Gold Arrives For The Ransom1. — Visit To Pachacamac. — Demolition2 Of The Idol3. — The Inca’s Favorite General. — The Inca’s Life In Confinement5. — Envoy’s Conduct In Cuzco. — Arrival Of Almagro.
1533.
Several weeks had now passed since Atahuallpa’s emissaries had been despatched for the gold and silver that were to furnish his ransom to the Spaniards. But the distances were great, and the returns came in slowly. They consisted, for the most part, of massive pieces of plate, some of which weighed two or three arrobas, — a Spanish weight of twenty-five pounds. On some days, articles of the value of thirty or forty thousand pesos de oro were brought in, and, occasionally, of the value of fifty or even sixty thousand pesos. The greedy eyes of the Conquerors6 gloated on the shining heaps of treasure, which were transported on the shoulders of the Indian porters, and, after being carefully registered, were placed in safe deposit under a strong guard. They now began to believe that the magnificent promises of the Inca would be fulfilled. But, as their avarice7 was sharpened by the ravishing display of wealth, such as they had hardly dared to imagine, they became more craving8 and impatient. They made no allowance for the distance and the difficulties of the way, and loudly inveighed9 against the tardiness10 with which the royal commands were executed. They even suspected Atahuallpa of devising this scheme only to gain a pretext11 for communicating with his subjects in distant places, and of proceeding12 as dilatorily13 as possible, in order to secure time for the execution of his plans. Rumors14 of a rising among the Peruvians were circulated, and the Spaniards were in apprehension15 of some general and sudden assault on their quarters. Their new acquisitions gave them additional cause for solicitude17; like a miser18, they trembled in the midst of their treasures. 1
1 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, sap. 6. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 204.]
Pizarro reported to his captive the rumors that were in circulation among the soldiers, naming, as one of the places pointed19 out for the rendezvous20 of the Indians, the neighbouring city of Guamachucho. Atahuallpa listened with undisguised astonishment21, and indignantly repelled22 the charge, as false from beginning to end. “No one of my subjects,” said he, “would dare to appear in arms, or to raise his finger, without my orders. You have me,” he continued, “in your power. Is not my life at your disposal? And what better security can you have for my fidelity23?” He then represented to the Spanish commander, that the distances of many of the places were very great; that to Cuzco, the capital, although a message might be sent by post, through a succession of couriers, in five days from Caxamalca, it would require weeks for a porter to travel over the same ground, with a heavy load on his back. “But that you may be satisfied I am proceeding in good faith,” he added, “I desire you will send some of your own people to Cuzco. I will give them a safe-conduct, and, when there, they can superintend the execution of the commission, and see with their own eyes that no hostile movements are intended.” It was a fair offer, and Pizarro, anxious to get more precise and authentic24 information of the state of the country, gladly availed himself of it. 2
2 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. pp. 203, 204. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
Before the departure of these emissaries, the general had despatched his brother Hernando with about twenty horse and a small body of infantry25 to the neighbouring town of Guamachucho, in order to reconnoitre the country, and ascertain26 if there was any truth in the report of an armed force having assembled there. Hernando found every thing quiet, and met with a kind reception from the natives. But before leaving the place, he received further orders from his brother to continue his march to Pachacamac, a town situated27 on the coast, at least a hundred leagues distant from Caxamalca. It was consecrated28 as the seat of the great temple of the deity29 of that name, whom the Peruvians worshipped as the Creator of the world. It is said that they found there altars raised to this god, on their first occupation of the country; and, such was the veneration30 in which he was held by the natives, that the Incas, instead of attempting to abolish his worship, deemed it more prudent31 to sanction it conjointly with that of their own deity, the Sun. Side by side, the two temples rose on the heights that overlooked the city of Pachacamac, and prospered32 in the offerings of their respective votaries33. “It was a cunning arrangement,” says an ancient writer, “by which the great enemy of man secured to himself a double harvest of souls.” 3
3 “El demonio Pachacama alegre con4 este concierto, afirman que mostraua en sus respuestas gran contento: pues con lo vno y lo otro era el seruido, y quedauan las animas de los simples malauenturados presas en su poder.” Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 72.]
