Desperate Plan Of Pizarro. — Atahuallpa Visits The Spaniards. — Horrible Massacre1. — The Inca A Prisoner. — Conduct Of The Conquerors4. — Splendid Promises Of The Inca — Death Of Huascar.
1532.
The clouds of the evening had passed away, and the sun rose bright on the following morning, the most memorable5 epoch6 in the annals of Peru. It was Saturday, the sixteenth of November, 1532. The loud cry of the trumpet7 called the Spaniards to arms with the first streak8 of dawn; and Pizarro, briefly9 acquainting them with the plan of the assault, made the necessary dispositions11.
The plaza12, as mentioned in the preceding chapter, was defended on its three sides by low ranges of buildings, consisting of spacious13 halls with wide doors or vomitories opening into the square. In these halls he stationed his cavalry14 in two divisions, one under his brother Hernando, the other under De Soto. The infantry15 he placed in another of the buildings, reserving twenty chosen men to act with himself as occasion might require Pedro de Candia, with a few soldiers and the artillery16, — comprehending under this imposing17 name two small pieces of ordnance18, called falconets, — he established in the fortress19. All received orders to wait at their posts till the arrival of the Inca. After his entrance into the great square, they were still to remain under cover, withdrawn20 from observation, till the signal was given by the discharge of a gun, when they were to cry their war-cries, to rush out in a body from their covert21, and, putting the Peruvians to the sword, bear off the person of the Inca. The arrangement of the immense halls, opening on a level with the plaza, seemed to be contrived22 on purpose for a coup23 de theatre. Pizarro particularly inculcated order and implicit24 obedience25, that in the hurry of the moment there should be no confusion. Every thing depended on their acting26 with concert, coolness, and celerity. 1
1 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia tom. III. p. 197. — Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap 7]
The chief next saw that their arms were in good order; and that the breastplates of their horses were garnished28 with bells, to add by their noise to the consternation29 of the Indians. Refreshments30 were, also, liberally provided, that the troops should be in condition for the conflict. These arrangements being completed, mass was performed with great solemnity by the ecclesiastics31 who attended the expedition; the God of battles was invoked32 to spread his shield over the soldiers who were fighting to extend the empire of the Cross; and all joined with enthusiasm in the chant, “Exsurge, Domine,” “Rise, O Lord! and judge thine own cause.” 2 One might have supposed them a company of martyrs33, about to lay down their lives in defence of their faith, instead of a licentious34 band of adventurers, meditating35 one of the most atrocious acts of perfidy36 on the record of history! Yet, whatever were the vices37 of the Castilian cavalier, hypocrisy38 was not among the number. He felt that he was battling for the Cross, and under this conviction, exalted39 as it was at such a moment as this into the predominant impulse, he was blind to the baser motives40 which mingled41 with the enterprise. With feelings thus kindled42 to a flame of religious ardor43, the soldiers of Pizarro looked forward with renovated44 spirits to the coming conflict; and the chieftain saw with satisfaction, that in the hour of trial his men would be true to their leader and themselves.
2 “Los Eclesiasticos i Religiosos se ocuparon toda aquella noche en oracion, pidiendo a Dios el mas conveniente suceso a su sagrado servicio, exaltacion de la fe e salvacion de tanto numero de almas, derramando muchas lagrimas i sangre en las disciplinas que tomaron. Francisco Pizarro animo a los soldados con2 una mui cristiana platica que les hizo: con que, i asegurarles los Eclesiasticos de parte de Dios i de su Madre Santisima la vitoria, amanecieron todos mui deseosos de dar la batalla, diciendo a voces, Exsurge Domine et judica causam tuam.” Naharro Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
It was in the day before any movement was visible in the Peruvian camp, where much preparation was making to approach the Christian46 quarters with due state and ceremony. A message was received from Atahuallpa, informing the Spanish commander that he should come with his warriors47 fully48 armed, in the same manner as the Spaniards had come to his quarters the night preceding. This was not an agreeable intimation to Pizarro, though he had no reason, probably, to expect the contrary. But to object might imply distrust, or, perhaps, disclose, in some measure, his own designs. He expressed his satisfaction, therefore, at the intelligence, assuring the Inca, that, come as he would, he would be received by him as a friend and brother. 3
3 “El governador respondio: Di a tu Senor, que venga en hora buena como quisiere, que de la manera que viniere lo recebire como Amigo, i Hermano.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 197. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 7. — Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms.]
It was noon before the Indian procession was on its march, when it was seen occupying the great causeway for a long extent. In front came a large body of attendants, whose office seemed to be to sweep away every particle of rubbish from the road. High above the crowd appeared the Inca, borne on the shoulders of his principal nobles, while others of the same rank marched by the sides of his litter, displaying such a dazzling show of ornaments49 on their persons, that, in the language of one of the Conquerors, “they blazed like the sun.” 4 But the greater part of the Inca’s forces mustered51 along the fields that lined the road, and were spread over the broad meadows as far as the eye could reach. 5
4 “Hera tanta la pateneria que traian d’oro y plata que hera cossa estrana lo que Reluzia con el Sol.’ Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
5 To the eye of the old Conqueror3 so often quoted, the number of Peruvian warriors appeared not less than 50,000; “mas de cin cuenta mil que tenia de guerra’ (Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.) To Pizarro’s secretary, as they lay encamped along the hills, they seemed about 30,000. (Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 196.) However gratifying to the imagination to repose52 on some precise number, it is very rare that one can do so with safety, in estimating the irregular and tumultuous levies53 of a barbarian54 host.]
When the royal procession had arrived within half a mile of the city, it came to a halt; and Pizarro saw with surprise that Atahuallpa was preparing to pitch his tents, as if to encamp there. A messenger soon after arrived, informing the Spaniards that the Inca would occupy his present station the ensuing night, and enter the city on the following morning.
