with all the rapture36 that the crew of a sinking wreck37 might feel on the arrival of some unexpected succour; and the only thought, after satisfying the immediate25 cravings of hunger, was to embark2 and leave the detested38 isle for ever.
But by the same vessel letters came to Pizarro from his two confederates, Luque and Almagro, beseeching39 him not to despair in his present extremity40, but to hold fast to his original purpose. To return under the present circumstances would be to seal the fate of the expedition; and they solemnly engaged, if he would remain firm at his post, to furnish him in a short time with the necessary means for going forward. 1
1 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 182. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 2. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527. — Herrera, Hist. General dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 3. — Naharro Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
A ray of hope was enough for the courageous42 spirit of Pizarro. It does not appear that he himself had entertained, at any time, thoughts of returning. If he had, these words of encouragement entirely43 banished44 them from his bosom45, and he prepared to stand the fortune of the cast on which he had so desperately46 ventured. He knew, however, that solicitations or remonstrances47 would avail little with the companions of his enterprise; and he probably did not care to win over the more timid spirits who, by perpetually looking back, would only be a clog48 on his future movements. He announced his own purpose, however, in a laconic49 but decided50 manner, characteristic of a man more accustomed to act than to talk, and well calculated to make an impression on his rough followers.
Drawing his sword, he traced a line with it on the sand from east to west. Then turning towards the south, “Friends and comrades!” he said, “on that side are toil51, hunger, nakedness, the drenching52 storm, desertion, and death; on this side, ease and pleasure. There lies Peru with its riches; here, Panama and its poverty. Choose, each man, what best becomes a brave Castilian. For my part, I go to the south.” So saying, he stepped across the line. 2 He was followed by the brave pilot Ruiz; next by Pedro de Candia, a cavalier, born, as his name imports, in one of the isles53 of Greece. Eleven others successively crossed the line, thus intimating their willingness to abide54 the fortunes of their leader, for good or for evil. 3 Fame, to quote the enthusiastic language of an ancient chronicler, has commemorated55 the names of this little band, “who thus, in the face of difficulties unexampled in history, with death rather than riches for their reward, preferred it all to abandoning their honor, and stood firm by their leader as an example of loyalty56 to future ages.” 4
2 “Obedeciola Pizarro y antes que se egecutase saco un Punal, y con8 notable animo hizo con la punta una raya de Oriente a Poniente; y senalando al medio dia, que era la parte de su noticia, y derrotero dijo: camaradas y amigos esta parte es la de la muerte, de los trabajos, de las hambres, de la desnudez, de los aguaceros, y desamparos; la otra la del gusto: Por aqui se ba a Panama a ser pobres, por alla al Peru a ser ricos. Escoja el que fuere buen Castellano lo que mas bien le estubiere. Diciendo esto paso la raya: siguieronle Barthome Ruiz natural de Moguer, Pedro de Candi Griego, natural de Candia.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527.]
3 The names of these thirteen faithful companions are preserved in the convention made with the Crown two years later, where they are suitably commemorated for their loyalty. Their names should not be omitted in a history of the Conquest of Peru. They were “Bartolome Ruiz, Cristoval de Peralta, Pedro de Candia, Domingo de Soria Luce, Nicolas de Ribera, Francisco de Cuellar, Alonso de Molina, Pedro Alcon, Garcia de Jerez, Anton de Carrion57, Alonso Briceno, Martin de Paz, Joan de la Torre.”]
4 “Estos fueron los trece de la fama. Estos los que cercados de los mayores trabajos que pudo el Mundo ofrecer a hombres, y los que estando mas para esperar la muerte que las riquezas que se les prometian, todo lo pospusieron a la honra, y siguieron a su capitan y caudillo para egemplo de lealtad en lo futuro.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527.]
But the act excited no such admiration58 in the mind of Tafur, who looked on it as one of gross disobedience to the commands of the governor, and as little better than madness, involving the certain destruction of the parties engaged in it. He refused to give any sanction to it himself by leaving one of his vessels with the adventurers to prosecute59 their voyage, and it was with great difficulty that he could be persuaded even to allow them a part of the stores which he had brought for their support. This had no influence on their determination, and the little party, bidding adieu to their returning comrades, remained unshaken in their purpose of abiding60 the fortunes of their commander. 5
5 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 2. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 3.]
There is something striking to the imagination in the spectacle of these few brave spirits, thus consecrating61 themselves to a daring enterprise, which seemed as far above their strength as any recorded in the fabulous62 annals of knight63-errantry. A handful of men, without food, without clothing, almost without arms, without knowledge of the land to which they were bound, without vessel to transport them, were here left on a lonely rock in the ocean with the avowed64 purpose of carrying on a crusade against a powerful empire, staking their lives on its success. What is there in the legends of chivalry65 that surpasses it? This was the crisis of Pizarro’s fate. There are moments in the lives of men, which, as they are seized or neglected, decide their future destiny. 6 Had Pizarro faltered66 from his strong purpose, and yielded to the occasion, now so temptingly presented, for extricating68 himself and his broken band from their desperate position, his name would have been buried with his fortunes, and the conquest of Peru would have been left for other and more successful adventurers. But his constancy was equal to the occasion, and his conduct here proved him competent to the perilous69 post he had assumed, and inspired others with a confidence in him which was the best assurance of success.
6 This common sentiment is expressed with uncommon70 beauty by the fanciful Boiardo, where he represents Rinaldo as catching71 Fortune, under the guise72 of the fickle73 fairy Morgana, by the forelock. The Italian reader may not be displeased74 to refresh his memory with it.
“Chi cerca in questo mondo aver75 tesoro,
O diletto, e piacere, honore, e stato,
Ponga la mano a questa chioma d’oro,
Ch’lo porto in fronte, e lo faro beato;
Ma quando ha in destro si fatto lavoro
Non prenda indugio, che’l tempo76 passato
Perduto e tutto, e non ritorna mai,
Ed io mi volto, e lui lascio con guai.”
Orlando, Innamorato, lib. 2, canto77 8.]
In the vessel that bore back Tafur and those who seceded78 from the expedition the pilot Ruiz was also permitted to return, in order to cooperate with Luque and Almagro in their application for further succour.
Not long after the departure of the ships, it was decided by Pizarro to abandon his present quarters, which had little to recommend them, and which, he reflected, might now be exposed to annoyance79 from the original inhabitants, should they take courage and return, on learning the diminished number of the white men. The Spaniards, therefore, by his orders, constructed a rude boat or raft, on which they succeeded in transporting themselves to the little island of Gorgona, twenty-five leagues to the north of their present residence. It lay about five leagues from the continent, and was uninhabited. It had some advantages over the isle of Gallo; for it stood higher above the sea, and was partially80 covered with wood, which afforded shelter to a species of pheasant, and the hare or rabbit of the country, so that the Spaniards, with their crossbows, were enabled to procure81 a tolerable supply of game. Cool streams that issued from the living rock furnished abundance of water, though the drenching rains that fell, without intermission, left them in no danger of perishing by thirst. From this annoyance they found some protection in the rude huts which they constructed; though here, as in their former residence, they suffered from the no less intolerable annoyance of venomous insects, which multiplied and swarmed82 in the exhalations of the rank and stimulated83 soil. In this dreary abode Pizarro omitted no means by which to sustain the drooping84 spirits of his men. Morning prayers were duly said, and the evening hymn85 to the Virgin86 was regularly chanted; the festivals of the church were carefully commemorated, and every means taken by their commander to give a kind of religious character to his enterprise, and to inspire his rough followers with a confidence in the protection of Heaven, that might support them in their perilous circumstances. 7
7 “Cada Manana daban gracias a Dios: a las tardes decian la Salve, i otras Oraciones, por las Horas: sabian las Fiestas, i enian cuenta con los Viernes, i Domingos.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 3.]