But the temple of Pachacamac continued to maintain its ascendency; and the oracles34 delivered from its dark and mysterious shrine35, were held in no less repute among the natives of Tavantinsuyu, (or “the four quarters of the world,” as Peru under the Incas was called,) than the oracles of Delphi obtained among the Greeks. Pilgrimages were made to the hallowed spot from the most distant regions, and the city of Pachacamac became among the Peruvians what Mecca was among the Mahometans, or Cholula with the people of Anahuac. The shrine of the deity, enriched by the tributes of the pilgrims, gradually became one of the most opulent in the land, and Atahuallpa, anxious to collect his ransom as speedily as possible, urged Pizarro to send a detachment in that direction, to secure the treasures before they could be secreted36 by the priests of the temple.
It was a journey of considerable difficulty. Two thirds of the route lay along the table-land of the Cordilleras, intersected occasionally by crests37 of the mountain range, that imposed no slight impediment to their progress. Fortunately, much of the way, they had the benefit of the great road to Cuzco, and “nothing in Christendom,” exclaims Hernando Pizarro, “equals the magnificence of this road across the sierra.” 4 In some places, the rocky ridges38 were so precipitous, that steps were cut in them for the travellers; and though the sides were protected by heavy stone balustrades or parapets, it was with the greatest difficulty that the horses were enabled to scale them. The road was frequently crossed by streams, over which bridges of wood and sometimes of stone were thrown; though occasionally, along the declivities of the mountains, the waters swept down in such furious torrents39, that the only method of passing them was by the swinging bridges of osier, of which, till now, the Spaniards had had little experience. They were secured on either bank to heavy buttresses41 of stone. But as they were originally designed for nothing heavier than the foot-passenger and the llama, and, as they had something exceedingly fragile in their appearance, the Spaniards hesitated to venture on them with their horses. Experience, however, soon showed they were capable of bearing a much greater weight; and though the traveller, made giddy by the vibration42 of the long avenue, looked with a reeling brain into the torrent40 that was tumbling at the depth of a hundred feet or more below him, the whole of the cavalry43 effected their passage without an accident. At these bridges, it may be remarked, they found persons stationed whose business it was to collect toll44 for the government from all travellers. 5
4 “El camino de las sierras es cosa de ver, porque en verdad en tierra tan fragosa en la cristiandad no se han visto tan hermosos caminos, toda la mayor parte de calzada.” Carta, Ms.]
5 “Todos los arroyos45 tienen puentes de piedra o de madera: en un rio grande, que era muy caudaloso e muy grande, que pasamos dos veces, hallamos puentes de red, que es cosa maravillosa de ver; pasamos por ellas los caballos; tienen en cada pasaje dos puentes, la una por donde pasa la gente comun, la otra por donde pasa el senor de la tierra o sus capitanes: esta tienen siempre cerrada e indios que la guardan; estos indios cobran portazgo de los que pasan.” Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. — Also Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
The Spaniards were amazed by the number as well as magnitude of the flocks of llamas which they saw browsing46 on the stunted47 herbage that grows in the elevated regions of the Andes. Some times they were gathered in inclosures, but more usually were roaming at large under the conduct of their Indian shepherds; and the Conquerors now learned, for the first time, that these animals were tended with as much care, and their migrations48 as nicely regulated, as those of the vast flocks of merinos in their own country. 6
6 A comical blunder has been made by the printer, in M. Ter naux-Compans’s excellent translation of Xerez, in the account of this expedition. “On trouve sur toute la route beaucoup de porcs, de lamas.” (Relation de la Conquete du Perou, p. 157.) The substitution of porcs for parcs might well lead the reader into the error of supposing that swine existed in Peru before the Conquest.]
