Pizarro’s Reception At Court. — His Capitulation With The Crown. — He Visits His Birthplace. — Returns To The New World. — Difficulties With Almagro. — His Third Expedition. — Adventures On The Coast. — Battles In The Isle1 Of Puna.
1528–1531.
Pizarro and his officer, having crossed the Isthmus2, embarked4 at Nombre de Dios for the old country, and, after a good passage, reached Seville early in the summer of 1528. There happened to be at that time in port a person well known in the history of Spanish adventure as the Bachelor Enciso. He had taken an active part in the colonization5 of Tierra Firme, and had a pecuniary6 claim against the early colonists7 of Darien, of whom Pizarro was one. Immediately on the landing of the latter, he was seized by Enciso’s orders, and held in custody8 for the debt. Pizarro, who had fled from his native land as a forlorn and houseless adventurer, after an absence of more than twenty years, passed, most of them, in unprecedented9 toil10 and suffering, now found himself on his return the inmate11 of a prison. Such was the commencement of those brilliant fortunes which, as he had trusted, awaited him at home. The circumstance excited general indignation; and no sooner was the Court advised of his arrival in the country, and the great purpose of his mission, than orders were sent for his release, with permission to proceed at once on his journey.
Pizarro found the emperor at Toledo, which he was soon to quit, in order to embark3 for Italy. Spain was not the favorite residence of Charles the Fifth, in the earlier part of his reign12. He was now at that period of it when he was enjoying the full flush of his triumphs over his gallant13 rival of France, whom he had defeated and taken prisoner at the great battle of Pavia; and the victor was at this moment preparing to pass into Italy to receive the imperial crown from the hands of the Roman Pontiff. Elated by his successes and his elevation14 to the German throne, Charles made little account of his hereditary15 kingdom, as his ambition found so splendid a career thrown open to it on the wide field of European politics. He had hitherto received too inconsiderable returns from his transatlantic possessions to give them the attention they deserved. But, as the recent acquisition of Mexico and the brilliant anticipations18 in respect to the southern continent were pressed upon his notice, he felt their importance as likely to afford him the means of prosecuting20 his ambitious and most expensive enterprises.
Pizarro, therefore, who had now come to satisfy the royal eyes, by visible proofs, of the truth of the golden rumors21 which, from time to time, had reached Castile, was graciously received by the emperor. Charles examined the various objects which his officer exhibited to him with great attention. He was particularly interested by the appearance of the llama, so remarkable22 as the only beast of burden yet known on the new continent; and the fine fabrics24 of woollen cloth, which were made from its shaggy sides, gave it a much higher value, in the eyes of the sagacious monarch25, than what it possessed26 as an animal for domestic labor27. But the specimens28 of gold and silver manufacture, and the wonderful tale which Pizarro had to tell of the abundance of the precious metals, must have satisfied even the cravings of royal cupidity29.
[See Pizarro And Charles V: Pizarro describes to Charles V of Spain the tempting30 riches of Peru]
Pizarro, far from being embarrassed by the novelty of his situation, maintained his usual self-possession, and showed that decorum and even dignity in his address which belong to the Castilian. He spoke31 in a simple and respectful style, but with the earnestness and natural eloquence32 of one who had been an actor in the scenes he described, and who was conscious that the impression he made on his audience was to decide his future destiny. All listened with eagerness to the account of his strange adventures by sea and land, his wanderings in the forests, or in the dismal33 and pestilent swamps on the sea-coast, without food, almost without raiment, with feet torn and bleeding at every step, with his few companions becoming still fewer by disease and death, and yet pressing on with unconquerable spirit to extend the empire of Castile, and the name and power of her sovereign; but when he painted his lonely condition on the desolate34 island, abandoned by the government at home, deserted35 by all but a handful of devoted36 followers37, his royal auditor38, though not easily moved, was affected39 to tears. On his departure from Toledo, Charles commended the affairs of his vassal40 in the most favorable terms to the consideration of the Council of the Indies. 1
1 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Conq. i. Pob. del Piru, Ms.
“Hablaba tan bien en la materia, que se llevo los aplausos y atencion en Toledo donde el Emperador estaba diole audiencia con17 mucho gusto, tratolo amoroso, y oyole tierno, especialmente cuando le hizo relacion de su consistencia y de los trece compaeros en la Isla en medio de tantos trabajos.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ao 1528.]
There was at this time another man at court, who had come there on a similar errand from the New World, but whose splendid achievements had already won for him a name that threw the rising reputation of Pizarro comparatively into the shade. This man was Hernando Cortes, the Conqueror41 of Mexico. He had come home to lay an empire at the feet of his sovereign, and to demand in return the redress42 of his wrongs, and the recompense of his great services. He was at the close of his career, as Pizarro was at the commencement of his; the Conqueror of the North and of the South; the two men appointed by Providence43 to overturn the most potent44 of the Indian dynasties, and to open the golden gates by which the treasures of the New World were to pass into the coffers of Spain.
Notwithstanding the emperor’s recommendation, the business of Pizarro went forward at the tardy45 pace with which affairs are usually conducted in the court of Castile. He found his limited means gradually sinking under the expenses incurred46 by his present situation, and he represented, that, unless some measures were speedily taken in reference to his suit, however favorable they might be in the end, he should be in no condition to profit by them. The queen, accordingly, who had charge of the business, on her husband’s departure, expedited the affair, and on the twenty-sixth of July, 1529, she executed the memorable47 Capitulation, which defined the powers and privileges of Pizarro.