In these uncomfortable quarters, their chief employment was to keep watch on the melancholy87 ocean, that they might hail the first signal of the anticipated succour. But many a tedious month passed away, and no sign of it appeared. All around was the same wide waste of waters, except to the eastward88, where the frozen crest89 of the Andes, touched with the ardent90 sun of the equator, glowed like a ridge91 of fire along the whole extent of the great continent. Every speck92 in the distant horizon was carefully noticed, and the drifting timber or masses of sea-weed, heaving to and fro on the bosom of the waters, was converted by their imaginations into the promised vessel; till, sinking under successive disappointments, hope gradually gave way to doubt, and doubt settled into despair. 8
8 “Al cabo de muchos Dias aguardando, estaban tan angustiados, que los salages, que se hacian bien dentro de la Mar41, les parecia, que era el Navio.” Herrera, Hist General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 4.]
Meanwhile the vessel of Tafur had reached the port of Panama. The tidings which she brought of the inflexible93 obstinacy94 of Pizarro and his followers filled the governor with indignation. He could look on it in no other light than as an act of suicide, and steadily95 refused to send further assistance to men who were obstinately96 bent97 on their own destruction. Yet Luque and Almagro were true to their engagements. They represented to the governor, that, if the conduct of their comrade was rash, it was at least in the service of the Crown, and in prosecuting98 the great work of discovery. Rios had been instructed, on his taking the government, to aid Pizarro in the enterprise; and to desert him now would be to throw away the remaining chance of success, and to incur99 the responsibility of his death and that of the brave men who adhered to him. These remonstrances, at length, so far operated on the mind of that functionary100, that he reluctantly consented that a vessel should be sent to the island of Gorgona, but with no more hands than were necessary to work her, and with positive instructions to Pizarro to return in six months and report himself at Panama, whatever might be the future results of his expedition.
Having thus secured the sanction of the executive, the two associates lost no time in fitting out a small vessel with stores and a supply of arms and ammunition101, and despatched it to the island. The unfortunate tenants102 of this little wilderness103, who had now occupied it for seven months, 9 hardly dared to trust their senses when they descried104 the white sails of the friendly bark coming over the waters. And although, when the vessel anchored off the shore, Pizarro was disappointed to find that it brought no additional recruits for the enterprise, yet he greeted it with joy, as affording the means of solving the great problem of the existence of the rich southern empire, and of thus opening the way for its future conquest. Two of his men were so ill, that it was determined105 to leave them in the care of some of the friendly Indians who had continued with him through the whole of his sojourn106, and to call for them on his return. Taking with him the rest of his hardy107 followers and the natives of Tumbez, he embarked108, and, speedily weighing anchor, bade adieu to the “Hell,” as it was called by the Spaniards, which had been the scene of so much suffering and such undaunted resolution. 10
9 “Estubieron con estos trabajos con igualdad de animo siete meses” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527.]
10 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 182. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 4. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Every heart was now elated with hope, as they found themselves once more on the waters, under the guidance of the good pilot Ruiz, who, obeying the directions of the Indians, proposed to steer109 for the land of Tumbez, which would bring them at once into the golden empire of the Incas, — the El Dorado, of which they had been so long in pursuit. Passing by the dreary isle of Gallo, which they had such good cause to remember, they stood farther out to sea until they made Point Tacumez, near which they had landed on their previous voyage. They did not touch at any part of the coast, but steadily held on their way, though considerably110 impeded111 by the currents, as well as by the wind, which blew with little variation from the south. Fortunately, the wind was light, and, as the weather was favorable, their voyage, though slow, was not uncomfortable. In a few days, they came in sight of Point Pasado, the limit of the pilot’s former navigation; and, crossing the line, the little bark entered upon those unknown seas which had never been ploughed by European keel before. The coast, they observed, gradually declined from its former bold and rugged112 character, gently sloping towards the shore, and spreading out into sandy plains, relieved here and there by patches of uncommon richness and beauty; while the white cottages of the natives glistening113 along the margin114 of the sea, and the smoke that rose among the distant hills, intimated the increasing population of the country.
At length, after the lapse115 of twenty days from their departure from the island, the adventurous116 vessel rounded the point of St. Helena, and glided117 smoothly118 into the waters of the beautiful gulf119 of Guayaquil. The country was here studded along the shore with towns and villages, though the mighty120 chain of the Cordilleras, sweeping121 up abruptly122 from the coast, left but a narrow strip of emerald verdure, through which numerous rivulets123, spreading fertility around them, wound their way into the sea.
The voyagers were now abreast124 of some of the most stupendous heights of this magnificent range; Chimborazo, with its broad round summit, towering like the dome125 of the Andes, and Cotopaxi, with its dazzling cone126 of silvery white, that knows no change except from the action of its own volcanic127 fires; for this mountain is the most terrible of the American volcanoes, and was in formidable activity at no great distance from the period of our narrative128. Well pleased with the signs of civilization that opened on them at every league of their progress, the Spaniards, at length, came to anchor, off the island of Santa Clara, lying at the entrance of the bay of Tumbez. 11
11 According to Garcilasso, two years elapsed between the departure from Gorgona and the arrival at Tumbez. (Com. Real., Parte 2, hb. 1, cap. 11.) Such gross defiance129 of chronology is rather uncommon even in the narratives130 of these transactions, where it is as difficult to fix a precise date, amidst the silence, rather than the contradictions, of contemporary statements, as if the events had happened before the deluge131.
The place was uninhabited, but was recognized by the Indians on board, as occasionally resorted to by the warlike people of the neighbouring isle of Puna, for purposes of sacrifice and worship. The Spaniards found on the spot a few bits of gold rudely wrought132 into various shapes, and probably designed as offerings to the Indian deity133. Their hearts were cheered, as the natives assured them they would see abundance of the same precious metal in their own city of Tumbez.
The following morning they stood across the bay for this place. As they drew near, they beheld134 a town of considerable size, with many of the buildings apparently135 of stone and plaster, situated136 in the bosom of a fruitful meadow, which seemed to have been redeemed137 from the sterility139 of the surrounding country be careful and minute irrigation. When at some distance from shore, Pizarro saw standing140 towards him several large balsas, which were found to be filled with warriors141 going on an expedition against the island of Puna. Running alongside of the Indian flotilla, he invited some of the chiefs to come on board of his vessel. The Peruvians gazed with wonder on every object which met their eyes, and especially on their own countrymen, whom they had little expected to meet there. The latter informed them in what manner they had fallen into the hands of the strangers, whom they described as a wonderful race of beings, that had come thither142 for no harm, but solely143 to be made acquainted with the country and its inhabitants. This account was confirmed by the Spanish commander, who persuaded the Indians to return in their balsas and report what they had learned to their townsmen, requesting them at the same time to provide his vessel with refreshments144, as it was his desire to enter into a friendly intercourse145 with the natives.
The people of Tumbez were gathered along the shore, and were gazing with unutterable amazement146 on the floating castle, which, now having dropped anchor, rode lazily at its moorings in their bay. They eagerly listened to the accounts of their countrymen, and instantly reported the affair to the curaca or ruler of the district, who, conceiving that the strangers must be beings of a superior order, prepared at once to comply with their request. It was not long before several balsas were seen steering147 for the vessel laden148 with bananas, plantains, yuca, Indian corn, sweet potatoes, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, and other rich products of the bountiful vale of Tumbez. Game and fish, also, were added, with a number of llamas, of which Pizarro had seen the rude drawings belonging to Balboa, but of which till now he had met with no living specimen149. He examined this curious animal, the Peruvian sheep, — or, as the Spaniards called it, the “little camel” of the Indians, — with much interest, greatly admiring the mixture of wool and hair which supplied the natives with the materials for their fabrics150.