The table-land and its declivities were thickly sprinkled with hamlets and towns, some of them of considerable size; and the country in every direction bore the marks of a thrifty49 husbandry. Fields of Indian corn were to be seen in all its different stages, from the green and tender ear to the yellow ripeness of harvest time. As they descended50 into the valleys and deep ravines that divided the crests of the Cordilleras, they were surrounded by the vegetation of a warmer climate, which delighted the eye with the gay livery of a thousand bright colors, and intoxicated51 the senses with its perfumes. Everywhere the natural capacities of the soil were stimulated52 by a minute system of irrigation, which drew the fertilizing53 moisture from every stream and rivulet54 that rolled down the declivities of the Andes; while the terraced sides of the mountains were clothed with gardens and orchards55 that teemed56 with fruits of various latitudes57. The Spaniards could not sufficiently58 admire the industry with which the natives had availed themselves of the bounty59 of Nature, or had supplied the deficiency where she had dealt with a more parsimonious60 hand.
Whether from the commands of the Inca, or from the awe61 which their achievements had spread throughout the land, the Conquerors were received, in every place through which they passed, with hospitable62 kindness. Lodgings63 were provided for them, with ample refreshments64 from the well-stored magazines, distributed at intervals65 along the route. In many of the towns the inhabitants came out to welcome them with singing and dancing; and, when they resumed their march, a number of able-bodied porters were furnished to carry forward their baggage. 7
7 Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. — Estete, ap. Barcia, tom. III. pp. 206, 207. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.
Both the last-cited author and Miguel Estete, the royal veedor or inspector66, accompanied Hernando Pizarro on this expedition, and, of course, were eyewitnesses67, like himself, of what they relate. Estete’s narrative68 is incorporated by the secretary Xerez in his own.]
At length, after some weeks of travel, severe even with all these appliances, Hernando Pizarro arrived before the city of Pachacamac. It was a place of considerable population, and the edifices70 were, many of them, substantially built. The temple of the tutelar deity consisted of a vast stone building, or rather pile of buildings, which, clustering around a conical hill, had the air of a fortress71 rather than a religious establishment. But, though the walls were of stone, the roof was composed of a light thatch72, as usual in countries where rain seldom or never falls, and where defence, consequently, is wanted chiefly against the rays of the sun.
Presenting himself at the lower entrance of the temple, Hernando Pizarro was refused admittance by the guardians73 of the portal. But, exclaiming that “he had come too far to be stayed by the arm of an Indian priest,” he forced his way into the passage, and, followed by his men, wound up the gallery which led to an area on the summit of the mount, at one end of which stood a sort of chapel74. This was the sanctuary75 of the dread76 deity. The door was garnished77 with ornaments78 of crystal, and with turquoises79 and bits of coral. 8 Here again the Indians would have dissuaded80 Pizarro from violating the consecrated precincts, when, at that moment, the shock of an earthquake, that made the ancient walls tremble to their foundation, so alarmed the natives, both those of Pizarro’s own company and the people of the place, that they fled in dismay, nothing doubting that their incensed81 deity would bury the invaders82 under the ruins, or consume them with his lightnings. But no such terror found its way into the breast of the Conquerors, who felt that here, at least, they were fighting the good fight of the Faith.
8 “Esta puerta era muy tejida de diversas cosas de corales y turquesas y cristales y otras cosas.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms]
Tearing open the door, Pizarro and his party entered. But instead of a hall blazing, as they had fondly imagined, with gold and precious stones, offerings of the worshippers of Pachacamac, they found themselves in a small and obscure apartment, or rather den16, from the floor and sides of which steamed up the most offensive odors, — like those of a slaughter-house. It was the place of sacrifice. A few pieces of gold and some emeralds were discovered on the ground, and, as their eyes became accommodated to the darkness, they discerned in the most retired83 corner of the room the figure of the deity. It was an uncouth84 monster, made of wood, with the head resembling that of a man. This was the god, through whose lips Satan had breathed forth85 the far-famed oracles which had deluded86 his Indian votaries! 9
9 “Aquel era Pachacama, el cual les sanaba de sus enfermedades, y a lo que alli se entendio, el Demonio aparecia en aquella cueba a aquellos sacerdotes y hablaba con ellos, y estos entraban con las peticiones y ofrendas de los que venian en romeria, que es cierto que del todo el Senorio de Atabalica iban alli, como los Moros y Turcos van a la casa de Meca.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Also Estete, ap. Barcia, tom III. p. 209.]