This intelligence greatly disturbed Pizarro, who had shared in the general impatience55 of his men at the tardy56 movements of the Peruvians. The troops had been under arms since daylight, the cavalry mounted, and the infantry at their post, waiting in silence the coming of the Inca. A profound stillness reigned57 throughout the town, broken only at intervals59 by the cry of the sentinel from the summit of the fortress, as he proclaimed the movements of the Indian army. Nothing, Pizarro well knew, was so trying to the soldier as prolonged suspense60, in a critical situation like the present; and he feared lest his ardor might evaporate, and be succeeded by that nervous feeling natural to the bravest soul at such a crisis, and which, if not fear, is near akin45 to it. 6 He returned an answer, therefore, to Atahuallpa, deprecating his change of purpose; and adding that he had provided every thing for his entertainment, and expected him that night to sup with him. 7
6 Pedro Pizarro says that an Indian spy reported to Atahuallpa, that the white men were all huddled61 together in the great halls on the square, in much consternation, llenos de miedo, which was not far from the truth, adds the cavalier. (Descub. y Conq., Ms.)]
7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
“Asentados sus toldos envio a decir al gobernador que ya era tarde, que el queria dormir alli, que por la manana vernia: el gobernador le envio a decir que le rogaba que viniese luego, porque le esperaba a cenar, e que no habia de cenar, hasta que fuese.” Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms.
This message turned the Inca from his purpose; and, striking his tents again, he resumed his march, first advising the general that he should leave the greater part of his warriors behind, and enter the place with only a few of them, and without arms, 8 as he preferred to pass the night at Caxamalca. At the same time he ordered accommodations to be provided for himself and his retinue62 in one of the large stone buildings, called, from a serpent sculptured on the walls, “the House of the Serpent.” 9 — No tidings could have been more grateful to the Spaniards. It seemed as if the Indian monarch63 was eager to rush into the snare64 that had been spread for him! The fanatical cavalier could not fail to discern in it the immediate65 finger of Providence66.
8 “El queria vernir luego, e que venia sin armas. E luego Atabaliva se movio para venir, e dejo alli la gente con las armas, e llevo consigo hasta cinco o seis mil indios sin armas, salvo que debajo de las camisetas traian unas porras pequenas, e hondas, e bolsas con piedras.” Carta de Hern. Pizarro Ms.]
9 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap Barcia, tom. III. p. 197.
It is difficult to account for this wavering conduct of Atahuallpa, so different from the bold and decided67 character which history ascribes to him. There is no doubt that he made his visit to the white men in perfect good faith; though Pizarro was probably right in conjecturing68 that this amiable69 disposition10 stood on a very precarious70 footing. There is as little reason to suppose that he distrusted the sincerity71 of the strangers; or he would not thus unnecessarily have proposed to visit them unarmed. His original purpose of coming with all his force was doubtless to display his royal state, and perhaps, also, to show greater respect for the Spaniards; but when he consented to accept their hospitality, and pass the night in their quarters, he was willing to dispense72 with a great part of his armed soldiery, and visit them in a manner that implied entire confidence in their good faith. He was too absolute in his own empire easily to suspect; and he probably could not comprehend the audacity74 with which a few men, like those now assembled in Caxamalca, meditated75 an assault on a powerful monarch in the midst of his victorious76 army. He did not know the character of the Spaniard. It was not long before sunset, when the van of the royal procession entered the gates of the city. First came some hundreds of the menials, employed to clear the path from every obstacle, and singing songs of triumph as they came, “which, in our ears,” says one of the Conquerors, “sounded like the songs of hell”! 10 Then followed other bodies of different ranks, and dressed in different liveries. Some wore a showy stuff, checkered77 white and red, like the squares of a chess-board. 11 Others were clad in pure white, bearing hammers or maces of silver or copper78; 12 and the guards, together with those in immediate attendance on the prince, were distinguished79 by a rich azure80 livery, and a profusion81 of gay ornaments, while the large pendants attached to the ears indicated the Peruvian noble.
10 Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
11 “Blanca y colorada como las casas de un ajedrez.” Ibid., Ms.]
12 “Con martillos en las manos de cobre y plata.” Ibid., Ms.]
Elevated high above his vassals82 came the Inca Atahuallpa, borne on a sedan or open litter, on which was a sort of throne made of massive gold of inestimable value. 13 The palanquin was lined with the richly colored plumes84 of tropical birds, and studded with shining plates of gold and silver. 14 The monarch’s attire85 was much richer than on the preceding evening. Round his neck was suspended a collar of emeralds of uncommon86 size and brilliancy. 15 His short hair was decorated with golden ornaments, and the imperial borla encircled his temples. The bearing of the Inca was sedate87 and dignified88; and from his lofty station he looked down on the multitudes below with an air of composure, like one accustomed to command.
13 “El asiento que traia sobre las andas era un tablon de oro que peso un quintal de oro segun dicen los historiadores 25,000 pesos o ducados.” Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
14 “Luego venia mucha Gente con Armaduras, Patenas, i Coronas90 do oro i Plata: entre estos venia Atabaliba, en una Litera, aforrada de Pluma de Papagaios, de muchas colores, guarnecida de chapas de Oro, i Plata.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 198.]
15 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
“Venia la persona de Atabalica, la cual traian ochenta Senores en hombros todos bestidos de una librea azul muy rica, y el bestido su persona muy ricamente con su corona89 en la cabeza, y al cuello un collar de emeraldas grandes.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
As the leading files of the procession entered the great square, larger, says an old chronicler, than any square in Spain, they opened to the right and left for the royal retinue to pass. Every thing was conducted with admirable order. The monarch was permitted to traverse the plaza in silence, and not a Spaniard was to be seen. When some five or six thousand of his people had entered the place, Atahuallpa halted, and, turning round with an inquiring look, demanded, “Where are the strangers?”