At that time there happened to be at Tumbez an Inca noble, or orejon, — for so, as I have already noticed, men of his rank were called by the Spaniards, from the huge ornaments151 of gold attached to their ears. He expressed great curiosity to see the wonderful strangers, and had, accordingly, come out with the balsas for the purpose. It was easy to perceive from the superior quality of his dress, as well as from the deference152 paid to him by the others, that he was a person of consideration, and Pizarro received him with marked distinction. He showed him the different parts of the ship, explaining to him the uses of whatever engaged his attention, and answering his numerous queries153, as well as he could, by means of the Indian interpreters. The Peruvian chief was especially desirous of knowing whence and why Pizarro and his followers had come to these shores. The Spanish captain replied, that he was the vassal154 of a great prince, the greatest and most powerful in the world, and that he had come to this country to assert his master’s lawful155 supremacy156 over it. He had further come to rescue the inhabitants from the darkness of unbelief in which they were now wandering. They worshipped an evil spirit, who would sink their souls into everlasting157 perdition; and he would give them the knowledge of the true and only God, Jesus Christ, since to believe on him was eternal salvation158. 12
12 The text abridges159 somewhat the discourse160 of the military polemic161; which is reported at length by Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 4. — See also Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1527 — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms — Relacion del Primer. Descub. Ms.]
The Indian prince listened with deep attention and apparent wonder; but answered nothing. It may be, that neither he nor his interpreters had any very distinct ideas of the doctrines162 thus abruptly revealed to them. It may be that he did not believe there was any other potentate163 on earth greater than the Inca; none, at least, who had a better right to rule over his dominions164. And it is very possible he was not disposed to admit that the great luminary165 whom he worshipped was inferior to the God of the Spaniards. But whatever may have passed in the untutored mind of the barbarian166, he did not give vent12 to it, but maintained a discreet167 silence, without any attempt to controvert168 or to convince his Christian169 antagonist170.
He remained on board the vessel till the hour of dinner, of which he partook with the Spaniards, expressing his satisfaction at the strange dishes, and especially pleased with the wine, which he pronounced far superior to the fermented172 liquors of his own country. On taking leave, he courteously173 pressed the Spaniards to visit Tumbez, and Pizarro dismissed him with the present, among other things, of an iron hatchet174, which had greatly excited his admiration; for the use of iron, as we have seen, was as little known to the Peruvians as to the Mexicans.
On the day following, the Spanish captain sent one of his own men, named Alonso de Molina, on shore, accompanied by a negro who had come in the vessel from Panama, together with a present for the curaca of some swine and poultry175, neither of which were indigenous176 to the New World. Towards evening his emissary returned with a fresh supply of fruits and vegetables, that the friendly people sent to the vessel. Molina had a wondrous177 tale to tell. On landing, he was surrounded by the natives, who expressed the greatest astonishment178 at his dress, his fair complexion179, and his long beard. The women, especially, manifested great curiosity in respect to him, and Molina seemed to be entirely won by their charms and captivating manners. He probably intimated his satisfaction by his demeanour, since they urged him to stay among them, promising180 in that case to provide him with a beautiful wife.
Their surprise was equally great at the complexion of his sable181 companion. They could not believe it was natural, and tried to rub off the imaginary dye with their hands. As the African bore all this with characteristic good-humor, displaying at the same time his rows of ivory teeth, they were prodigiously182 delighted. 13 The animals were no less above their comprehension; and, when the cock crew, the simple people clapped their hands, and inquired what he was saying. 14 Their intellects were so bewildered by sights so novel, that they seemed incapable183 of distinguishing between man and brute184.
13 “No se cansaban de mirarle, hacianle labar, para ver si se le quitaba la Tinta negra, i el lo hacia de buena gana, riendose, i mostrando sus Dientes blancos.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 5.]
14 Ibid., ubi supra.]
Molina was then escorted to the residence of the curaca, whom he found living in much state, with porters stationed at his doors, and with a quantity of gold and silver vessels, from which he was served. He was then taken to different parts of the Indian city, saw a fortress185 built of rough stone, and, though low, spreading over a large extent of ground. 15 Near this was a temple; and the Spaniard’s description of its decorations, blazing with gold and silver, seemed so extravagant186, that Pizarro, distrusting his whole account, resolved to send a more discreet and trustworthy emissary on the following day. 16
15 “Cerca del solia estar una fortaleza muy fuerte y de linda obra, hecha por los Yngas reyes del Cuzco y senores de todo el Peru. . . . . . Ya esta el edificio desta fortaleza muy gastado y deshecho: mas no para que dexe de dar muestra de lo mucho que fue.” Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 4.]
16 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, loc. cit — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1 cap. 2.]
The person selected was Pedro de Candia, the Greek cavalier mentioned as one of the first who intimated his intention to share the fortunes of his commander. He was sent on shore, dressed in complete mail as became a good knight, with his sword by his side, and his arquebuse on his shoulder. The Indians were even more dazzled by his appearance than by Molina’s, as the sun fell brightly on his polished armour188, and glanced from his military weapons. They had heard much of the formidable arquebuse from their townsmen who had come in the vessel, and they besought189 Candia “to let it speak to them.” He accordingly set up a wooden board as a target, and, taking deliberate aim, fired off the musket190. The flash of the powder and the startling report of the piece, as the board, struck by the ball, was shivered into splinters, filled the natives with dismay. Some fell on the ground, covering their faces with their hands, and others approached the cavalier with feelings of awe191, which were gradually dispelled192 by the assurance they received from the smiling expression of his countenance. 17
17 It is moreover stated that the Indians, desirous to prove still further the superhuman nature of the Spanish cavalier, let loose on him a tiger — a jaguar193 probably — which was caged in the royal fortress. But Don Pedro was a good Catholic, and he gently laid the cross which he wore round his neck on the animal’s back, who, instantly forgetting his ferocious194 nature, crouched195 at the cavalier’s feet, and began to play round him in innocent gambols196. The Indians, now more amazed than ever, nothing doubted of the sanctity of their guest, and bore him in triumph on their shoulders to the temple. — This credible197 anecdote198 is repeated, without the least qualification or distrust, by several contemporary writers. (See Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 10, cap. 5. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 54. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 12.) This last author may have had his version from Candia’s own son, with whom he tells us he was brought up at school. It will no doubt find as easy admission with those of the present day, who conceive that the age of miracles has not yet past]
They then showed him the same hospitable199 attentions which they had paid to Molina; and his description of the marvels200 of the place, on his return, fell nothing short of his predecessor’s. The fortress, which was surrounded by a triple row of wall, was strongly garrisoned201. The temple he described as literally202 tapestried203 with plates of gold and silver. Adjoining this structure was a sort of convent appropriated to the Inca’s destined204 brides, who manifested great curiosity to see him. Whether this was gratified is not clear; but Candia described the gardens of the convent, which he entered, as glowing with imitations of fruits and vegetables all in pure gold and silver! 18 He had seen a number of artisans at work, whose sole business seemed to be to furnish these gorgeous decorations for the religious houses.