Tearing the idol from its recess87, the indignant Spaniards dragged it into the open air, and there broke it into a hundred fragments. The place was then purified, and a large cross, made of stone and plaster, was erected88 on the spot. In a few years the walls of the temple were pulled down by the Spanish settlers, who found there a convenient quarry89 for their own edifices. But the cross still remained spreading its broad arms over the ruins. It stood where it was planted in the very heart of the stronghold of Heathendom; and, while all was in ruins around it, it proclaimed the permanent triumphs of the Faith.
The simple natives, finding that Heaven had no bolts in store for the Conquerors, and that their god had no power to prevent the profanation90 of his shrine, came in gradually and tendered their homage91 to the strangers, whom they now regarded with feelings of superstitious92 awe. Pizarro profited by this temper to wean them, if possible, from their idolatry; and though no preacher himself, as he tells us, he delivered a discourse93 as edifying94, doubtless, as could be expected from the mouth of a soldier; 10 and, in conclusion, he taught them the sign of the cross, as an inestimable talisman95 to secure them against the future machinations of the Devil. 11
10 “E a falta de predicador les nice mi sermon, diciendo el engano en que vivian.” Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms.]
11 Ibid., Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Estete, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 209.]
But the Spanish commander was not so absorbed in his spiritual labors96 as not to have an eye to those temporal concerns for which he came into this quarter. He now found, to his chagrin97, that he had come somewhat too late; and that the priests of Pachacamac, being advised of his mission, had secured much the greater part of the gold, and decamped with it before his arrival. A quantity was afterwards discovered buried in the grounds adjoining. 12 Still the amount obtained was considerable, falling little short of eighty thousand castellanos, a sum which once would have been deemed a compensation for greater fatigues98 than they had encountered. But the Spaniards had become familiar with gold; and their imaginations, kindled99 by the romantic adventures in which they had of late been engaged, indulged in visions which all the gold of Peru would scarcely have realized.
12 “Y andando los tiepos el capitan Rodrigo Orgonez, y Francisco de Godoy, y otros sacaron gra summa de oro y plata de los enterramientos. Y aun se presume y tiene por cierto, que ay mucho mas: pero como no se sabe donde esta enterrado, se pierde.” Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 72.]
One prize, however, Hernando obtained by his expedition, which went far to console him for the loss of his treasure. While at Pachacamac, he learned that the Indian commander Challcuchima lay with a large force in the neighbourhood of Xauxa, a town of some strength at a considerable distance among the mountains. This man, who was nearly related to Atahuallpa, was his most experienced general, and together with Quizquiz, now at Cuzco, had achieved those victories at the south which placed the Inca on the throne. From his birth, his talents, and his large experience, he was accounted second to no subject in the kingdom. Pizarro was aware of the importance of securing his person. Finding that the Indian noble declined to meet him on his return, he determined100 to march at once on Xauxa and take the chief in his own quarters. Such a scheme, considering the enormous disparity of numbers, might seem desperate even for Spaniards. But success had given them such confidence, that they hardly condescended101 to calculate chances.
The road across the mountains presented greater difficulties than those on the former march. To add to the troubles of the cavalry, the shoes of their horses were worn out, and their hoofs102 suffered severely103 on the rough and stony104 ground. There was no iron at hand, nothing but gold and silver. In the present emergency they turned even these to account; and Pizarro caused the horses of the whole troop to be shod with silver. The work was done by the Indian smiths, and it answered so well, that in this precious material they found a substitute for iron during the remainder of the march. 13
13 “Hicieron hacer herrage de herraduras e clavos para sus Caballos de Plata, los cuales hicieron los cien Indios fundidores muy buenos e cuantos quisieron de ellos, con el cual herrage andubieron dos meses.” (Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 16.) The author of the Relacion del Primero Descubrimento, Ms., says they shod the horses with silver and copper105. And another of the Peruvian Conquerors assures us they used gold and silver. (Relatione d’un Capitano Spagnuolo, ap Ramusio, Navigationi et Viaggi, Venetia, 1565, tom. III. fol. 376.) All agree in the silver.]