The instrument secured to that chief the right of discovery and conquest in the province of Peru, or New Castile, — as the country was then called in the same manner as Mexico had received the name of New Spain, — for the distance of two hundred leagues south of Santiago. He was to receive the titles and rank of Governor and Captain–General of the province, together with those of Adelantado, and Alguacil Mayor, for life; and he was to have a salary of seven hundred and twenty-five thousand maravedis, with the obligation of maintaining certain officers and military retainers, corresponding with the dignity of his station. He was to have the right to erect48 certain fortresses49, with the absolute government of them; to assign encomiendas of Indians, under the limitations prescribed by law; and, in fine, to exercise nearly all the prerogatives51 incident to the authority of a viceroy.
His associate, Almagro, was declared commander of the fortress50 of Tumbez, with an annual rent of three hundred thousand maravedis, and with the further rank and privileges of an hidalgo. The reverend Father Luque received the reward of his services in the Bishopric of Tumbez, and he was also declared Protector of the Indians of Peru. He was to enjoy the yearly stipend52 of a thousand ducats, — to be derived53, like the other salaries and gratuities54 in this instrument, from the revenues of the conquered territory.
Nor were the subordinate actors in the expedition forgotten. Ruiz received the title of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean, with a liberal provision; Candia was placed at the head of the artillery55; and the remaining eleven companions on the desolate island were created hidalgos and cavalleros, and raised to certain municipal dignities, — in prospect56.
Several provisions of a liberal tenor57 were also made, to encourage emigration to the country. The new settlers were to be exempted58 from some of the most onerous59, but customary taxes, as the alcabala, or to be subject to them only in a mitigated60 form. The tax on the precious metals drawn62 from mines was to be reduced, at first, to one tenth, instead of the fifth imposed on the same metals when obtained by barter63 or by rapine.
It was expressly enjoined64 on Pizarro to observe the existing regulations for the good government and protection of the natives; and he was required to carry out with him a specified65 number of ecclesiastics66, with whom he was to take counsel in the conquest of the country, and whose efforts were to be dedicated67 to the service and conversion68 of the Indians; while lawyers and attorneys, on the other hand, whose presence was considered as boding69 ill to the harmony of the new settlements, were strictly70 prohibited from setting foot in them.
Pizarro, on his part, was bound, in six months from the date of the instrument, to raise a force, well equipped for the service, of two hundred and fifty men, of whom one hundred might be drawn from the colonies; and the government engaged to furnish some trifling71 assistance in the purchase of artillery and military stores. Finally, he was to be prepared, in six months after his return to Panama, to leave that port and embark on his expedition. 2
2 This remarkable document, formerly72 in the archives of Simancas, and now transferred to the Archivo General de las Indias in Seville, was transcribed73 for the rich collection of the late Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, to whose kindness I am indebted for a copy of it. — It will be found printed entire, in the original, in Appendix, No. 7.]
Such are some of the principal provisions of this Capitulation, by which the Castilian government, with the sagacious policy which it usually pursued on the like occasions, stimulated74 the ambitious hopes of the adventurer by high-sounding titles, and liberal promises of reward contingent75 on his success, but took care to stake nothing itself on the issue of the enterprise. It was careful to reap the fruits of his toil, but not to pay the cost of them.
A circumstance, that could not fail to be remarked in these provisions, was the manner in which the high and lucrative76 posts were accumulated on Pizarro, to the exclusion77 of Almagro, who, if he had not taken as conspicuous78 a part in personal toil and exposure, had, at least, divided with him the original burden of the enterprise, and, by his labors79 in another direction, had contributed quite as essentially80 to its success. Almagro had willingly conceded the post of honor to his confederate; but it had been stipulated81, on Pizarro’s departure for Spain, that, while he solicited83 the office of Governor and Captain–General for himself, he should secure that of Adelantado for his companion. In like manner, he had engaged to apply for the see of Tumbez for the vicar of Panama, and the office of Alguacil Mayor for the pilot Ruiz. The bishopric took the direction that was concerted, for the soldier could scarcely claim the mitre of the prelate; but the other offices, instead of their appropriate distribution, were all concentred in himself. Yet it was in reference to his application for his friends, that Pizarro had promised on his departure to deal fairly and honorably by them all. 3
3 “Al fin23 se capitulo, que Francisco Picarro negociase la Governacion para si: i para Diego de Almagro, el Adelantamiento: i para Hernando de Luque, el Obispado: i para Bartolome Ruiz, el Alguacilazgo Maior: i Mercedes para los que quedaban vivos, de los trece Comapaeros, afirmando siempre Francisco Picarro, que todo lo queria para ellos, i prometiendo, que negociaria lealmente, i sin ninguna cautela.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 3, cap. 1.]
It is stated by the military chronicler, Pedro Pizarro, that his kinsman84 did, in fact, urge the suit strongly in behalf of Almagro; but that he was refused by the government, on the ground that offices of such paramount85 importance could not be committed to different individuals. The ill effects of such an arrangement had been long since felt in more than one of the Indian colonies, where it had led to rivalry87 and fatal collision. 4 Pizarro, therefore, finding his remonstrances88 unheeded, had no alternative but to combine the offices in his own person, or to see the expedition fall to the ground. This explanation of the affair has not received the sanction of other contemporary historians. The apprehensions89 expressed by Luque, at the time of Pizarro’s assuming the mission, of some such result as actually occurred, founded, doubtless, on a knowledge of his associate’s character, may warrant us in distrusting the alleged90 vindication91 of his conduct, and our distrust will not be diminished by familiarity with his subsequent career. Pizarro’s virtue92 was not of a kind to withstand temptation, — though of a much weaker sort than that now thrown in his path.