At this moment Fray91 Vicente de Valverde, a Dominican friar, Pizarro’s chaplain, and afterward92 Bishop93 of Cuzco, came forward with his breviary, or, as other accounts say, a Bible, in one hand, and a crucifix in the other, and, approaching the Inca, told him, that he came by order of his commander to expound94 to him the doctrines95 of the true faith, for which purpose the Spaniards had come from a great distance to his country. The friar then explained, as clearly as he could, the mysterious doctrine96 of the Trinity, and, ascending97 high in his account, began with the creation of man, thence passed to his fall, to his subsequent redemption by Jesus Christ, to the crucifixion, and the ascension, when the Saviour98 left the Apostle Peter as his Vicegerent upon earth. This power had been transmitted to the successors of the Apostle, good and wise men, who, under the title of Popes, held authority over all powers and potentates100 on earth. One of the last of these Popes had commissioned the Spanish emperor, the most mighty101 monarch in the world, to conquer and convert the natives in this western hemisphere; and his general, Francisco Pizarro, had now come to execute this important mission. The friar concluded with beseeching102 the Peruvian monarch to receive him kindly103; to abjure104 the errors of his own faith, and embrace that of the Christians105 now proffered106 to him, the only one by which he could hope for salvation107; and, furthermore, to acknowledge himself a tributary108 of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, who, in that even, would aid and protect him as his loyal vassal83. 16
16 Montesinos says that Valverde read to the Inca the regular formula used by the Spaniards in their Conquests. (Annales, Ms., ano 1533.) But that address, though absurd enough, did not comprehend the whole range of theology ascribed to the chaplain on this occasion. Yet it is not impossible. But I have followed the report of Fray Naharro, who collected his information from the actors in the tragedy, and whose minuter statement is corroborated109 by the more general testimony110 of both the Pizarros and the secretary Xerez.]
Whether Atahuallpa possessed111 himself of every link in the curious chain of argument by which the monk112 connected Pizarro with St. Peter, may be doubted. It is certain, however, that he must have had very incorrect notions of the Trinity, if, as Garcilasso states, the interpreter Felipillo explained it by saying, that “the Christians believed in three Gods and one God, and that made four.” 17 But there is no doubt he perfectly113 comprehended that the drift of the discourse114 was to persuade him to resign his sceptre and acknowledge the supremacy115 of another.
17 “Por dezir Dios trino y uno dixo Dios tres y uno son quatre sumando los numeros por darse a entender.” Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 23.]
The eyes of the Indian monarch flashed fire, and his dark brow grew darker as he replied, — “I will be no man’s tributary. I am greater than any prince upon earth. Your emperor may be a great prince; I do not doubt it, when I see that he has sent his subjects so far across the waters; and I am willing to hold him as a brother. As for the Pope of whom you speak, he must be crazy to talk of giving away countries which do not belong to him. For my faith,” he continued, “I will not change it Your own God, as you say, was put to death by the very men whom he created. But mine,” he concluded, pointing to his Deity116, — then, alas117! sinking in glory behind the mountains, — “my God still lives in the heavens, and looks down on his children.” 18
18 See Appendix, No. 8, where the reader will find extracts in the original from several contemporary Mss., relating to the capture of Atahuallpa.]
He then demanded of Valverde by what authority he had said these things. The friar pointed118 to the book which he held, as his authority. Atahuallpa, taking it, turned over the pages a moment, then, as the insult he had received probably flashed across his mind, he threw it down with vehemence119, and exclaimed, — “Tell your comrades that they shall give me an account of their doings in my land. I will not go from here, till they have made me full satisfaction for all the wrongs they have committed.” 19
19 Some accounts describe him as taxing the Spaniards in much more unqualified terms. (See Appendix, No. 8.) but language is not likely to be accurately120 reported in such seasons of excitement. — According to some authorities, Atahuallpa let the volume drop by accident. (Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1533. — Balboa, Hist. du Perou, chap. 22.) But the testimony, as far as we have it, of those present, concurs121 in representing it as stated in the text. And, if he spoke123 with the heat imputed124 to him, this act would only be in keeping.]
The friar, greatly scandalized by the indignity125 offered to the sacred volume, stayed only to pick it up, and, hastening to Pizarro, informed him of what had been done, exclaiming, at the same time, — “Do you not see, that, while we stand here wasting our breath in talking with this dog, full of pride as he is, the fields are filling with Indians? Set on, at once; I absolve126 you.” 20 Pizarro saw that the hour had come. He waved a white scarf in the air, the appointed signal. The fatal gun was fired from the fortress. Then, springing into the square, the Spanish captain and his followers127 shouted the old war-cry of “St. Jago and at them.” It was answered by the battle-cry of every Spaniard in the city, as, rushing from the avenues of the great halls in which they were concealed128, they poured into the plaza, horse and foot, each in his own dark column, and threw themselves into the midst of the Indian crowd. The latter, taken by surprise, stunned129 by the report of artillery and muskets130, the echoes of which reverberated131 like thunder from the surrounding buildings, and blinded by the smoke which rolled in sulphurous volumes along the square, were seized with a panic. They knew not whither to fly for refuge from the coming ruin Nobles and commoners, — all were trampled132 down under the fierce charge of the cavalry, who dealt their blows, right and left, without sparing; while their swords, flashing through the thick gloom, carried dismay into the hearts of the wretched natives, who now, for the first time, saw the horse and his rider in all their terrors. They made no resistance, — as, indeed, they had no weapons with which to make it. Every avenue to escape was closed, for the entrance to the square was choked up with the dead bodies of men who had perished in vain efforts to fly; and, such was the agony of the survivors133 under the terrible pressure of their assailants, that a large body of Indians, by their convulsive struggles, burst through the wall of stone and dried clay which formed part of the boundary of the plaza! It fell, leaving an opening of more than a hundred paces, through which multitudes now found their way into the country, still hotly pursued by the cavalry, who, leaping the fallen rubbish, hung on the rear of the fugitives134, striking them down in all directions. 21
20 “Visto esto por el Frayle y lo poco que aprovechaban sus palabras, tomo su libro, y abajo su cabeza, y fuese para donde estaba el dicho Pizarro, casi corriendo, y dijole: No veis lo que pasa: para que estais en comedimientos y requerimientos con este perro lleno de soberbia que vienen los campos llenos de Indios? Salid a el, — que yo os absuelvo.” (Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.) The historian should be slow in ascribing conduct so diabolical135 to Father Valverde, without evidence. Two of the Conquerors present, Pedro Pizarro and Xerez, simply state that the monk reported to his commander the indignity offered to the sacred volume. but Hernando Pizarro and the author of the Relacion del Primer. Descub., both eyewitnesses136, and Naharro, Zarate, Gomara, Balboa, Herrera, the Inca Titucussi Yupanqui, all of whom obtained their information from persons who were eyewitnesses, state the circumstances, with little variation, as in the text. Yet Oviedo indorses the account of Xerez, and Garcilasso de la Vega insists on Valverde’s innocence137 of any attempt to rouse the passion of his comrades.]