Xauxa was a large and populous106 place; though we shall hardly credit the assertion of the Conquerors, that a hundred thousand persons assembled habitually108 in the great square of the city. 14 The Peruvian commander was encamped, it was said, with an army of five-and-thirty thousand men at only a few miles’ distance from the town With some difficulty he was persuaded to an interview with Pizarro. The latter addressed him courteously109, and urged his return with him to the Castilian quarters in Caxamalca, representing it as the command of the Inca. Ever since the capture of his master, Challcuchima had remained uncertain what course to take. The capture of the Inca in this sudden and mysterious manner by a race of beings who seemed to have dropped from the clouds, and that too in the very hour of his triumph, had entirely110 bewildered the Peruvian chief. He had concerted no plan for the rescue of Atahuallpa, nor, indeed, did he know whether any such movement would be acceptable to him. He now acquiesced111 in his commands, and was willing, at all events, to have a personal interview with his sovereign. Pizarro gained his end without being obliged to strike a single blow to effect it. The barbarian112, when brought into contact with the white man, would seem to have been rebuked114 by his superior genius, in the same manner as the wild animal of the forest is said to quail115 before the steady glance of the hunter.
14 “Era mucha la Gente de aquel Pueblo116, i de sus Comarcas, que al parecer de los Espanoles, se juntaban cada Dia en la Placa Principal cien mil Personas.” Estete, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 230.]
Challcuchima came attended by a numerous retinue117. He was borne in his sedan on the shoulders of his vassals118; and, as he accompanied the Spaniards on their return through the country, received everywhere from the inhabitants the homage paid only to the favorite of a monarch119. Yet all this pomp vanished on his entering the presence of the Inca, whom he approached with his feet bare, while a light burden, which he had taken from one of the attendants, was laid on his back. As he drew near, the old warrior120, raising his hands to heaven, exclaimed, — “Would that I had been here! — this would not then have happened”; then, kneeling down, he kissed the hands and feet of his royal master, and bathed them with his tears. Atahuallpa, on his part, betrayed not the least emotion, and showed no other sign of satisfaction at the presence of his favorite counsellor, than by simply bidding him welcome. The cold demeanour of the monarch contrasted strangely with the loyal sensibility of the subject. 15
15 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
“The like of it,” exclaims Estete. “was never before seen since the Indies were discovered.” Ibid., p. 231.]
The rank of the Inca placed him at an immeasurable distance above the proudest of his vassals; and the Spaniards had repeated occasion to admire the ascendency which, even in his present fallen fortunes, he maintained over his people, and the awe with which they approached him. Pedro Pizarro records an interview, at which he was present, between Atahuallpa and one of his great nobles, who had obtained leave to visit some remote part of the country on condition of returning by a certain day. He was detained somewhat beyond the appointed time, and, on entering the presence with a small propitiatory121 gift for his sovereign, his knees shook so violently, that it seemed, says the chronicler, as if he would have fallen to the ground. His master, however, received him kindly122, and dismissed him without a word of rebuke113. 16
16 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. Conq., Ms.]
Atahuallpa in his confinement continued to receive the same respectful treatment from the Spaniards as hitherto. They taught him to play with dice123, and the more intricate game of chess, in which the royal captive became expert, and loved to be guile124 with it the tedious hours of his imprisonment125. Towards his own people he maintained as far as possible his wonted state and ceremonial. He was attended by his wives and the girls of his harem, who, as was customary, waited on him at table and discharged the other menial offices about his person. A body of Indian nobles were stationed in the antechamber, but never entered the presence unbidden; and when they did enter it, they submitted to the same humiliating ceremonies imposed on the greatest of his subjects. The service of his table was gold and silver plate. His dress, which he often changed, was composed of the wool of the vicuna wrought126 into mantles127, so fine that it had the appearance of silk. He sometimes exchanged these for a robe made of the skins of bats, as soft and sleek128 as velvet129. Round his head he wore the llautu, a woollen turban or shawl of the most delicate texture130, wreathed in folds of various bright colors; and he still continued to encircle his temples with the borla, the crimson131 threads of which, mingled132 with gold, descended so as partly to conceal133 his eyes The image of royalty134 had charms for him, when its substance had departed. No garment or utensil135 that had once belonged to the Peruvian sovereign could ever be used by another. When he laid it aside, it was carefully deposited in a chest, kept for the purpose, and afterwards burned. It would have been sacrilege to apply to vulgar uses that which had been consecrated by the touch of the Inca. 17
17 This account of the personal habits of Atahuallpa is taken from Pedro Pizarro, who saw him often in his confinement. As his curious narrative is little known, I have extracted the original in Appendix, No. 9.]