4 “Y don Francisco Picarro pidio conforme a lo que llevava capitulado y hordenado con sus compaeros ya dicho, y en el consejo se le rrespondio que no avia lugar de dar governacion a dos compaeros, a caussa de que en santa marta se avia dado ansi a dos compaeros y el uno avia muerto al otro . . . . . . Pues pedido, como digo, muchas vezes por don Francisco Picarro se les hiziese la merced a ambos compaeros, se le rrespondio la pidiesse parassi sino que se daria a otro, y visto que no avia lugar lo que pedia y queria pedio se le hiziese la merced a el, y ansi se le hizo.” Descub. y Conq. Ms.]
The fortunate cavalier was also honored with the habit of St. Jago; 5 and he was authorized93 to make an important innovation in his family escutcheon, — for by the father’s side he might claim his armorial bearings. The black eagle and the two pillars emblazoned on the royal arms were incorporated with those of the Pizarros; and an Indian city, with a vessel94 in the distance on the waters, and the llama of Peru, revealed the theatre and the character of his exploits; while the legend announced, that “under the auspices95 of Charles, and by the industry, the genius, and the resources of Pizarro, the country had been discovered and reduced to tranquillity,” — thus modestly intimating both the past and prospective96 services of the Conqueror. 6
5 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 182. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 1. — Caro de Torres, Historia de las Ordenes Militares, (ed. Madrid, 1629,) p. 113.]
6 “Caroli Caesaris auspicio, et labore, ingenio, ac impensa Ducis Picarro inventa, et pacata.’ Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4 lib. 6, cap. 5.]
These arrangements having been thus completed to Pizarro’s satisfaction, he left Toledo for Truxillo, his native place, in Estremadura, where he thought he should be most likely to meet with adherents97 for his new enterprise, and where it doubtless gratified his vanity to display himself in the palmy, or at least promising98, state of his present circumstances. If vanity be ever pardonable, it is certainly in a man who, born in an obscure station in life, without family, interest, or friends to back him, has carved out his own fortunes in the world, and, by his own resources, triumphed over all the obstacles which nature and accident had thrown in his way. Such was the condition of Pizarro, as he now revisited the place of his nativity, where he had hitherto been known only as a poor outcast, without a home to shelter, a father to own him, or a friend to lean upon. But he now found both friends and followers, and some who were eager to claim kindred with him, and take part in his future fortunes. Among these were four brothers. Three of them, like himself, were illegitimate; one of whom, named Francisco Martin de Alcantara, was related to him by the mother’s side; the other two, named Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro, were descended100 from the father. “They were all poor, and proud as they were poor,” says Oviedo, who had seen them; “and their eagerness for gain was in proportion to their poverty.” 7
7 “Trujo tres o cuatro hermanos suyos tan soberbios como pobres, e tan sin hacienda como deseosos de alcanzarla.” Hist. de las Indias Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap 1.]
The remaining and eldest101 brother, named Hernando, was a legitimate99 son, — “legitimate,” continues the same caustic102 authority, “by his pride, as well as by his birth.” His features were plain, even disagreeably so; but his figure was good. He was large of stature103, and, like his brother Francis, had on the whole an imposing104 presence. 8 In his character, he combined some of the worst defects incident to the Castilian. He was jealous in the extreme; impatient not merely of affront105, but of the least slight, and implacable in his resentment106. He was decisive in his measures, and unscrupulous in their execution. No touch of pity had power to arrest his arm. His arrogance107 was such, that he was constantly wounding the self-love of those with whom he acted; thus begetting108 an ill-will which unnecessarily multiplied obstacles in his path. In this he differed from his brother Francis, whose plausible109 manners smoothed away difficulties, and conciliated confidence and cooperation in his enterprises. Unfortunately, the evil counsels of Hernando exercised an influence over his brother which more than compensated111 the advantages derived from his singular capacity for business.
8 Oviedo’s portrait of him is by no means flattering. He writes like one too familiar with the original. “E de todos ellos el Hernando Pizarro solo era legitimo, e mas legitimado en la soberbia, hombre de alta estatura e grueso, la lengua e labios gordos, e la punta de la nariz con sobrada carne e encendida, y este fue el desavenidor y estorbador del sosiego de todos y en especial de los dos viejos companeros Francisco Pizarro e Diego de Almagro.” Hist de las Indias, Ms., ubi supra.]
Notwithstanding the general interest which Pizarro’s adventures excited in his country, that chief did not find it easy to comply with the provisions of the Capitulation in respect to the amount of his levies114. Those who were most astonished by his narrative115 were not always most inclined to take part in his fortunes. They shrunk from the unparalleled hardships which lay in the path of the adventurer in that direction; and they listened with visible distrust to the gorgeous pictures of the golden temples and gardens of Tumbez, which they looked upon as indebted in some degree, at least, to the coloring of his fancy, with the obvious purpose of attracting followers to his banner. It is even said that Pizarro would have found it difficult to raise the necessary funds, but for the seasonable aid of Cortes, a native of Estremadura like himself, his companion in arms in early days, and, according to report, his kinsman. 9 No one was in a better condition to hold out a helping116 hand to a brother adventurer, and, probably, no one felt greater sympathy in Pizarro’s fortunes, or greater confidence in his eventual117 success, than the man who had so lately trod the same career with renown118.