18 “Que habia visto un jardin donde las yerbas eran de oro imitando en un todo a las naturales, arboles con frutas de lo mismo, y otras muchas cosas a este modo, con que aficiono grandemente a sus companeros a esta conquista.” Montesinos, Annales, ano 1527.]
The reports of the cavalier may have been somewhat over-colored. 19 It was natural that men coming from the dreary wilderness, in which they had been buried the last six months, should have been vividly205 impressed by the tokens of civilization which met them on the Peruvian coast. But Tumbez was a favorite city of the Peruvian princes. It was the most important place on the northern borders of the empire, contiguous to the recent acquisition of Quito. The great Tupac Yupanqui had established a strong fortress there, and peopled it with a colony of mitimaes. The temple, and the house occupied by the Virgins206 of the Sun, had been erected207 by Huayna Capac, and were liberally endowed by that Inca, after the sumptuous208 fashion of the religious establishments of Peru. The town was well supplied with water by numerous aqueducts, and the fruitful valley in which it was embosomed, and the ocean which bathed its shores, supplied ample means of subsistence to a considerable population. But the cupidity209 of the Spaniards, after the Conquest, was not slow in despoiling210 the place of its glories; and the site of its proud towers and temples, in less than half a century after that fatal period, was to be traced only by the huge mass of ruins that encumbered211 the ground. 20
19 The worthy187 knight’s account does not seem to have found favor with the old Conqueror212, so often cited in these pages, who says, that, when they afterwards visited Tumbez, the Spaniards found Candia’s relation a lie from beginning to end, except, indeed, in respect to the temple; though the veteran acknowledges that what was deficient213 in Tumbez was more than made up by the magnificence of other places in the empire not then visited. “Lo cual fue mentira; porque despues que todos los Espanoles entramos en ella, se vio por vista214 de ojos haber mentido en todo, salvo en lo del templo, que este era cosa de ver, aunque mucho mas de lo que aquel encarecio, lo que falto en esta ciudad, se hallo despues en otras que muchas leguas mas adelante se descubrieron.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
20 Cieza de Leon, who crossed this part of the country in 1548, mentions the wanton manner in which the hand of the Conqueror had fallen on the Indian edifices215, which lay in ruin, even at that early period. Cronica, cap. 67.]
The Spaniards were nearly mad with joy, says an old writer, at receiving these brilliant tidings of the Peruvian city. All their fond dreams were now to be realized, and they had at length reached the realm which had so long flitted in visionary splendor216 before them. Pizarro expressed his gratitude217 to Heaven for having crowned his labors218 with so glorious a result; but he bitterly lamented219 the hard fate which, by depriving him of his followers, denied him, at such a moment, the means of availing himself of his success. Yet he had no cause for lamentation220; and the devout221 Catholic saw in this very circumstance a providential interposition which prevented the attempt at conquest, while such attempts would have been premature222. Peru was not yet torn asunder223 by the dissensions of rival candidates for the throne; and, united and strong under the sceptre of a warlike monarch224, she might well have bid defiance to all the forces that Pizarro could muster225. “It was manifestly the work of Heaven,” exclaims a devout son of the Church, “that the natives of the country should have received him in so kind and loving a spirit, as best fitted to facilitate the conquest; for it was the Lord’s hand which led him and his followers to this remote region for the extension of the holy faith, and for the salvation of souls.” 21
21 “I si le recibiesen con amor, hiciese su Mrd. lo que mas conveniente le pareciese al efecto de su conquista: porque tenia entendido, que el haverlos traido Dios era para que su santa fe se dilatase i aquellas almas se salvasen.” Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
Having now collected all the information essential to his object, Pizarro, after taking leave of the natives of Tumbez, and promising a speedy return, weighed anchor, and again turned his prow226 towards the south. Still keeping as near as possible to the coast, that no place of importance might escape his observation, he passed Cape227 Blanco, and, after sailing about a degree and a half, made the port of Payta. The inhabitants, who had notice of his approach, came out in their balsas to get sight of the wonderful strangers, bringing with them stores of fruits, fish, and vegetables, with the same hospitable spirit shown by their countrymen at Tumbez.
After staying here a short time, and interchanging presents of trifling228 value with the natives, Pizarro continued his cruise; and, sailing by the sandy plains of Sechura for an extent of near a hundred miles, he doubled the Punta de Aguja, and swept down the coast as it fell off towards the east, still carried forward by light and somewhat variable breezes. The weather now became unfavorable, and the voyagers encountered a succession of heavy gales229, which drove them some distance out to sea, and tossed them about for many days. But they did not lose sight of the mighty ranges of the Andes, which, as they proceeded towards the south, were still seen, at nearly the same distance from the shore, rolling onwards, peak after peak, with their stupendous surges of ice, like some vast ocean, that had been suddenly arrested and frozen up in the midst of its wild and tumultuous career. With this landmark230 always in view, the navigator had little need of star or compass to guide his bark on her course.
As soon as the tempest had subsided231, Pizarro stood in again for the continent, touching232 at the principal points as he coasted along. Everywhere he was received with the same spirit of generous hospitality; the natives coming out in their balsas to welcome him, laden with their little cargoes233 of fruits and vegetables, of all the luscious234 varieties that grow in the tierra caliente. All were eager to have a glimpse of the strangers, the “Children of the Sun,” as the Spaniards began already to be called, from their fair complexions235, brilliant armour, and the thunderbolts which they bore in their hands. 22 The most favorable reports, too, had preceded them, of the urbanity and gentleness of their manners, thus unlocking the hearts of the simple natives, and disposing them to confidence and kindness. The iron-hearted soldier had not yet disclosed the darker side of his character. He was too weak to do so. The hour of Conquest had not yet come.
22 “Que resplandecian como el Sol. LIamabanles hijos del Sol por esto.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1528.]
In every place Pizarro received the same accounts of a powerful monarch who ruled over the land, and held his court on the mountain plains of the interior, where his capital was depicted236 as blazing with gold and silver, and displaying all the profusion238 of an Oriental satrap. The Spaniards, except at Tumbez, seem to have met with little of the precious metals among the natives on the coast. More than one writer asserts that they did not covet239 them, or, at least, by Pizarro’s orders, affected240 not to do so. He would not have them betray their appetite for gold, and actually refused gifts when they were proffered241! 23 It is more probable that they saw little display of wealth, except in the embellishments of the temples and other sacred buildings, which they did not dare to violate. The precious metals, reserved for the uses of religion and for persons of high degree, were not likely to abound242 in the remote towns and hamlets on the coast.
23 Pizarro wished the natives to understand, says Father Naharro, that their good alone, and not the love of gold, had led him to their distant land! “Sin haver querido recibir el oro, plata i perlas que les ofrecieron, a fin9 de que conociesen no era codicia, sino deseo de su bien el que les habia traido de tan lejas tierras a las suyas.” Relacion Sumaria, Ms.
Yet the Spaniards met with sufficient evidence of general civilization and power to convince them that there was much foundation for the reports of the natives. Repeatedly they saw structures of stone and plaster, and occasionally showing architectural skill in the execution, if not elegance243 of design. Wherever they cast anchor, they beheld green patches of cultivated country redeemed from the sterility of nature, and blooming with the variegated244 vegetation of the tropics; while a refined system of irrigation, by means of aqueducts and canals, seemed to be spread like a net-work over the surface of the country, making even the desert to blossom as the rose. At many places where they landed they saw the great road of the Incas which traversed the sea-coast, often, indeed, lost in the volatile245 sands, where no road could be maintained, but rising into a broad and substantial causeway, as it emerged on a firmer soil. Such a provision for internal communication was in itself no slight monument of power and civilization.