21 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 198. — Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3. lib. 8, cap. 7. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 5. — Instruccion del Inga Titucussi Yupanqui, Ms.]
Meanwhile the fight, or rather massacre, continued hot around the Inca, whose person was the great object of the assault. His faithful nobles, rallying about him, threw themselves in the way of the assailants, and strove, by tearing them from their saddles, or, at least, by offering their own bosoms138 as a mark for their vengeance139, to shield their beloved master. It is said by some authorities, that they carried weapons concealed under their clothes. If so, it availed them little, as it is not pretended that they used them. But the most timid animal will defend itself when at bay. That they did not so in the present instance is proof that they had no weapons to use. 22 Yet they still continued to force back the cavaliers, clinging to their horses with dying grasp, and, as one was cut down, another taking the place of his fallen comrade with a loyalty140 truly affecting.
22 The author of the Relacion del Primero Descubrimiento speaks of a few as having bows and arrows, and of others as armed with silver and copper mallets or maces, which may, however, have been more for ornament50 than for service in fight. — Pedro Pizarro and some later writers say that the Indians brought thongs141 with them to bind142 the captive white men. — Both Hernando Pizarro and the secretary Xerez agree that their only arms were secreted143 under their clothes; but as they do not pretend that these were used, and as it was announced by the Inca that he came without arms, the assertion may well be doubted, — or rather discredited144. All authorities without exception, agree that no attempt was made at resistance.
The Indian monarch, stunned and bewildered, saw his faithful subjects falling round him without fully comprehending his situation. The litter on which he rode heaved to and fro, as the mighty press swayed backwards145 and forwards; and he gazed on the overwhelming ruin, like some forlorn mariner146, who, tossed about in his bark by the furious elements, sees the lightning’s flash and hears the thunder bursting around him with the consciousness that he can do nothing to avert147 his fate. At length, weary with the work of destruction, the Spaniards, as the shades of evening grew deeper, felt afraid that the royal prize might, after all, elude148 them; and some of the cavaliers made a desperate attempt to end the affray at once by taking Atahuallpa’s life. But Pizarro, who was nearest his person, called out with Stentorian149 voice, “Let no one, who values his life, strike at the Inca”; 23 and, stretching out his arm to shield him, received a wound on the hand from one of his own men, — the only wound received by a Spaniards in the action. 24
23 “El marquez dio bozes diciendo. Nadie hiera al indio so pena de la vida.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
24 Whatever discrepancy150 exists among the Castilian accounts in other respects, all concur122 in this remarkable151 fact, — that no Spaniard, except their general, received a wound on that occasion. Pizarro saw in this a satisfactory argument for regarding the Spaniards, this day, as under the especial protection of Providence. See Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 199.]
The struggle now became fiercer than ever round the royal litter. It reeled more and more, and at length, several of the nobles who supported it having been slain152, it was overturned, and the Indian prince would have come with violence to the ground, had not his fall been broken by the efforts of Pizarro and some other of the cavaliers, who caught him in their arms. The imperial borla was instantly snatched from his temples by a soldier named Estete, 25 and the unhappy monarch, strongly secured, was removed to a neighbouring building, where he was carefully guarded.
25 Miguel Estete, who long retained the silken diadem153 as a trophy154 of the exploit, according to Garcilasso de la Vega, (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 27,) an indifferent authority for any thing in this part of his history. This popular writer, whose work, from his superior knowledge of the institutions of the country, has obtained greater credit, eve in what relates to the Conquest, than the reports of the Conquerors themselves, has indulged in the romantic vein155 to an unpardonable extent, in his account of the capture of Atahuallpa. According to him, the Peruvian monarch treated the invaders156 from the first with supreme157 deference158, as descendants of Viracocha, predicted by his oracles159 as to come and rule over the land. But if this flattering homage160 had been paid by the Inca, it would never have escaped the notice of the Conquerors. Garcilasso had read the Commentaries of Cortes, as he somewhere tells us; and it is probable that that general’s account, well founded, it appears, of a similar superstition161 among the Aztecs suggested to the historian the idea of a corresponding sentiment in the Peruvians, which, while it flattered the vanity of the Spaniards, in some degree vindicated162 his own countrymen from the charge of cowardice163, incurred164 by their too ready submission165; for, however they might be called on to resist men, it would have been madness to resist the decrees of Heaven. Yet Garcilasso’s romantic version has something in it so pleasing to the imagination, that it has even found favor with the majority of readers. The English student might have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious and skeptical166 Robertson.]
All attempt at resistance now ceased. The fate of the Inca soon spread over town and country. The charm which might have held the Peruvians together was dissolved. Every man thought only of his own safety. Even the soldiery encamped on the adjacent fields took the alarm, and, learning the fatal tidings, were seen flying in every direction before their pursuers, who in the heat of triumph showed no touch of mercy. At length night, more pitiful than man, threw her friendly mantle167 over the fugitives, and the scattered168 troops of Pizarro rallied once more at the sound of the trumpet in the bloody169 square of Caxamalca.
The number of slain is reported, as usual, with great discrepancy. Pizarro’s secretary says two thousand natives fell. 26 A descendant of the Incas — a safer authority than Garcilasso — swells170 the number to ten thousand. 27 Truth is generally found somewhere between the extremes. The slaughter171 was incessant172, for there was nothing to check it. That there should have been no resistance will not appear strange, when we consider the fact, that the wretched victims were without arms, and that their senses must have been completely overwhelmed by the strange and appalling173 spectacle which burst on them so unexpectedly. “What wonder was it,” said an ancient Inca to a Spaniard, who repeats it, “what wonder that our countrymen lost their wits, seeing blood run like water, and the Inca, whose person we all of us adore, seized and carried off by a handful of men?” 28 Yet though the massacre was incessant, it was short in duration. The whole time consumed by it, the brief twilight174 of the tropics, did not much exceed half an hour; a short period, indeed, — yet long enough to decide the fate of Peru, and to subvert175 the dynasty of the Incas.
26 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 199.]