9 Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. 143.
The six months allowed by the Capitulation had elapsed, and Pizarro had assembled somewhat less than his stipulated complement119 of men, with which he was preparing to embark in a little squadron of three vessels120 at Seville; but, before they were wholly ready, he received intelligence that the officers of the Council of the Indies proposed to inquire into the condition of the vessels, and ascertain121 how far the requisitions had been complied with.
Without loss of time, therefore, Pizarro, afraid, if the facts were known, that his enterprise might be nipped in the bud, slipped his cables, and crossing the bar of San Lucar, in January, 1530, stood for the isle of Gomera, — one of the Canaries, — where he ordered his brother Hernando, who had charge of the remaining vessels, to meet him.
Scarcely had he gone, before the officers arrived to institute the search. But when they objected the deficiency of men, they were easily — perhaps willingly — deceived by the pretext122 that the remainder had gone forward in the vessel with Pizarro. At all events, no further obstacles were thrown in Hernando’s way, and he was permitted, with the rest of the squadron, to join his brother, according to agreement, at Gomera.
After a prosperous voyage, the adventurers reached the northern coast of the great southern continent, and anchored off the port of Santa Marta. Here they received such discouraging reports of the countries to which they were bound, of forests teeming123 with insects and venomous serpents, of huge alligators124 that swarmed125 on the banks of the streams, and of hardships and perils126 such as their own fears had never painted, that several of Pizarro’s men deserted; and their leader, thinking it no longer safe to abide127 in such treacherous128 quarters, set sail at once for Nombre de Dios.
Soon after his arrival there, he was met by his two associates, Luque and Almagro, who had crossed the mountains for the purpose of hearing from his own lips the precise import of the capitulation with the Crown. Great, as might have been expected, was Almagro’s discontent at learning the result of what he regarded as the perfidious129 machinations of his associate. “Is it thus,” he exclaimed, “that you have dealt with the friend who shared equally with you in the trials, the dangers, and the cost of the enterprise; and this, notwithstanding your solemn engagements on your departure to provide for his interests as faithfully as your own? How could you allow me to be thus dishonored in the eyes of the world by so paltry130 a compensation, which seems to estimate my services as nothing in comparison with your own?” 10
10 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 7, cap. 9. — Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Pizarro, in reply, assured his companion that he had faithfully urged his suit, but that the government refused to confide110 powers which intrenched so closely on one another to different hands. He had no alternative, but to accept all himself or to decline all; and he endeavoured to mitigate61 Almagro’s displeasure by representing that the country was large enough for the ambition of both, and that the powers conferred on himself were, in fact, conferred on Almagro, since all that he had would ever be at his friend’s disposal, as if it were his own. But these honeyed words did not satisfy the injured party; and the two captains soon after returned to Panama with feelings of estrangement131, if not hostility132, towards one another, which did not augur133 well for their enterprise.
Still, Almagro was of a generous temper, and might have been appeased134 by the politic16 concessions135 of his rival, but for the interference of Hernando Pizarro, who, from the first hour of their meeting, showed little respect for the veteran, which, indeed, the diminutive136 person of the latter was not calculated to inspire, and who now regarded him with particular aversion as an impediment to the career of his brother.
Almagro’s friends — and his frank and liberal manners had secured him many — were no less disgusted than himself with the overbearing conduct of this new ally. They loudly complained that it was quite enough to suffer from the perfidy138 of Pizarro, without being exposed to the insults of his family, who had now come over with him to fatten139 on the spoils of conquest which belonged to their leader. The rupture140 soon proceeded to such a length, that Almagro avowed141 his intention to prosecute142 the expedition without further cooperation with his partner, and actually entered into negotiations143 for the purchase of vessels for that object. But Luque, and the Licentiate Espinosa, who had fortunately come over at that time from St. Domingo, now interposed to repair a breach144 which must end in the ruin of the enterprise, and the probable destruction of those most interested in its success. By their mediation145, a show of reconciliation146 was at length effected between the parties, on Pizarro’s assurance that he would relinquish147 the dignity of Adelantado in favor of his rival, and petition the emperor to confirm him in the possession of it; — an assurance, it may be remarked, not easy to reconcile with his former assertion in respect to the avowed policy of the Crown in bestowing148 this office. He was, moreover, to apply for a distinct government for his associate, so soon as he had become master of the country assigned to himself; and was to solicit82 no office for either of his own brothers, until Almagro had been first provided for. Lastly, the former contract in regard to the division of the spoil into three equal shares between the three original associates was confirmed in the most explicit149 manner. The reconciliation thus effected among the parties answered the temporary purpose of enabling them to go forward in concert in the expedition. But it was only a thin scar that had healed over the wound, which, deep and rankling150 within, waited only fresh cause of irritation151 to break out with a virulence152 more fatal than ever. 11
11 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1529. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 3. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 1.
There seems to have been little good-will, at bottom, between any of the confederates; for Father Luque wrote to Oviedo that both of his partners had repaid his services with ingratitude153. — “Padre Luque, companero de estos Capitanes, con cuya hacienda hicieron ellos sus hechos, puesto que el uno e el otro se lo pagaron con ingratitud segun a mi me lo escribio el mismo electo de su mano.” Ibid., loc. cit.]