Still beating to the south, Pizarro passed the site of the future flourishing city of Truxillo, founded by himself some years later, and pressed on till he rode off the port of Santa. It stood on the banks of a broad and beautiful stream; but the surrounding country was so exceedingly arid246 that it was frequently selected as a burial-place by the Peruvians, who found the soil most favorable for the preservation247 of their mummies. So numerous, indeed, were the Indian guacas, that the place might rather be called the abode of the dead than of the living. 24
24 “Lo que mas me admiro, quando passe por este valle, fue ver la muchedumbre que tienen de sepolturas: y que por todas las sierras y secadales en los altos del valle: ay numero grande de apartados, hechos a su usanca, todo cubiertas de huessos de muertos. De manera que lo que ay en este valle mas que ver, es las sepolturas de los muertos, y los campos que labraron siendo vivos.” Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 70.]
Having reached this point, about the ninth degree of southern latitude249, Pizarro’s followers besought him not to prosecute the voyage farther. Enough and more than enough had been done, they said, to prove the existence and actual position of the great Indian empire of which they had so long been in search. Yet, with their slender force, they had no power to profit by the discovery. All that remained, therefore, was to return and report the success of their enterprise to the governor at Panama. Pizarro acquiesced250 in the reasonableness of this demand. He had now penetrated251 nine degrees farther than any former navigator in these southern seas, and, instead of the blight252 which, up to this hour, had seemed to hang over his fortunes, he could now return in triumph to his countrymen. Without hesitation253, therefore, he prepared to retrace254 his course, and stood again towards the north.
On his way, he touched at several places where he had before landed. At one of these, called by the Spaniards Santa Cruz, he had been invited on shore by an Indian woman of rank, and had promised to visit her on his return. No sooner did his vessel cast anchor off the village where she lived, than she came on board, followed by a numerous train of attendants. Pizarro received her with every mark of respect, and on her departure presented her with some trinkets which had a real value in the eyes of an Indian princess. She urged the Spanish commander and his companions to return the visit, engaging to send a number of hostages on board, as security for their good treatment. Pizarro assured her that the frank confidence she had shown towards them proved that this was unnecessary. Yet, no sooner did he put off in his boat, the following day, to go on shore, than several of the principal persons in the place came along-side of the ship to be received as hostages during the absence of the Spaniards, — a singular proof of consideration for the sensitive apprehensions of her guests.
Pizarro found that preparations had been made for his reception in a style of simple hospitality that evinced some degree of taste. Arbours were formed of luxuriant and wide-spreading branches, interwoven with fragrant255 flowers and shrubs256 that diffused257 a delicious perfume through the air. A banquet was provided, teeming258 with viands259 prepared in the style of the Peruvian cookery, and with fruits and vegetables of tempting67 hue248 and luscious to the taste, though their names and nature were unknown to the Spaniards. After the collation260 was ended, the guests were entertained with music and dancing by a troop of young men and maidens261 simply attired262, who exhibited in their favorite national amusement all the agility263 and grace which the supple264 limbs of the Peruvian Indians so well qualified265 them to display. Before his departure, Pizarro stated to his kind host the motives266 of his visit to the country, in the same manner as he had done on other occasions, and he concluded by unfurling the royal banner of Castile, which he had brought on shore, requesting her and her attendants to raise it in token of their allegiance to his sovereign. This they did with great good-humor, laughing all the while, says the chronicler, and making it clear that they had a very imperfect conception of the serious nature of the ceremony. Pizarro was contented268 with this outward display of loyalty, and returned to his vessel well satisfied with the entertainment he had received, and meditating269, it may be, on the best mode of repaying it, hereafter, by the subjugation270 and conversion271 of the country.
The Spanish commander did not omit to touch also at Tumbez, on his homeward voyage. Here some of his followers, won by the comfortable aspect of the place and the manners of the people, intimated a wish to remain, conceiving, no doubt, that it would be better to live where they would be persons of consequence than to return to an obscure condition in the community of Panama. One of these men was Alonso de Molina, the same who had first gone on shore at this place, and been captivated by the charms of the Indian beauties. Pizarro complied with their wishes, thinking it would not be amiss to find, on his return, some of his own followers who would be instructed in the language and usages of the natives. He was also allowed to carry back in his vessel two or three Peruvians, for the similar purpose of instructing them in the Castilian. One of them, a youth named by the Spaniards Felipillo, plays a part of some importance in the history of subsequent events.
On leaving Tumbez, the adventurers steered272 directly for Panama, touching only, on their way, at the ill-fated island of Gorgona to take on board their two companions who were left there too ill to proceed with them. One had died, and, receiving the other, Pizarro and his gallant273 little band continued their voyage; and, after an absence of at least eighteen months, found themselves once more safely riding at anchor in the harbour of Panama. 25
25 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1528. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 2, cap. 6, 7. — Relacion del Primer. Descub. Ms.]
The sensation caused by their arrival was great, as might have been expected. For there were few, even among the most sanguine of their friends, who did not imagine that they had long since paid for their temerity274, and fallen victims to the climate or the natives, or miserably275 perished in a watery276 grave. Their joy was proportionably great, therefore, as they saw the wanderers now returned, not only in health and safety, but with certain tidings of the fair countries which had so long eluded277 their grasp. It was a moment of proud satisfaction to the three associates, who, in spite of obloquy278, derision, and every impediment which the distrust of friends or the coldness of government could throw in their way, had persevered279 in their great enterprise until they had established the truth of what had been so generally denounced as a chimera280. It is the misfortune of those daring spirits who conceive an idea too vast for their own generation to comprehend, or, at least, to attempt to carry out, that they pass for visionary dreamers. Such had been the fate of Luque and his associates. The existence of a rich Indian empire at the south, which, in their minds, dwelling281 long on the same idea and alive to all the arguments in its favor, had risen to the certainty of conviction, had been derided by the rest of their countrymen as a mere282 mirage283 of the fancy, which, on nearer approach, would melt into air; while the projectors284, who staked their fortunes on the adventure, were denounced as madmen. But their hour of triumph, their slow and hard-earned triumph, had now arrived.
Yet the governor, Pedro de los Rios, did not seem, even at this moment, to be possessed285 with a conviction of the magnitude of the discovery, — or, perhaps, he was discouraged by its very magnitude. When the associates, now with more confidence, applied286 to him for patronage287 in an undertaking288 too vast for their individual resources, he coldly replied, “He had no desire to build up other states at the expense of his own; nor would he be led to throw away more lives than had already been sacrificed by the cheap display of gold and silver toys and a few Indian sheep!” 26
26 “No entendia de despoblar su Governacion, para que se fuesen a poblar nuevas Tierras, muriendo en tal demanda mas Gente de la que havia muerto, cebar do a los Hombres con la muestra de las Ovejas, Oro, i Plata, que havian traido.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib 3, cap. 1.]
Sorely disheartened by this repulse289 from the only quarter whence effectual aid could be expected, the confederates, without funds, and with credit nearly exhausted290 by their past efforts, were perplexed291 in the extreme. Yet to stop now, — what was it but to abandon the rich mine which their own industry and perseverance292 had laid open, for others to work at pleasure? In this extremity the fruitful mind of Luque suggested the only expedient293 by which they could hope for success. This was to apply to the Crown itself. No one was so much interested in the result of the expedition. It was for the government, indeed, that discoveries were to be made, that the country was to be conquered. The government alone was competent to provide the requisite294 means, and was likely to take a much broader and more liberal view of the matter than a petty colonial officer.