Not long after the arrival of the party from Pachacamac, in the latter part of May, the three emissaries returned from Cuzco. They had been very successful in their mission. Owing to the Inca’s order, and the awe which the white men now inspired throughout the country, the Spaniards had everywhere met with a kind reception. They had been carried on the shoulders of the natives in the hamacas, or sedans, of the country; and, as they had travelled all the way to the capital on the great imperial road, along which relays of Indian carriers were established at stated intervals, they performed this journey of more than six hundred miles, not only without inconvenience, but with the most luxurious136 ease. They passed through many populous towns, and always found the simple natives disposed to venerate137 them as beings of a superior nature. In Cuzco they were received with public festivities, were sumptuously138 lodged139, and had every want anticipated by the obsequious140 devotion of the inhabitants.
Their accounts of the capital confirmed all that Pizarro had before heard of the wealth and population of the city. Though they had remained more than a week in this place, the emissaries had not seen the whole of it. The great temple of the Sun they found literally141 covered with plates of gold. They had entered the interior and beheld142 the royal mummies, seated each in his gold-embossed chair, and in robes profusely143 covered with ornaments. The Spaniards had the grace to respect these, as they had been previously144 enjoined145 by the Inca; but they required that the plates which garnished the walls should be all removed. The Peruvians most reluctantly acquiesced in the commands of their sovereign to desecrate146 the national temple, which every inhabitant of the city regarded with peculiar147 pride and veneration. With less reluctance148 they assisted the Conquerors in stripping the ornaments from some of the other edifices, where the gold, however, being mixed with a large proportion of alloy149, was of much less value. 18
18 Rel. d’un Capitano Spagn., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 375. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 2, cap. 12, 13.]
The number of plates they tore from the temple of the Sun was seven hundred; and though of no great thickness, probably, they are compared in size to the lid of a chest, ten or twelve inches wide. 19 A cornice of pure gold encircled the edifice69, but so strongly set in the stone, that it fortunately defied the efforts of the spoilers. The Spaniards complained of the want of alacrity150 shown by the Indians in the work of destruction, and said that there were other parts of the city containing buildings rich in gold and silver which they had not been allowed to see. In truth, their mission, which, at best, was a most ungrateful one, had been rendered doubly annoying by the manner in which they had executed it. The emissaries were men of a very low stamp, and, puffed151 up by the honors conceded to them by the natives, they looked on themselves as entitled to these, and contemned152 the poor Indians as a race immeasurably beneath the European. They not only showed the most disgusting rapacity153, but treated the highest nobles with wanton insolence154. They even went so far, it is said, as to violate the privacy of the convents, and to outrage155 the religious sentiments of the Peruvians by their scandalous amours with the Virgins156 of the Sun. The people of Cuzco were so exasperated157, that they would have laid violent hands on them, but for their habitual107 reverence158 for the Inca, in whose name the Spaniards had come there. As it was, the Indians collected as much gold as was necessary to satisfy their unworthy visitors, and got rid of them as speedily as possible. 20 It was a great mistake in Pizarro to send such men. There were persons, even in his company, who, as other occasions showed, had some sense of self-respect, if not respect for the natives.
19 “I de las Chapas de oro, que esta Casa tenia, quitaron setecientas Planchas . . . . . a manera de Tablas de Caxas de a tres, i a quatro palmos de largo159.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 232.]
20 Herrera, Hist. General, ubi supra.]
The messengers brought with them, besides silver, full two hundred cargas or loads of gold. 21 This was an important accession to the contributions of Atahuallpa; and, although the treasure was still considerably160 below the mark prescribed, the monarch saw with satisfaction the time drawing nearer for the completion of his ransom.