No time was now lost in preparing for the voyage. It found little encouragement, however, among the colonists of Panama, who were too familiar with the sufferings on the former expeditions to care to undertake another, even with the rich bribe154 that was held out to allure155 them. A few of the old company were content to follow out the adventure to its close; and some additional stragglers were collected from the province of Nicaragua, — a shoot, it may be remarked, from the colony of Panama. But Pizarro made slender additions to the force brought over with him from Spain, though this body was in better condition, and, in respect to arms, ammunition156, and equipment generally, was on a much better footing than his former levies. The whole number did not exceed one hundred and eighty men, with twenty-seven horses for the cavalry157. He had provided himself with three vessels, two of them of a good size, to take the place of those which he had been compelled to leave on the opposite side of the Isthmus at Nombre de Dios; an armament small for the conquest of an empire, and far short of that prescribed by the capitulation with the Crown. With this the intrepid158 chief proposed to commence operations, trusting to his own successes, and the exertions159 of Almagro, who was to remain behind, for the present, to muster160 reinforcements. 12
12 The numerical estimates differ, as usual. I conform to the statement of Pizarro’s secretary, Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 182.]
On St. John the Evangelist’s day, the banners of the company and the royal standard were consecrated161 in the cathedral church of Panama; a sermon was preached before the little army by Fray162 Juan de Vargas, one of the Dominicans selected by the government for the Peruvian mission; and mass was performed, and the sacrament administered to every soldier previous to his engaging in the crusade against the infidel. 13 Having thus solemnly invoked163 the blessing164 of Heaven on the enterprise, Pizarro and his followers went on board their vessels, which rode at anchor in the Bay of Panama, and early in January, 1531, sallied forth165 on his third and last expedition for the conquest of Peru.
13 “El qual haviendo hecho bendecir en la Iglesia mayor las banderas i estandarte real dia de San Juan Evangelista de dicho ano de 1530, i que todos los soldados confesasen i comulgasen en el convento de Nuestra Senora de la Merced, dia de los Inocentes en la misa cantada que se celebro con toda solemnidad i sermon que predico el P. Presentdo Fr. Juan de Vargas, uno de los 5 religiosos que en cumplimiento de la obediencia de sus prelados i orden del Emperador pasaban a la conquista.” Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
It was his intention to steer166 direct for Tumbez, which held out so magnificent a show of treasure on his former voyage. But head winds and currents, as usual, baffled his purpose, and after a run of thirteen days, much shorter than the period formerly required for the same distance, his little squadron came to anchor in the Bay of St. Matthew, about one degree north; and Pizarro, after consulting with his officers, resolved to disembark his forces and advance along the coast, while the vessels held their course at a convenient distance from the shore.
The march of the troops was severe and painful in the extreme; for the road was constantly intersected by streams, which, swollen167 by the winter rains, widened at their mouths into spacious168 estuaries169. Pizarro, who had some previous knowledge of the country, acted as guide as well as commander of the expedition. He was ever ready to give aid where it was needed, encouraging his followers to ford19 or swim the torrents170 as they best could, and cheering the desponding by his own buoyant and courageous171 spirit.
At length they reached a thick-settled hamlet, or rather town, in the province of Coaque. The Spaniards rushed on the place, and the inhabitants, without offering resistance, fled in terror to the neighbouring forests, leaving their effects — of much greater value than had been anticipated — in the hands of the invaders172. “We fell on them, sword in hand,” says one of the Conquerors173, with some naivete; “for, if we had advised the Indians of our approach, we should never have found there such store of gold and precious stones.” 14 The natives, however, according to another authority, stayed voluntarily; “for, as they had done no harm to the white men, they flattered themselves none would be offered to them, but that there would be only an interchange of good offices with the strangers,” 15 — an expectation founded, it may be, on the good character which the Spaniards had established for themselves on their preceding visit, but in which the simple people now found themselves most unpleasantly deceived.
14 “Pues llegados a este pueblo174 de Coaque dieron de supito sin savello la gente del porque si estuvieran avisados. No se tomara la cantidad de oro y esmeraldas que en el se tomaron.” Pedro Pizarre, Descub. y Conq., Ms]
15 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 7, cap. 9.
Rushing into the deserted dwellings175, the invaders found there, besides stuffs of various kinds, and food most welcome in their famished176 condition, a large quantity of gold and silver wrought177 into clumsy ornaments178, together with many precious stones; for this was the region of the esmeraldas, or emeralds, where that valuable gem86 was most abundant. One of these jewels that fell into the hands of Pizarro, in this neighbourhood, was as large as a pigeon’s egg. Unluckily, his rude followers did not know the value of their prize; and they broke many of them in pieces by pounding them with hammers. 16 They were led to this extraordinary proceeding179, it is said, by one of the Dominican missionaries180, Fray Reginaldo de Pedraza, who assured them that this was the way to prove the true emerald, which could not be broken. It was observed that the good father did not subject his own jewels to this wise experiment; but, as the stones, in consequence of it, fell in value, being regarded merely as colored glass, he carried back a consider able store of them to Panama. 17
16 Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 4.
“A lo que se ha entendido en las esmeraldas ovo gran hierro y torpedad en algunas Personas por no conoscellas. Aunque quieren decir que algunos que las conoscieron las guardaron. Pero ffinalmente muchos vbieron esmeraldas de mucho valor181; vnos las provavan en yunques, dandolas con martillos, diziendo que si hera esmeralda no se quebraria; otros las despreciaban, diziendo que era vidrio.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
17 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 7, cap. 9.]