But who was there qualified to take charge of this delicate mission? Luque was chained by his professional duties to Panama; and his associates, unlettered soldiers, were much better fitted for the business of the camp than of the court. Almagro, blunt, though somewhat swelling295 and ostentatious in his address, with a diminutive296 stature297 and a countenance naturally plain, now much disfigured by the loss of an eye, was not so well qualified for the mission as his companion in arms, who, possessing a good person and altogether a commanding presence, was plausible298, and, with all his defects of education, could, where deeply interested, be even eloquent299 in discourse. The ecclesiastic300, however, suggested that the negotiation301 should be committed to the Licentiate Corral, a respectable functionary, then about to return on some public business to the mother country. But to this Almagro strongly objected. No one, he said, could conduct the affair so well as the party interested in it. He had a high opinion of Pizarro’s prudence302, his discernment of character, and his cool, deliberate policy. 27 He knew enough of his comrade to have confidence that his presence of mind would not desert him, even in the new, and therefore embarrassing, circumstances in which he would be placed at court. No one, he said, could tell the story of their adventures with such effect, as the man who had ben the chief actor in them. No one could so well paint the unparalleled sufferings and sacrifices which they had encountered; no other could tell so forcibly what had been done, what yet remained to do, and what assistance would be necessary to carry it into execution. He concluded, with characteristic frankness, by strongly urging his confederate to undertake the mission.
27 “E por pura importunacion de Almagro cupole a Pizarro, por que siempre Almagro le tubo respeto, e deseo honrarle.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias Ms, Parte 3. lib. 8, cap. 1.]
Pizarro felt the force of Almagro’s reasoning, and, though with undisguised reluctance303, acquiesced in a measure which was less to his taste than an expedition to the wilderness. But Luque came into the arrangement with more difficulty. “God grant, my children,” exclaimed the ecclesiastic, “that one of you may not defraud304 the other of his blessing305!” 28 Pizarro engaged to consult the interests of his associates equally with his own. But Luque, it is clear, did not trust Pizarro.
28 “Plegue a Dios, Hijos, que no os hurteis la bendicion el uno al otro que yo todavia holgaria, que a lo menos fuerades entrambos.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4. lib. 3, cap. 1.]
There was some difficulty in raising the funds necessary for putting the envoy306 in condition to make a suitable appearance at court; so low had the credit of the confederates fallen, and so little confidence was yet placed in the result of their splendid discoveries. Fifteen hundred ducats were at length raised; and Pizarro, in the spring of 1528, bade adieu to Panama, accompanied by Pedro de Candia. 29 He took with him, also, some of the natives, as well as two or three llamas, various nice fabrics of cloth, with many ornaments and vases of gold and silver, as specimens307 of the civilization of the country, and vouchers308 for his wonderful story.
29 “Juntaronle mil y quinientos pesos de oro, que dio de buena voluntad Dn Fernando de Luque.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1528.”]
Of all the writers on ancient Peruvian history, no one has acquired so wide celebrity309, or been so largely referred to by later compilers, as the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega. He was born at Cuzco, in 1540; and was a mestizo, that is, of mixed descent, his father being European, and his mother Indian. His father, Garcilasso de la Vega, was one of that illustrious family whose achievements, both in arms and letters, shed such lustre310 over the proudest period of the Castilian annals. He came to Peru, in the suite311 of Pedro de Alvarado, soon after the country had been gained by Pizarro. Garcilasso attached himself to the fortunes of this chief, and, after his death, to those of his brother Gonzalo, — remaining constant to the latter, through his rebellion, up to the hour of his rout312 at Xaquixaguana, when Garcilasso took the same course with most of his faction171, and passed over to the enemy. But this demonstration313 of loyalty, though it saved his life, was too late to redeem138 his credit with the victorious314 party; and the obloquy which he incurred315 by his share in the rebellion threw a cloud over his subsequent fortunes, and even over those of his son, as it appears, in after years.
The historian’s mother was of the Peruvian blood royal. She was niece of Huayna Capac, and granddaughter of the renowned316 Tupac Inca Yupanqui. Garcilasso, while he betrays obvious satisfaction that the blood of the civilized317 European flows in his veins318, shows himself not a little proud of his descent from the royal dynasty of Peru; and this he intimated by combining with his patronymic the distinguishing title of the Peruvian princes, — subscribing319 himself always Garcilasso Inca de la Vega. His early years were passed in his native land, where he was reared in the Roman Catholic faith, and received the benefit of as good an education as could be obtained amidst the incessant din10 of arms and civil commotion320. In 1560, when twenty years of age, he left America, and from that time took up his residence in Spain. Here he entered the military service, and held a captain’s commission in the war against the Moriscos, and, afterwards, under Don John of Austria. Though he acquitted321 himself honorably in his adventurous career, he does not seem to have been satisfied with the manner in which his services were requited322 by the government. The old reproach of the father’s disloyalty still clung to the son, and Garcilasso assures us that this circumstance defeated all his efforts to recover the large inheritance of landed property belonging to his mother, which had escheated to the Crown. “Such were the prejudices against me,” says he, “that I could not urge my ancient claims or expectations; and I left the army so poor and so much in debt, that I did not care to show myself again at court; but was obliged to withdraw into an obscure solitude323, where I lead a tranquil324 life for the brief space that remains325 to me, no longer deluded326 by the world or its vanities.”
The scene of this obscure retreat was not, however, as the reader might imagine from this tone of philosophic327 resignation, in the depths of some rural wilderness, but in Cordova, once the gay capital of Moslem328 science, and still the busy haunt of men. Here our philosopher occupied himself with literary labors, the more sweet and soothing329 to his wounded spirit, that they tended to illustrate330 the faded glories of his native land, and exhibit them in their primitive331 splendor to the eyes of his adopted countrymen. “And I have no reason to regret,” he says in his Preface to his account of Florida, “that Fortune has not smiled on me, since this circumstance has opened a literary career which, I trust, will secure to me a wider and more enduring fame than could flow from any worldly prosperity.”
In 1609, he gave to the world the First Part of his great work, the Commentarios Reales, devoted to the history of the country under the Incas; and in 1616, a few months before his death, he finished the Second Part, embracing the story of the Conquest, which was published at Cordova the following year. The chronicler, who thus closed his labors with his life, died at the ripe old age of seventy-six. He left a considerable sum for the purchase of masses for his soul, showing that the complaints of his poverty are not to be taken literally. His remains were interred332 in the cathedral church of Cordova, in a chapel333 which bears the name of Garcilasso; and an inscription334 was placed on his monument, intimating the high respect in which the historian was held both for his moral worth and his literary attainments335. The First Part of the Commentarios Reales is occupied, as already noticed, with the ancient history of the country, presenting a complete picture of its civilization under the Incas, — far more complete than has been given by any other writer. Garcilasso’s mother was but ten years old at the time of her cousin Atahuallpa’s accession, or rather usurpation336, as it is called by the party of Cuzco. She had the good fortune to escape the massacre337 which, according to the chronicler, befell most of her kindred, and with her brother continued to reside in their ancient capital after the Conquest. Their conversations naturally turned to the good old times of the Inca rule, which, colored by their fond regrets, may be presumed to have lost nothing as seen through the magnifying medium of the past. The young Garcilasso listened greedily to the stories which recounted the magnificence and prowess of his royal ancestors, and though he made no use of them at the time, they sunk deep into his memory, to be treasured up for a future occasion. When he prepared, after the lapse of many years, in his retirement338 at Cordova, to compose the history of his country, he wrote to his old companions and schoolfellows, of the Inca family, to obtain fuller information than he could get in Spain on various matters of historical interest. He had witnessed in his youth the ancient ceremonies and usages of his countrymen, understood the science of their quipus, and mastered many of their primitive traditions. With the assistance he now obtained from his Peruvian kindred, he acquired a familiarity with the history of the great Inca race, and of their national institutions, to an extent that no person could have possessed, unless educated in the midst of them, speaking the same language, and with the same Indian blood flowing in his veins. Garcilasso, in short, was the representative of the conquered race; and we might expect to find the lights and shadows of the picture disposed under his pencil, so as to produce an effect very different from that which they had hitherto exhibited under the hands of the Conquerors339.