21 So says Pizarro’s secretary. “I vinieron docientas cargas de Oro, i veinte i cinco de Plata.” (Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, ubi supra.) A load, he says, was brought by four Indians “Cargas de Paligueres, que las traen quatro Indios.” The meaning of paligueres — not a Spanish word — is doubtful. Ternaux–Compans supposes, ingeniously enough, that it may have something of the same meaning with palanquin, to which it bears some resemblance]
Not long before this, an event had occurred which changed the condition of the Spaniards, and had an unfavorable influence on the fortunes of the Inca. This was the arrival of Almagro at Caxamalca, with a strong reinforcement. That chief had succeeded, after great efforts, in equipping three vessels162, and assembling a body of one hundred and fifty men, with which he sailed from Panama, the latter part of the preceding year. On his voyage, he was joined by a small additional force from Nicaragua, so that his whole strength amounted to one hundred and fifty foot and fifty horse, well provided with the munitions163 of war. His vessels were steered164 by the old pilot Ruiz; but after making the Bay of St. Matthew, he crept slowly along the coast, baffled as usual by winds and currents, and experiencing all the hardships incident to that protracted165 navigation. From some cause or other, he was not so fortunate as to obtain tidings of Pizarro; and so disheartened were his followers166, most of whom were raw adventurers, that, when arrived at Puerto Viejo, they proposed to abandon the expedition, and return at once to Panama. Fortunately, one of the little squadron which Almagro had sent forward to Tumbez brought intelligence of Pizarro and of the colony he had planted at San Miguel. Cheered by the tidings, the cavalier resumed his voyage, and succeeded, at length, towards the close of December, 1532, in bringing his whole party safe to the Spanish settlement.
He there received the account of Pizarro’s march across the mountains, his seizure167 of the Inca, and, soon afterwards, of the enormous ransom offered for his liberation. Almagro and his companions listened with undisguised amazement168 to this account of his associate, and of a change in his fortunes so rapid and wonderful that it seemed little less than magic. At the same time, he received a caution from some of the colonists169 not to trust himself in the power of Pizarro, who was known to bear him no goodwill170.
Not long after Almagro’s arrival at San Miguel, advices were sent of it to Caxamalca, and a private note from his secretary Perez informed Pizarro that his associate had come with no purpose of cooperating with him, but with the intention to establish an independent government. Both of the Spanish captains seem to have been surrounded by mean and turbulent spirits, who sought to embroil171 them with each other, trusting, doubtless, to find their own account in the rupture172. For once, however, their malicious173 machinations failed.
Pizarro was overjoyed at the arrival of so considerable a reinforcement, which would enable him to push his fortunes as he had desired, and go forward with the conquest of the country. He laid little stress on the secretary’s communication, since, whatever might have been Almagro’s original purpose, Pizarro knew that the richness of the vein161 he had now opened in the land would be certain to secure his cooperation in working it. He had the magnanimity, therefore, — for there is something magnanimous in being able to stifle174 the suggestions of a petty rivalry175 in obedience176 to sound policy, — to send at once to his ancient comrade, and invite him, with many assurances of friendship, to Caxamalca. Almagro, who was of a frank and careless nature, received the communication in the spirit in which it was made, and, after some necessary delay, directed his march into the interior. But before leaving San Miguel, having become acquainted with the treacherous177 conduct of his secretary, he recompensed his treason by hanging him on the spot. 22
22 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. pp. 204, 205. — Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms — Relacion del Primer. Descub. Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 1.]
Almagro reached Caxamalca about the middle of February, 1533. The soldiers of Pizarro came out to welcome their countrymen, and the two captains embraced each other with every mark of cordial satisfaction. All past differences were buried in oblivion, and they seemed only prepared to aid one another in following up the brilliant career now opened to them in the conquest of an empire.