27 “Los mataron a todos con los Cavallos con espadas con arcabuzes como quien mata ovejas — sin hacerles nadie resistencia que no se escaparon de mas de diez mil, doscientos,” Instruc. del Inga Titucussi, Ms.
This document, consisting of two hundred folio pages, is signed by a Peruvian Inca, grandson of the great Huayna Capac, and nephew, consequently, of Atahuallpa. It was written in 1570, and designed to set forth176 to his Majesty177 Philip II. the claims of Titucussi and the members of his family to the royal bounty178. In the course of the Memorial, the writer takes occasion to recapitulate179 some of the principal events in the latter years of the empire; and though sufficiently180 prolix181 to tax even the patience of Philip II., it is of much value as an historical document, coming from one of the royal race of Peru.]
28 Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1532.
According to Naharro, the Indians were less astounded182 by the wild uproar183 caused by the sudden assault of the Spaniards, though “this was such that it seemed as if the very heavens were falling,” than by a terrible apparition184 which appeared in the air during the onslaught. It consisted of a woman and a child, and, at their side, a horseman all clothed in white on a milk-white charger, — doubtless the valiant185 St. James, — who, with his sword glancing lightning, smote186 down the infidel host, and rendered them incapable187 of resistance. This miracle the good father reports on the testimony of three of his Order, who were present in the action, and who received it from numberless of the natives. Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
That night Pizarro kept his engagement with the Inca, since he had Atahuallpa to sup with him. The banquet was served in one of the halls facing the great square, which a few hours before had been the scene of slaughter, and the pavement of which was still encumbered188 with the dead bodies of the Inca’s subjects. The captive monarch was placed next his conqueror. He seemed like one who did not yet fully comprehend the extent of his calamity189. If he did, he showed an amazing fortitude190. “It is the fortune of war,” he said; 29 and, if we may credit the Spaniards, he expressed his admiration191 of the adroitness192 with which they had contrived to entrap193 him in the midst of his own troops. 30 He added, that he had been made acquainted with the progress of the white men from the hour of their landing; but that he had been led to undervalue their strength from the insignificance194 of their numbers. He had no doubt he should be easily able to overpower them, on their arrival at Caxamalca, by his superior strength; and, as he wished to see for himself what manner of men they were, he had suffered them to cross the mountains, meaning to select such as he chose for his own service, and, getting possession of their wonderful arms and horses, put the rest to death. 31
29 “Diciendo que era uso de Guerra vencer, i ser vencido.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 2, cap. 12.]
30 “Haciendo admiracion de la traza que tenia hecha.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
31 “And in my opinion,” adds the Conqueror who reports the speech, “he had good grounds for believing he could do this, since nothing but the miraculous195 interposition of Heaven could have saved us.” Ibid., Ms.]
That such may have been Atahuallpa’s purpose is not improbable. It explains his conduct in not occupying the mountain passes, which afforded such strong points of defence against invasion. But that a prince so astute196, as by the general testimony of the Conquerors he is represented to have been, should have made so impolitic a disclosure of his hidden motives is not so probable. The intercourse197 with the Inca was carried on chiefly by means of the interpreter Felipillo, or little Philip, as he was called, from his assumed Christian name, — a malicious198 youth, as it appears, who bore no good-will to Atahuallpa, and whose interpretations199 were readily admitted by the Conquerors, eager to find some pretext200 for their bloody reprisals201.
Atahuallpa, as elsewhere notice, was, at this time, about thirty years of age. He was well made, and more robust202 than usual with his countrymen. His head was large, and his countenance203 might have been called handsome, but that his eyes, which were bloodshot, gave a fierce expression to his features. He was deliberate in speech, grave in manner, and towards his own people stern even to severity; though with the Spaniards he showed himself affable, sometimes even indulging in sallies of mirth. 32
32 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 203.]
Pizarro paid every attention to his royal captive, and endeavoured to lighten, if he could not dispel204, the gloom which, in spite of his assumed equanimity205, hung over the monarch’s brow. He besought206 him not to be case down by his reverses, for his lot had only been that of every prince who had resisted the white men. They had come into the country to proclaim the gospel, the religion of Jesus Christ; and it was no wonder they had prevailed, when his shield was over them. Heaven had permitted that Atahuallpa’s pride should be humbled207, because of his hostile intentions towards the Spaniards, and the insults he had offered to the sacred volume. But he bade the Inca take courage and confide73 in him, for the Spaniards were a generous race, warring only against those who made war on them, and showing grace to all who submitted! 33 — Atahuallpa may have thought the massacre of that day an indifferent commentary on this vaunted lenity.
33 “Nosotros vsamos de piedad con nuestros Enemigos vencidos, i no hacemos Guerra, sino a los que nos la hacen, i pudiendolos destruir no lo hacemos, antes los perdona mos.” Ibid., tom. III. p. 199.]
Before retiring for the night, Pizarro briefly addressed his troops on their present situation. When he had ascertained208 that not a man was wounded, he bade them offer up thanksgivings to Providence for so great a miracle; without its care, they could never have prevailed so easily over the host of their enemies; and he trusted their lives had been reserved for still greater things. But if they would succeed, they had much to do for themselves. They were in the heart of a powerful kingdom, encompassed210 by foes211 deeply attached to their own sovereign. They must be ever on their guard, therefore, and be prepared at any hour to be roused from their slumbers212 by the call of the trumpet. 34 — Having then posted his sentinels, placed a strong guard over the apartment of Atahuallpa, and taken all the precautions of a careful commander, Pizarro withdrew to repose; and, if he could really feel, that, in the bloody scenes of the past day, he had been fighting only the good fight of the Cross, he doubtless slept sounder than on the night preceding the seizure213 of the Inca.
34 Ibid., ubi supra. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. i. Conq., Ms.]
On the following morning, the first commands of the Spanish chief were to have the city cleansed214 of its impurities215; and the prisoners, of whom there were many in the camp, were employed to remove the dead, and give them decent burial. His next care was to despatch216 a body of about thirty horse to the quarters lately occupied by Atahuallpa at the baths, to take possession of the spoil, and disperse217 the remnant of the Peruvian forces which still hung about the place.