The gold and silver ornaments rifled from the dwellings were brought together and deposited in a common heap; when a fifth was deducted182 for the Crown, and Pizarro distributed the remainder in due proportions among the officers and privates of his company. This was the usage invariably observed on the like occasions throughout the Conquest. The invaders had embarked in a common adventure. Their interest was common, and to have allowed every one to plunder183 on his own account would only have led to insubordination and perpetual broils184. All were required, therefore, on pain of death, to contribute whatever they obtained, whether by bargain or by rapine, to the general stock; and all were too much interested in the execution of the penalty to allow the unhappy culprit, who violated the law, any chance of escape. 18
18 “Los Espanoles las rrecoxeron y juntaron el oro y la plata, porque asi estava mandado y hordenado sopena de la vida el que otra cossa hiziese, porque todos lo avian de traet a monton para que de alli el governador lo rrepartiese, dando a cada uno confforme a su persona y meritos de servicios; y esta horden se guardo en toda esta tierra en la conquista della, y al que se le hallara oro o plata escondido muriera por ello, y deste medio nadie oso escondello.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub y Conq., Ms.
Pizarro, with his usual policy, sent back to Panama a large quantity of the gold, no less than twenty thousand castellanos in value, in the belief that the sight of so much treasure, thus speedily acquired, would settle the doubts of the wavering, and decide them on joining his banner. 19 He judged right. As one of the Conquerors piously185 expresses it, “It pleased the Lord that we should fall in with the town of Coaque, that the riches of the land might find credit with the people, and that they should flock to it.” 20
19 The booty was great, indeed, if, as Pedro Pizarro, one of the Conquerors present, says, it amounted in value to 200,000 gold castellanos. “Aqui se hallo mucha chaquira de oro y de plata, muchas coronas186 hechas de oro a manera de imperiales, y otras muchas piezas en que se avaleo montar mas de dozientos mill castellanos.” (Descub. y Conq., Ms.) Naharro, Montesinos, and Herrera content themselves with stating that he sent back 20,000 castellanos in the vessels to Panama.]
20 “Fueron a dar en vn pueblo que se dezia Coaque que fue nuestro Senor servido tapasen con el, porque con lo que en el se hallo se acredito la tierra y vino gente a ella.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub y Conq., Ms.]
Pizarro, having refreshed his men, continued his march along the coast, but no longer accompanied by the vessels, which had returned for recruits to Panama. The road, as he advanced, was checkered187 with strips of sandy waste, which, drifted about by the winds, blinded the soldiers, and afforded only treacherous footing for man and beast. The glare was intense; and the rays of a vertical188 sun beat fiercely on the iron mail and the thick quilted doublets of cotton, till the fainting troops were almost suffocated189 with the heat. To add to their distresses190, a strange epidemic191 broke out in the little army. It took the form of ulcers192, or rather hideous193 warts194 of great size, which covered the body, and when lanced, as was the case with some, discharged such a quantity of blood as proved fatal to the sufferer. Several died of this frightful195 disorder196, which was so sudden in its attack, and attended with such prostration197 of strength, that those who lay down well at night were unable to lift their hands to their heads in the morning. 21 The epidemic, which made its first appearance during this invasion, and which did not long survive it, spread over the country, sparing neither native nor white man. 22 It was one of those plagues from the vial of wrath198, which the destroying angel, who follows in the path of the conqueror, pours out on the devoted nations.
21 Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1530.]
22 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 15.
The Spaniards rarely experienced on their march either resistance or annoyance199 from the inhabitants, who, instructed by the example of Coaque, fled with their effects into the woods and neighbouring mountains. No one came out to welcome the strangers and offer the rites113 of hospitality, as on their last visit to the land. For the white men were no longer regarded as good beings that had come from heaven, but as ruthless destroyers, who, invulnerable to the assaults of the Indians, were borne along on the backs of fierce animals, swifter than the wind, with weapons in their hands, that scattered200 fire and desolation as they went. Such were the stories now circulated of the invaders, which, preceding them everywhere on their march, closed the hearts, if not the doors, of the natives against them. Exhausted201 by the fatigue202 of travel and by disease, and grievously disappointed at the poverty of the land, which now offered no compensation for their toils203, the soldiers of Pizarro cursed the hour in which they had enlisted204 under his standard, and the men of Nicaragua, in particular, says the old chronicler, calling to mind their pleasant quarters in their luxurious205 land, sighed only to return to their Mahometan paradise. 23
23 Aunque ellos no ninguno por aver137 venido, porque como avian dexado el paraiso de mahoma que hera Nicaragua y hallaron la isla alzada y falta de comidas y la mayor parte de la gente enfferma y no oro ni plata como atras avian hallado, algunos y todos se holgaran de volver de adonde avian venido.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
At this juncture206 the army was gladdened by the sight of a vessel from Panama, which brought some supplies, together with the royal treasurer207, the veedor or inspector208, the comptroller, and other high officers appointed by the Crown to attend the expedition. They had been left in Spain by Pizarro, in consequence of his abrupt209 departure from the country; and the Council of the Indies, on learning the circumstance, had sent instructions to Panama to prevent the sailing of his squadron from that port. But the Spanish government, with more wisdom, countermanded210 the order, only requiring the functionaries211 to quicken their own departure, and take their place without loss of time in the expedition.
The Spaniards in their march along the coast had now advanced as far as Puerto Viejo. Here they were soon after joined by another small reinforcement of about thirty men, under an officer named Belalcazar, who subsequently rose to high distinction in this service. Many of the followers of Pizarro would now have halted at this spot and established a colony there. But that chief thought more of conquering than of colonizing212, at least for the present; and he proposed, as his first step, to get possession of Tumbez, which he regarded as the gate of the Peruvian empire. Continuing his march, therefore, to the shores of what is now called the Gulf213 of Guayaquil, he arrived off the little island of Puna, lying at no great distance from the Bay of Tumbez. This island, he thought, would afford him a convenient place to encamp until he was prepared to make his descent on the Indian city.