There was one person in Caxamalca on whom this arrival of the Spaniards produced a very different impression from that made on their own countrymen. This was the Inca Atahuallpa. He saw in the new-comers only a new swarm178 of locusts179 to devour180 his unhappy country; and he felt, that, with his enemies thus multiplying around him, the chances were diminished of recovering his freedom, or of maintaining it, if recovered. A little circumstance, insignificant181 in itself, but magnified by superstition182 into something formidable, occurred at this time to cast an additional gloom over his situation.
A remarkable183 appearance, somewhat of the nature of a meteor, or it may have been a comet, was seen in the heavens by some soldiers and pointed out to Atahuallpa. He gazed on it with fixed184 attention for some minutes, and then exclaimed, with a dejected air, that “a similar sign had been seen in the skies a short time before the death of his father Huayna Capac.” 23 From this day a sadness seemed to take possession of him, as he looked with doubt and undefined dread to the future. — Thus it is, that, in seasons of danger, the mind, like the senses, becomes morbidly185 acute in its perceptions; and the least departure from the regular course of nature, that would have passed unheeded in ordinary times, to the superstitious eye seems pregnant with meaning, as in some way or other connected with the destiny of the individual.
23 Rel. d’un Capitano Spagn., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 377 — Ciez de Leon, Cronica, cap. 65.]
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tardiness
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| n.缓慢；迟延；拖拉 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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dilatorily
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| adv.慢吞吞地，迟缓地 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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18
miser
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| n.守财奴，吝啬鬼 (adj.miserly) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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21
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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27
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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29
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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34
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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36
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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38
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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buttresses
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| n.扶壁，扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑，加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42
vibration
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| n.颤动，振动；摆动 | |
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43
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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44
toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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45
arroyos
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| n.（美洲沙漠中的）旱谷，干涸沟壑( arroyo的名词复数 )；干谷 | |
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46
browsing
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| v.吃草( browse的现在分词 )；随意翻阅；（在商店里）随便看看；（在计算机上）浏览信息 | |
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47
stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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48
migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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49
thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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50
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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51
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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52
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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53
fertilizing
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| v.施肥( fertilize的现在分词 ) | |
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54
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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55
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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56
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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57
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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58
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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59
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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60
parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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61
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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62
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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63
lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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64
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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66
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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67
eyewitnesses
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| 目击者( eyewitness的名词复数 ) | |
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68
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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69
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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70
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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72
thatch
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| vt.用茅草覆盖…的顶部；n.茅草(屋) | |
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73
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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75
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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76
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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79
turquoises
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| n.绿松石( turquoise的名词复数 )；青绿色 | |
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dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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88
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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profanation
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| n.亵渎 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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talisman
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| n.避邪物，护身符 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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101
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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102
hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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103
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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104
stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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105
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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106
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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107
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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108
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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109
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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110
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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113
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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114
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
quail
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| n.鹌鹑；vi.畏惧，颤抖 | |
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116
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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117
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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118
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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119
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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120
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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121
propitiatory
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| adj.劝解的；抚慰的；谋求好感的；哄人息怒的 | |
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122
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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123
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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124
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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125
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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126
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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127
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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128
sleek
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| adj.光滑的，井然有序的；v.使光滑，梳拢 | |
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129
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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130
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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131
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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132
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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133
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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134
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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135
utensil
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| n.器皿，用具 | |
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136
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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137
venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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138
sumptuously
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| 奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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139
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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140
obsequious
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| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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141
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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142
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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143
profusely
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| ad.abundantly | |
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144
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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145
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
desecrate
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| v.供俗用，亵渎，污辱 | |
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147
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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148
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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149
alloy
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| n.合金，(金属的)成色 | |
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150
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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151
puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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152
contemned
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| v.侮辱，蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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154
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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155
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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156
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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157
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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158
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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159
largo
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| n.广板乐章；adj.缓慢的，宽广的；adv.缓慢地，宽广地 | |
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160
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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161
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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162
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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163
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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164
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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165
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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166
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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167
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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168
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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169
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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170
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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171
embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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172
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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173
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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174
stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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175
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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176
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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177
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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178
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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179
locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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180
devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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181
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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182
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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183
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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184
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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185
morbidly
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| adv.病态地 | |
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