Such, to a certain extent, is the fact; and this circumstance affords a means of comparison which would alone render his works of great value in arriving at just historic conclusions. But Garcilasso wrote late in life, after the story had been often told by Castilian writers. He naturally deferred340 much to men, some of whom enjoyed high credit on the score both of their scholarship and their social position. His object, he professes341, was not so much to add any thing new of his own, as to correct their errors and the misconceptions into which they had been brought by their ignorance of the Indian languages and the usages of his people. He does, in fact, however, go far beyond this; and the stores of information which he has collected have made his work a large repository, whence later laborers342 in the same field have drawn343 copious344 materials. He writes from the fulness of his heart, and illuminates346 every topic that he touches with a variety and richness of illustration, that leave little to be desired by the most importunate347 curiosity. The difference between reading his Commentaries and the accounts of European writers is the difference that exists between reading a work in the original and in a bald translation. Garcilasso’s writings are an emanation from the Indian mind.
Yet his Commentaries are open to a grave objection, — and one naturally suggested by his position. Addressing himself to the cultivated European, he was most desirous to display the ancient glories of his people, and still more of the Inca race, in their most imposing348 form. This, doubtless, was the great spur to his literary labors, for which previous education, however good for the evil time on which he was cast, had far from qualified him. Garcilasso, therefore, wrote to effect a particular object. He stood forth349 as counsel for his unfortunate countrymen, pleading the cause of that degraded race before the tribunal of posterity350. The exaggerated tone of panegyric351 consequent on this becomes apparent in every page of his work. He pictures forth a state of society, such as an Utopian philosopher would hardly venture to depict237. His royal ancestors became the types of every imaginary excellence352, and the golden age is revived for a nation, which, while the war of proselytism is raging on its borders, enjoys within all the blessings353 of tranquillity354 and peace. Even the material splendors355 of the monarchy356, sufficiently great in this land of gold, become heightened, under the glowing imagination of the Inca chronicler, into the gorgeous illusions of a fairy tale.
Yet there is truth at the bottom of his wildest conceptions, and it would be unfair to the Indian historian to suppose that he did not himself believe most of the magic marvels which he describes. There is no credulity like that of a Christian convert, — one newly converted to the faith. From long dwelling in the darkness of paganism, his eyes, when first opened to the light of truth, have not acquired the power of discriminating357 the just proportions of objects, of distinguishing between the real and the imaginary. Garcilasso was not a convert, indeed, for he was bred from infancy358 in the Roman Catholic faith. But he was surrounded by converts and neophytes, — by those of his own blood, who, after practising all their lives the rites345 of paganism, were now first admitted into the Christian fold. He listened to the teachings of the missionary359, learned from him to give implicit360 credit to the marvellous legends of the Saints, and the no less marvellous accounts of his own victories in his spiritual warfare361 for the propagation of the faith. Thus early accustomed to such large drafts on his credulity, his reason lost its heavenly power of distinguishing truth from error, and he became so familiar with the miraculous362, that the miraculous was no longer a miracle.
Yet, while large deductions363 are to be made on this account from the chronicler’s reports, there is always a germ of truth which it is not difficult to detect, and even to disengage from the fanciful covering which envelopes it; and after every allowance for the exaggerations of national vanity, we shall find an abundance of genuine information in respect to the antiquities364 of his country, for which we shall look in vain in any European writer.
Garcilasso’s work is the reflection of the age in which he lived. It is addressed to the imagination, more than to sober reason. We are dazzled by the gorgeous spectacle it perpetually exhibits, and delighted by the variety of amusing details and animated365 gossip sprinkled over its pages. The story of the action is perpetually varied366 by discussions on topics illustrating367 its progress, so as to break up the monotony of the narrative, and afford an agreeable relief to the reader. This is true of the First Part of his great work. In the Second there was no longer room for such discussion. But he has supplied the place by garrulous368 reminiscences, personal anecdotes369, incidental adventures, and a host of trivial details, — trivial in the eyes of the pedant370, — which historians have been too willing to discard, as below the dignity of history. We have the actors in this great drama in their private dress, become acquainted with their personal habits, listen to their familiar sayings, and, in short, gather up those minutiae371 which in the aggregate372 make up so much of life, and not less of character.
It is this confusion of the great and the little, thus artlessly blended together, that constitutes one of the charms of the old romantic chronicle, — not the less true that, in this respect, it approaches nearer to the usual tone of romance. It is in such writings that we may look to find the form and pressure of the age. The worm-eaten state-papers, official correspondence, public records, are all serviceable, indispensable, to history. They are the framework on which it is to repose373; the skeleton of facts which gives it its strength and proportions. But they are as worthless as the dry bones of the skeleton, unless clothed with the beautiful form and garb374 of humanity, and instinct with the spirit of the age. — Our debt is large to the antiquarian, who with conscientious375 precision lays broad and deep the foundations of historic truth; and no less to the philosophic annalist who exhibits man in the dress of public life, — man in masquerade; but our gratitude must surely not be withheld376 from those, who, like Garcilasso de la Vega, and many a romancer of the Middle Ages, have held up the mirror — distorted though it may somewhat be — to the interior of life, reflecting every object, the great and the mean, the beautiful and the deformed377, with their natural prominence378 and their vivacity379 of coloring, to the eye of the spectator. As a work of art, such a production may be thought to be below criticism. But, although it defy the rules of art in its composition, it does not necessarily violate the principles of taste; for it conforms in its spirit to the spirit of the age in which it was written. And the critic, who coldly condemns380 it on the severe principles of art, will find a charm in its very simplicity381, that will make him recur382 again and again to its pages, while more correct and classical compositions are laid aside and forgotten.
I cannot dismiss this notice of Garcilasso, though already long protracted383, without some allusion384 to the English translation of his Commentaries. It appeared in James the Second’s reign267, and is the work of Sir Paul Rycaut, Knight. It was printed at London, in 1688, in folio, with considerable pretension385 in its outward dress, well garnished386 with wood-cuts, and a frontispiece displaying the gaunt and rather sardonic387 features, not of the author, but his translator. The version keeps pace with the march of the original, corresponding precisely388 in books and chapters, and seldom, though sometimes, using the freedom, so common in these ancient versions, of abridgment389 and omission390. Where it does depart from the original, it is rather from ignorance than intention. Indeed, as far as the plea of ignorance will avail him, the worthy knight may urge it stoutly391 in his defence. No one who reads the book will doubt his limited acquaintance with his own tongue, and no one who compares it with the original will deny his ignorance of the Castilian. It contains as many blunders as paragraphs, and most of them such as might shame a schoolboy. Yet such are the rude charms of the original, that this ruder version of it has found considerable favor with readers; and Sir Paul Rycaut’s translation, old as it is, may still be met with in many a private, as well as public library.