Before noon, the party which he had detached on this service returned with a large troop of Indians, men and women, among the latter of whom were many of the wives and attendants of the Inca. The Spaniards had met with no resistance; since the Peruvian warriors, though so superior in number, excellent in appointments, and consisting mostly of able-bodied young men, — for the greater part of the veteran forces were with the Inca’s generals at the south, — lost all heart from the moment of their sovereign’s captivity218. There was no leader to take his place; for they recognized no authority but that of the Child of the Sun, and they seemed to be held by a sort of invisible charm near the place of his confinement219; while they gazed with superstitious220 awe221 on the white men, who could achieve so audacious an enterprise. 35
35 From this time, says Ondegardo, the Spaniards, who hitherto had been designated as the “men with beards,” barbudos, were called by the natives, from their fair-complexioned deity, Viracochas. The people of Cuzco, who bore no goodwill222 to the captive Inca, “looked upon the strangers,” says the author, “as sent by Viracocha himself.” (Rel. Prim27., Ms.) It reminds us of a superstition, or rather an amiable fancy, among the ancient Greeks, that “the stranger came from Jupiter.”]
The number of Indian prisoners was so great, that some of the Conquerors were for putting them all to death, or, at least, cutting off their hands, to disable them from acts of violence, and to strike terror into their countrymen. 36 The proposition, doubtless, came from the lowest and most ferocious223 of the soldiery. But that it should have been made at all shows what materials entered into the composition of Pizarro’s company. The chief rejected it at once, as no less impolitic than inhuman224, and dismissed the Indians to their several homes, with the assurance that none should be harmed who did not offer resistance to the white men. A sufficient number, however, were retained to wait on the Conquerors, who were so well provided, in this respect, that the most common soldier was attended by a retinue of menials that would have better suited the establishment of a noble. 37
36 “Algunos fueron de opinion, que matasen a todos los Hombres de Guerra, o les cortasen las manos.” Xerez, Hist. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 200.]
37 “Cada Espanol de los que alli ivan tomaron para si mui gran cantidad tanto que como andava todo a rienda suelta havia Espanol que tenia docientas piezas de Indios Indias de servicio.” Conq. i. Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The Spaniards had found immense droves of llamas under the care of their shepherds in the neighbourhood of the baths, destined225 for the consumption of the Court. Many of them were now suffered to roam abroad among their native mountains; though Pizarro caused a considerable number to be reserved for the use of the army. And this was no small quantity, if, as one of the Conquerors says, a hundred and fifty of the Peruvian sheep were frequently slaughtered226 in a day. 38 Indeed, the Spaniards were so improvident227 in their destruction of these animals, that, in a few years, the superb flocks, nurtured228 with so much care by the Peruvian government, had almost disappeared from the land. 39
38 “Se matan cada Dia, ciento i cinquenta.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 202.]
39 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 80. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.
“Hasta que los destruian todos sin haver Espanol ni Justicia que lo defendiese ni amparase.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The party sent to pillage229 the Inca’s pleasure house brought back a rich booty in gold and silver, consisting chiefly of plate for the royal table, which greatly astonished the Spaniards by their size and weight. These, as well as some large emeralds obtained there, together with the precious spoils found on the bodies of the Indian nobles who had perished in the massacre, were placed in safe custody230, to be hereafter divided. In the city of Caxamalca, the troops also found magazines stored with goods, both cotton and woollen, far superior to any they had seen, for fineness of texture231, and the skill with which the various colors were blended. They were piled from the floors to the very roofs of the buildings, and in such quantity, that, after every soldier had provided himself with what he desired, it made no sensible diminution232 of the whole amount. 40
40 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 200.
There was enough, says the anonymous233 Conqueror, for several ship-loads. “Todas estas cosas de tiendas y ropas de lana y algodon eran en tan gran cantidad, que a mi parecer fueran menester muchos navios en que supieran.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
Pizarro would now gladly have directed his march on the Peruvian capital. But the distance was great, and his force was small. This must have been still further crippled by the guard required for the Inca, and the chief feared to involve himself deeper in a hostile empire so populous234 and powerful, with a prize so precious in his keeping. With much anxiety, therefore, he looked for reinforcements from the colonies; and he despatched a courier to San Miguel, to inform the Spaniards there of his recent successes, and to ascertain209 if there had been any arrival from Panama. Meanwhile he employed his men in making Caxamalca a more suitable residence for a Christian host, by erecting235 a church, or, perhaps, appropriating some Indian edifice236 to this use, in which mass was regularly performed by the Dominican fathers, with great solemnity. The dilapidated walls of the city were also restored in a more substantial manner than before, and every vestige237 was soon effaced238 of the hurricane that had so recently swept over it.
It was not long before Atahuallpa discovered, amidst all the show of religious zeal239 in his Conquerors, a lurking240 appetite more potent99 in most of their bosoms than either religion or ambition. This was the love of gold. He determined241 to avail himself of it to procure242 his own freedom. The critical posture243 of his affairs made it important that this should not be long delayed. His brother Huascar, ever since his defeat, had been detained as a prisoner, subject to the victor’s orders. He was now at Andamarca, at no great distance from Caxamalca; and Atahuallpa feared, with good reason, that, when his own imprisonment244 was known, Huascar would find it easy to corrupt245 his guards, make his escape, and put himself at the head of the contested empire, without a rival to dispute it.