The dispositions214 of the islanders seemed to favor his purpose. He had not been long in their neighbourhood, before a deputation of the natives, with their cacique at their head, crossed over in their balsas to the main land to welcome the Spaniards to their residence. But the Indian interpreters of Tumbez, who had returned with Pizarro from Spain, and continued with the camp, put their master on his guard against the meditated215 treachery of the islanders, whom they accused of designing to destroy the Spaniards by cutting the ropes that held together the floats, and leaving those upon them to perish in the waters. Yet the cacique, when charged by Pizarro with this perfidious scheme, denied it with such an air of conscious innocence216, that the Spanish commander trusted himself and his followers, without further hesitation217, to his conveyance218, and was transported in safety to the shores of Puna.
Here he was received in a hospitable219 manner, and his troops were provided with comfortable quarters. Well satisfied with his present position, Pizarro resolved to occupy it until the violence of the rainy season was passed, when the arrival of the reinforcements he expected would put him in better condition for marching into the country of the Inca.
The island, which lies in the mouth of the river of Guayaquil, and is about eight leagues in length by four in breadth, at the widest part, was at that time partially220 covered with a noble growth of timber. But a large portion of it was subjected to cultivation221, and bloomed with plantations222 of cacao, of the sweet potato, and the different products of a tropical clime, evincing agricultural knowledge as well as industry in the population. They were a warlike race; but had received from their Peruvian foes223 the appellation224 of “perfidious.” It was the brand fastened by the Roman historians on their Carthaginian enemies, — with perhaps no better reason. The bold and independent islanders opposed a stubborn resistance to the arms of the Incas; and, though they had finally yielded, they had been ever since at feud225, and often in deadly hostility, with their neighbours of Tumbez.
The latter no sooner heard of Pizarro’s arrival on the island, than, trusting, probably, to their former friendly relations with him, they came over in some number to the Spanish quarters. The presence of their detested226 rivals was by no means grateful to the jealous inhabitants of Puna, and the prolonged residence of the white men on their island could not be otherwise than burdensome. In their outward demeanour they still maintained the same show of amity227; but Pizarro’s interpreters again put him on his guard against the proverbial perfidy of their hosts. With his suspicions thus roused, the Spanish commander was informed that a number of the chiefs had met together to deliberate on a plan of insurrection. Not caring to wait for the springing of the mine, he surrounded the place of meeting with his soldiers and made prisoners of the suspected chieftains. According to one authority, they confessed their guilt228. 24 This is by no means certain. Nor is it certain that they meditated an insurrection. Yet the fact is not improbable in itself; though it derives229 little additional probability from the assertion of the hostile interpreters. It is certain, however, that Pizarro was satisfied of the existence of a conspiracy230; and, without further hesitation, he abandoned his wretched prisoners, ten or twelve in number, to the tender mercies of their rivals of Tumbez, who instantly massacred them before his eyes. 25
24 Xeres, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 183.]
25 “Y el marques don Francisco Picarro, por tenellos por amigos y estuviesen de paz quando alla passasen, les dio algunos principales los quales ellos matavan en presencia de los espanoles, cortandoles las cavezas por el cogote.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Maddened by this outrage231, the people of Puna sprang to arms, and threw themselves at once, with fearful yells and the wildest menaces of despair, on the Spanish camp. The odds232 of numbers were greatly in their favor, for they mustered233 several thousand warriors234. But the more decisive odds of arms and discipline were on the side of their antagonists235; and, as the Indians rushed forward in a confused mass to the assault, the Castilians coolly received them on their long pikes, or swept them down by the volleys of their musketry. Their ill-protected bodies were easily cut to pieces by the sharp sword of the Spaniard; and Hernando Pizarro, putting himself at the head of the cavalry, charged boldly into the midst, and scattered them far and wide over the field, until, panic-struck by the terrible array of steel-clad horsemen, and the stunning236 reports and the flash of fire-arms, the fugitives237 sought shelter in the depths of their forests. Yet the victory was owing, in some degree, at least, — if we may credit the Conquerors, — to the interposition of Heaven; for St. Michael and his legions were seen high in the air above the combatants, contending with the arch-enemy of man, and cheering on the Christians238 by their example! 26
26 The city of San Miguel was so named by Pizarro to commemorate239 the event, — and the existence of such a city may be considered by some as establishing the truth of the miracle. — “En la batalla de Puna vieron muchos, ya de los Indios, ya de los nuestros, que habia en el aire otros dos campos, uno acaudillado por el Arcangel Sn Miguel con espada y rodela, y otro por Luzbel y sus secuaces; mas apenas cantaron los Castellanos la victoria huyeron los diablos, y formando un gran torvellino de viento se oyeron en el aire unas terribles voces que decian, Vencistenos! Miguel vencistenos! De aqui torno Dn Francisco Pizarro tanta devocion al sto Arcangel, que prometio llamar la primera ciudad que fundase de su nombre; cumpliolo asi como veremos adelante.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1530.]