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1
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarks
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| 乘船( embark的第三人称单数 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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8
con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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mien
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| n.风采；态度 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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15
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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17
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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18
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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19
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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21
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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25
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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27
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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crabs
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| n.蟹( crab的名词复数 )；阴虱寄生病；蟹肉v.捕蟹( crab的第三人称单数 ) | |
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31
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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34
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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35
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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36
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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37
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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38
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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39
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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40
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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41
mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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42
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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43
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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44
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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46
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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47
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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48
clog
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| vt.塞满，阻塞；n.[常pl.]木屐 | |
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49
laconic
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| adj.简洁的；精练的 | |
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50
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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51
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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52
drenching
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| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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53
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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54
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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55
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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57
carrion
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| n.腐肉 | |
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58
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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59
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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60
abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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61
consecrating
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| v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的现在分词 )；奉献 | |
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62
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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63
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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64
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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65
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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66
faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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67
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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68
extricating
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的现在分词 ) | |
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69
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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70
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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71
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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72
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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73
fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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76
tempo
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| n.(音乐的)速度；节奏，行进速度 | |
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77
canto
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| n.长篇诗的章 | |
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78
seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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80
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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81
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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82
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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83
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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84
drooping
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| adj. 下垂的，无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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85
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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86
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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87
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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88
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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89
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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90
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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91
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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92
speck
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| n.微粒，小污点，小斑点 | |
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93
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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94
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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95
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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97
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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99
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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101
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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102
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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103
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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104
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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107
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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108
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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109
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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110
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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111
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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113
glistening
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| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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114
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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115
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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116
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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117
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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118
smoothly
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| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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119
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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120
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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121
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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122
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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123
rivulets
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| n.小河，小溪( rivulet的名词复数 ) | |
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124
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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125
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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126
cone
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| n.圆锥体，圆锥形东西，球果 | |
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127
volcanic
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| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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128
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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129
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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130
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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131
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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132
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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133
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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134
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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135
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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136
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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137
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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138
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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139
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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140
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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141
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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142
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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143
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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144
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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145
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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146
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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147
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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148
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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149
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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150
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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151
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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152
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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153
queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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154
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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155
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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156
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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157
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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158
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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159
abridges
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| 节略( abridge的第三人称单数 )； 减少； 缩短； 剥夺（某人的）权利（或特权等） | |
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160
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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161
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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162
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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163
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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164
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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165
luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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166
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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167
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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168
controvert
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| v.否定；否认 | |
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169
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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170
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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171
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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172
fermented
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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173
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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174
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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175
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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176
indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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177
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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178
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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179
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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180
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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181
sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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182
prodigiously
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| adv.异常地，惊人地，巨大地 | |
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183
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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184
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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185
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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186
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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187
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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188
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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189
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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190
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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191
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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192
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
jaguar
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| n.美洲虎 | |
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194
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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195
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
gambols
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| v.蹦跳，跳跃，嬉戏( gambol的第三人称单数 ) | |
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197
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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198
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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199
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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200
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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201
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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202
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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203
tapestried
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| adj.饰挂绣帷的，织在绣帷上的v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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205
vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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206
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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207
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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208
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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209
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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210
despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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211
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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212
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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213
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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214
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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215
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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216
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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217
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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218
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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219
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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221
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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222
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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223
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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224
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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225
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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226
prow
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| n.(飞机)机头，船头 | |
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227
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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228
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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229
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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230
landmark
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| n.陆标，划时代的事，地界标 | |
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231
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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232
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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233
cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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234
luscious
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| adj.美味的；芬芳的；肉感的，引与性欲的 | |
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235
complexions
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| 肤色( complexion的名词复数 )； 面色； 局面； 性质 | |
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236
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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237
depict
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| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
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238
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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239
covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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240
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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241
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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242
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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243
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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244
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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245
volatile
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| adj.反复无常的，挥发性的，稍纵即逝的，脾气火爆的；n.挥发性物质 | |
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246
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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247
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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248
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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249
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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250
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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251
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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252
blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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253
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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254
retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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255
fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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256
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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257
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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258
teeming
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|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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259
viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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260
collation
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| n.便餐；整理 | |
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261
maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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262
attired
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|
| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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263
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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264
supple
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|
| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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265
qualified
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|
| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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266
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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267
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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268
contented
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|
| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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269
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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270
subjugation
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|
| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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271
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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272
steered
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|
| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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273
gallant
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|
| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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274
temerity
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|
| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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275
miserably
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|
| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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276
watery
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|
| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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277
eluded
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|
| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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278
obloquy
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|
| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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279
persevered
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|
| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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280
chimera
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| n.神话怪物；梦幻 | |
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281
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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282
mere
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|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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283
mirage
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| n.海市蜃楼，幻景 | |
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284
projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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285
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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286
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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287
patronage
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|
| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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288
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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289
repulse
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|
| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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290
exhausted
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|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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291
perplexed
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|
| adj.不知所措的 | |
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292
perseverance
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|
| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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293
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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294
requisite
|
|
| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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295
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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296
diminutive
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|
| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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297
stature
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|
| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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298
plausible
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|
| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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299
eloquent
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|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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300
ecclesiastic
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|
| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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301
negotiation
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|
| n.谈判，协商 | |
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302
prudence
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|
| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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303
reluctance
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|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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304
defraud
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|
| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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305
blessing
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|
| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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306
envoy
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|
| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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307
specimens
|
|
| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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308
vouchers
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|
| n.凭证( voucher的名词复数 )；证人；证件；收据 | |
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309
celebrity
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|
| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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310
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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311
suite
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|
| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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312
rout
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|
| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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313
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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314
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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315
incurred
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|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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316
renowned
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|
| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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317
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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318
veins
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|
| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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319
subscribing
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|
| v.捐助( subscribe的现在分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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320
commotion
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|
| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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321
acquitted
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|
| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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322
requited
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|
| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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323
solitude
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|
| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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324
tranquil
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|
| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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325
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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326
deluded
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|
| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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327
philosophic
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|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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328
Moslem
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|
| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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329
soothing
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|
| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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330
illustrate
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|
| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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331
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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332
interred
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|
| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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333
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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334
inscription
|
|
| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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335
attainments
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|
| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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336
usurpation
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|
| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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337
massacre
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|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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338
retirement
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|
| n.退休，退职 | |
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339
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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340
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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341
professes
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|
| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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342
laborers
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|
| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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343
drawn
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|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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344
copious
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|
| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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345
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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346
illuminates
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|
| v.使明亮( illuminate的第三人称单数 )；照亮；装饰；说明 | |
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347
importunate
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|
| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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348
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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349
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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350
posterity
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|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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351
panegyric
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|
| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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352
excellence
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|
| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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353
blessings
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|
| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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354
tranquillity
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|
| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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355
splendors
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|
| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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356
monarchy
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|
| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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357
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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358
infancy
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|
| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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359
missionary
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|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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360
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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361
warfare
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|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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362
miraculous
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|
| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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363
deductions
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|
| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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364
antiquities
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|
| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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365
animated
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|
| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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366
varied
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|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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367
illustrating
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|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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368
garrulous
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|
| adj.唠叨的，多话的 | |
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369
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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370
pedant
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| n.迂儒；卖弄学问的人 | |
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371
minutiae
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| n.微小的细节，细枝末节；（常复数）细节，小事( minutia的名词复数 ) | |
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372
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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373
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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374
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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375
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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376
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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377
deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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378
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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379
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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380
condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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381
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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382
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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383
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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384
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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385
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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386
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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387
sardonic
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| adj.嘲笑的，冷笑的，讥讽的 | |
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388
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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389
abridgment
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| n.删节，节本 | |
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390
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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391
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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