In the hope, therefore, to effect his purpose by appealing to the avarice246 of his keepers, he one day told Pizarro, that, if he would set him free, he would engage to cover the floor of the apartment on which they stood with gold. Those present listened with an incredulous smile; and, as the Inca received no answer, he said, with some emphasis, that “he would not merely cover the floor, but would fill the room with gold as high as he could reach”; and, standing247 on tiptoe, he stretched out his hand against the wall. All stared with amazement248; while they regarded it as the insane boast of a man too eager to procure his liberty to weigh the meaning of his words. Yet Pizarro was sorely perplexed249. As he had advanced into the country, much that he had seen, and all that he had heard, had confirmed the dazzling reports first received of the riches of Peru. Atahuallpa himself had given him the most glowing picture of the wealth of the capital, where the roofs of the temples were plated with gold, while the walls were hung with tapestry250 and the floors inlaid with tiles of the same precious metal. There must be some foundation for all this. At all events, it was safe to accede251 to the Inca’s proposition; since, by so doing, he could collect, at once, all the gold at his disposal, and thus prevent its being purloined252 or secreted by the natives. He therefore acquiesced253 in Atahuallpa’s offer, and, drawing a red line along the wall at the height which the Inca had indicated, he caused the terms of the proposal to be duly recorded by the notary254. The apartment was about seventeen feet broad, by twenty-two feet long, and the line round the walls was nine feet from the floor. 41 This space was to be filled with gold; but it was understood that the gold was not to be melted down into ingots, but to retain the original form of the articles into which it was manufactured, that the Inca might have the benefit of the space which they occupied. He further agreed to fill an adjoining room of smaller dimensions twice full with silver, in like manner; and he demanded two months to accomplish all this. 42
41 I have adopted the dimensions given by the secretary Xerez, (Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 202.) According to Hernando Pizarro, the apartment was nine feet high, but thirty-five feet long by seventeen or eighteen feet wide. (Carta, Ms.) The most moderate estimate is large enough. Stevenson says that they still show “a large room, part of the old palace, and now the residence of the Cacique Astopilca, where the ill-fated Inca was kept a prisoner”; and he adds that the line traced on the wall is still visible. (Residence in South America, vol. II. p. 163.) Peru abounds255 in remains256 as ancient as the Conquest; and it would not be surprising that the memory of a place so remarkable as this should be preserved, — though any thing but a memorial to be cherished by the Spaniards.]
42 The facts in the preceding paragraph are told with remarkable uniformity by the ancient chroniclers. (Conf. Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, ubi supra. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 6. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 114. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 2, cap. 1.)
Both Naharro and Herrera state expressly that Pizarro promised the Inca his liberation on fulfilling the compact. This is not confirmed by the other chroniclers, who, however, do not intimate that the Spanish general declined the terms. And as Pizarro, by all accounts, encouraged his prisoner to perform his part of the contract, it must have been with the understanding implied, if not expressed, that he would abide257 by the other. It is most improbable that the Inca would have stripped himself of his treasures, if he had not so understood it.]
No sooner was this arrangement made, than the Inca despatched couriers to Cuzco and the other principal places in the kingdom, with orders that the gold ornaments and utensils258 should be removed from the royal palaces, and from the temples and other public buildings, and transported without loss of time to Caxamalca. Meanwhile he continued to live in the Spanish quarters, treated with the respect due to his rank, and enjoying all the freedom that was compatible with the security of his person. Though not permitted to go abroad, his limbs were unshackled, and he had the range of his own apartments under the jealous surveillance of a guard, who knew too well the value of the royal captive to be remiss259. He was allowed the society of his favorite wives, and Pizarro took care that his domestic privacy should not be violated. His subjects had free access to their sovereign, and every day he received visits from the Indian nobles, who came to bring presents, and offer condolence to their unfortunate master. On such occasions, the most potent of these great vassals never ventured into his presence, without first stripping off their sandals, and bearing a load on their backs in token of reverence260. The Spaniards gazed with curious eyes on these acts of homage, or rather of slavish submission, on the one side, and on the air of perfect indifference261 with which they were received, as a matter of course, on the other; and they conceived high ideas of the character of a prince who, even in his present helpless condition, could inspire such feelings of awe in his subjects. The royal levee was so well attended, and such devotion was shown by his vassals to the captive monarch, as did not fail, in the end, to excite some feelings of distrust in his keepers. 43
43 Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib. 2, cap. 6.]
Pizarro did not neglect the opportunity afforded him of communicating the truths of revelation to his prisoner, and both he and his chaplain, Father Valverde, labored262 in the same good work. Atahuallpa listened with composure and apparent attention. But nothing seemed to move him so much as the argument with which the military polemic263 closed his discourse, — that it could not be the true God whom Atahuallpa worshipped, since he had suffered him to fall into the hands of his enemies. The unhappy monarch assented264 to the force of this, acknowledging that his Deity had indeed deserted265 him in his utmost need. 44
44 “I mas dijo Atabalipa, que estaba espantado de lo que el Governador le havia dicho: que bien conocia que aquel que hablaba en su Idolo, no es Dios verdadero pues tan poco le aiudo.” Xerez Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 203.]
Yet his conduct towards his brother Huascar, at this time, too clearly proves, that, whatever respect he may have shown for the teachers, the doctrines of Christianity had made little impression on his heart. No sooner had Huascar been informed of the capture of his rival, and of the large ransom266 he had offered for his deliverance, than, as the latter had foreseen, he made every effort to regain267 his liberty, and sent, or attempted to send, a message to the Spanish commander, that he would pay a much larger ransom than that promised by Atahuallpa, who, never having dwelt in Cuzco, was ignorant of the quantity of treasure there, and where it was deposited.
Intelligence of all this was secretly communicated to Atahuallpa by the persons who had his brother in charge; and his jealousy268, thus roused, was further heightened by Pizarro’s declaration, that he intended to have Huascar brought to Caxamalca, where he would himself examine into the controversy269, and determine which of the two had best title to the sceptre of the Incas. Pizarro perceived, from the first, the advantages of a competition which would enable him, by throwing his sword into the scale he preferred, to give it a preponderance. The party who held the sceptre by his nomination270 would henceforth be a tool in his hands, with which to work his pleasure more effectually than he could well do in his own name. It was the game, as every reader knows, played by Edward the First in the affairs of Scotland, and by many a monarch, both before and since, — and though their examples may not have been familiar to the unlettered soldier, Pizarro was too quick in his perceptions to require, in this matter, at least, the teachings of history.
Atahuallpa was much alarmed by the Spanish commander’s determination to have the suit between the rival candidates brought before him; for he feared, that, independently of the merits of the case, the decision would be likely to go in favor of Huascar, whose mild and ductile271 temper would make him a convenient instrument in the hands of his conquerors. Without further hesitation272, he determined to remove this cause of jealousy for ever, by the death of his brother.