Not more than three or four Spaniards fell in the fight; but many were wounded, and among them Hernando Pizarro, who received a severe injury in the leg from a javelin240. Nor did the war end here; for the implacable islanders, taking advantage of the cover of night, or of any remissness241 on the part of the invaders, were ever ready to steal out of their fastnesses and spring on their enemy’s camp, while, by cutting off his straggling parties, and destroying his provisions, they kept him in perpetual alarm. In this uncomfortable situation, the Spanish commander was gladdened by the appearance of two vessels off the island. They brought a reinforcement consisting of a hundred volunteers besides horses for the cavalry. It was commanded by Hernando de Soto, a captain afterwards famous as the discoverer of the Mississippi, which still rolls its majestic242 current over the place of his burial, — a fitting monument for his remains243, as it is of his renown. 27 [See Fernando de Soto: A Captain famous as the discoverer of Mississippi.]
27 The transactions in Puna are given at more or less length by Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Peru, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ubi supra. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. pp. 182, 183.]
This reinforcement was most welcome to Pizarro, who had been long discontented with his position on an island, where he found nothing to compensate112 the life of unintermitting hostility which he was compelled to lead. With these recruits, he felt himself in sufficient strength to cross over to the continent, and resume military operations on the proper theatre for discovery and conquest. From the Indians of Tumbez he learned that the country had been for some time distracted by a civil war between two sons of the late monarch, competitors for the throne. This intelligence he regarded as of the utmost importance, for he remembered the use which Cortes had made of similar dissensions among the tribes of Anahuac. Indeed, Pizarro seems to have had the example of his great predecessor244 before his eyes on more occasions than this. But he fell far short of his model; for, notwithstanding the restraint he sometimes put upon himself, his coarser nature and more ferocious245 temper often betrayed him into acts most repugnant to sound policy, which would never have been countenanced246 by the Conqueror of Mexico.
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isle
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isthmus
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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inmate
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reign
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gallant
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elevation
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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politic
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con
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anticipations
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Ford
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prosecuting
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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remarkable
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fin
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fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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monarch
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possessed
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labor
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specimens
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cupidity
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tempting
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spoke
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eloquence
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dismal
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desolate
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deserted
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devoted
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followers
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auditor
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affected
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vassal
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conqueror
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redress
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providence
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potent
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tardy
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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memorable
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erect
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fortresses
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fortress
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prerogatives
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stipend
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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gratuities
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artillery
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prospect
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tenor
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exempted
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onerous
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mitigated
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mitigate
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drawn
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barter
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enjoined
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specified
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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67
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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68
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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69
boding
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| adj.凶兆的，先兆的n.凶兆，前兆，预感v.预示，预告，预言( bode的现在分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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70
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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71
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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72
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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73
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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74
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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75
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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76
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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77
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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78
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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79
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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80
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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81
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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82
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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83
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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84
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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85
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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86
gem
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| n.宝石，珠宝；受爱戴的人 [同]jewel | |
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87
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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88
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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89
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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90
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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91
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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92
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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93
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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94
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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95
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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96
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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97
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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98
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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99
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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100
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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101
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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102
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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103
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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104
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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105
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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106
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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107
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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108
begetting
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| v.为…之生父( beget的现在分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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109
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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110
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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111
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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112
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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113
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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114
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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115
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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116
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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117
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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118
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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119
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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120
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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121
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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122
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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123
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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124
alligators
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| n.短吻鳄( alligator的名词复数 ) | |
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125
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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126
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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127
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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128
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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129
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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130
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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131
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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132
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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133
augur
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| n.占卦师；v.占卦 | |
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134
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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135
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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136
diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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137
aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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138
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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139
fatten
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| v.使肥，变肥 | |
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140
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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141
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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142
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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143
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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144
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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145
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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146
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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147
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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148
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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149
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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150
rankling
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的现在分词 ) | |
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151
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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152
virulence
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| n.毒力，毒性；病毒性；致病力 | |
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153
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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154
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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155
allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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156
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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157
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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158
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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159
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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160
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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161
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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162
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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163
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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164
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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165
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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166
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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167
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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168
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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169
estuaries
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| （江河入海的）河口，河口湾( estuary的名词复数 ) | |
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170
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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171
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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172
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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173
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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174
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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175
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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176
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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177
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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178
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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179
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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180
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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181
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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182
deducted
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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184
broils
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| v.（用火）烤（焙、炙等）( broil的第三人称单数 )；使卷入争吵；使混乱；被烤（或炙） | |
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185
piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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186
coronas
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| n.日冕，日华( corona的名词复数 ) | |
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187
checkered
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| adj.有方格图案的 | |
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188
vertical
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| adj.垂直的，顶点的，纵向的；n.垂直物，垂直的位置 | |
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189
suffocated
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| （使某人）窒息而死( suffocate的过去式和过去分词 )； （将某人）闷死； 让人感觉闷热； 憋气 | |
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190
distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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191
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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192
ulcers
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| n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 )；腐烂物；道德败坏；腐败 | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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warts
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| n.疣( wart的名词复数 )；肉赘；树瘤；缺点 | |
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195
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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prostration
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| n. 平伏, 跪倒, 疲劳 | |
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198
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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199
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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201
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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202
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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203
toils
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| 网 | |
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204
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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205
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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206
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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countermanded
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| v.取消（命令），撤回( countermand的过去分词 ) | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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216
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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217
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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221
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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222
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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224
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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225
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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229
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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230
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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236
stunning
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| adj.极好的；使人晕倒的 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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238
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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239
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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240
javelin
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| n.标枪，投枪 | |
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241
remissness
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| n.玩忽职守；马虎；怠慢；不小心 | |
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242
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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243
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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244
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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245
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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