His orders were immediately executed, and the unhappy prince was drowned, as was commonly reported, in the river of Andamarca, declaring with his dying breath that the white men would avenge273 his murder, and that his rival would not long survive him. 45 — Thus perished the unfortunate Huascar, the legitimate274 heir of the throne of the Incas, in the very morning of life, and the commencement of his reign58; a reign, however, which had been long enough to call forth the display of many excellent and amiable qualities, though his nature was too gentle to cope with the bold and fiercer temper of his brother. Such is the portrait we have of him from the Indian and Castilian chroniclers, though the former, it should be added, were the kinsmen275 of Huascar, and the latter certainly bore no goodwill to Atahuallpa. 46
45 Both the place and the manner of Huascar’s death are reported with much discrepancy by the historians. All agree in the one important fact, that he died a violent death at the instigation of his brother. Conf. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 2. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 204. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 6. — Instruc. del Inga Titucussi, Ms.]
46 Both Garcillaso de la Vega and Titucussi Yupanqui were descendants from Huayna Capac, of the pure Peruvian stock, the natural enemies, therefore, of their kinsman276 of Quito, whom they regarded as a usurper277. Circumstances brought the Castilians into direct collision with Atahuallpa, and it was natural they should seek to darken his reputation by contrast with the fair character of his rival.]
That prince received the tidings of Huascar’s death with every mark of surprise and indignation. He immediately sent for Pizarro, and communicated the event to him with expressions of the deepest sorrow. The Spanish commander refused, at first, to credit the unwelcome news, and bluntly told the Inca, that his brother could not be dead, and that he should be answerable for his life. 47 To this Atahuallpa replied by renewed assurances of the fact, adding that the deed had been perpetrated, without his privity, by Huascar’s keepers, fearful that he might take advantage of the troubles of the country to make his escape. Pizarro, on making further inquiries278, found that the report of his death was but too true. That it should have been brought about by Atahuallpa’s officers, without his express command, would only show, that, by so doing, they had probably anticipated their master’s wishes. The crime, which assumes in our eyes a deeper dye from the relation of the parties, had not the same estimation among the Incas, in whose multitudinous families the bonds of brotherhood279 must have sat loosely, — much too loosely to restrain the arm of the despot from sweeping280 away any obstacle that lay in his path.
47 “Sabido esto por el Gobernador, mostro, que el pesaba mucho: i dijo que era mentira, que no le havian muerto, que lo trujesen luego vivo: i sino, que el mandaria matar a Atabalipa.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 204.]
收听单词发音 |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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memorable
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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streak
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| n.条理，斑纹，倾向，少许，痕迹；v.加条纹，变成条纹，奔驰，快速移动 | |
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briefly
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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plaza
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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artillery
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imposing
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ordnance
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fortress
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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covert
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contrived
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coup
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implicit
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obedience
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acting
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prim
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garnished
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consternation
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refreshments
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ecclesiastics
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invoked
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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licentious
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meditating
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36
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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37
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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38
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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39
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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40
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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41
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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42
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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43
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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44
renovated
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| 翻新，修复，整修( renovate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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46
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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47
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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48
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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49
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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50
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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51
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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52
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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53
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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54
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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55
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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56
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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57
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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58
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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59
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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60
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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61
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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62
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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63
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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64
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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65
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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66
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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67
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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68
conjecturing
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| v. & n. 推测，臆测 | |
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69
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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70
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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71
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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72
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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73
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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74
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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75
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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76
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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77
checkered
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| adj.有方格图案的 | |
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78
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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79
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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80
azure
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| adj.天蓝色的，蔚蓝色的 | |
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81
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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82
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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83
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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84
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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85
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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86
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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87
sedate
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| adj.沉着的，镇静的，安静的 | |
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88
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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89
corona
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| n.日冕 | |
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90
coronas
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| n.日冕，日华( corona的名词复数 ) | |
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91
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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92
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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93
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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94
expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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95
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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96
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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97
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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98
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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99
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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100
potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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101
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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102
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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103
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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104
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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105
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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106
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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108
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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109
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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110
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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111
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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112
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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113
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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114
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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115
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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116
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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117
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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118
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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119
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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120
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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121
concurs
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| 同意（concur的第三人称单数形式） | |
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122
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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123
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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124
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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126
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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127
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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128
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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129
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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130
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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131
reverberated
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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132
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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133
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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134
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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135
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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136
eyewitnesses
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| 目击者( eyewitness的名词复数 ) | |
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137
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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138
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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139
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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140
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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141
thongs
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| 的东西 | |
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142
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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143
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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144
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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145
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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146
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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147
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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148
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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149
stentorian
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| adj.大声的，响亮的 | |
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150
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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151
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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152
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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153
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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154
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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155
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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156
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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157
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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158
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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159
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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160
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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161
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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162
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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163
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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164
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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165
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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166
skeptical
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| adj.怀疑的，多疑的 | |
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167
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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168
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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169
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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170
swells
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| 增强( swell的第三人称单数 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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171
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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172
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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173
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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174
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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175
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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176
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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177
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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178
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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179
recapitulate
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| v.节述要旨，择要说明 | |
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180
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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181
prolix
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| adj.罗嗦的；冗长的 | |
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182
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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183
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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184
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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185
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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186
smote
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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187
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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188
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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190
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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191
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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192
adroitness
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193
entrap
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| v.以网或陷阱捕捉，使陷入圈套 | |
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194
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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195
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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196
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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197
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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198
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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199
interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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200
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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201
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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202
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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203
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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204
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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205
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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206
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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207
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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208
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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210
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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211
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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212
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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213
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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214
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
impurities
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| 不纯( impurity的名词复数 )； 不洁； 淫秽； 杂质 | |
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216
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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217
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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218
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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219
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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220
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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221
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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222
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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223
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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224
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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225
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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226
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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228
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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229
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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230
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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231
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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232
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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233
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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234
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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235
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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236
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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237
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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238
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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239
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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240
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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241
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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242
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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243
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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244
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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245
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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246
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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247
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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248
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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249
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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250
tapestry
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| n.挂毯，丰富多采的画面 | |
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251
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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252
purloined
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| v.偷窃( purloin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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253
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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254
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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255
abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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256
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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257
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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258
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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259
remiss
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| adj.不小心的，马虎 | |
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260
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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261
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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262
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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263
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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264
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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265
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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266
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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267
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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268
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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269
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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270
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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271
ductile
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| adj.易延展的，柔软的 | |
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272
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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273
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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274
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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275
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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276
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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277
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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278
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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279
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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280
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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