Immense Amount Of Treasure. — Its Division Among The Troops — Rumors1 Of A Rising. — Trial Of The Inca. — His Execution — Reflections.
1533.
The arrival of Almagro produced a considerable change in Pizarro’s prospects3, since it enabled him to resume active operations, and push forward his conquests in the interior. The only obstacle in his way was the Inca’s ransom4, and the Spaniards had patiently waited, till the return of the emissaries from Cuzco swelled5 the treasure to a large amount, though still below the stipulated6 limit. But now their avarice7 got the better of their forbearance, and they called loudly for the immediate8 division of the gold. To wait longer would only be to invite the assault of their enemies, allured9 by a bait so attractive. While the treasure remained uncounted, no man knew its value, nor what was to be his own portion. It was better to distribute it at once, and let every one possess and defend his own. Several, moreover, were now disposed to return home, and take their share of the gold with them, where they could place it in safety But these were few, while much the larger part were only anxious to leave their present quarters, and march at once to Cuzco. More gold, they thought, awaited them in that capital, than they could get here by prolonging their stay; while every hour was precious, to prevent the inhabitants from secreting10 their treasures, of which design they had already given indication.
Pizarro was especially moved by the last consideration; and he felt, that, without the capital, he could not hope to become master of the empire. Without further delay, the division of the treasure was agreed upon.
Yet, before making this, it was necessary to reduce the whole to ingots of a uniform standard, for the spoil was composed of an infinite variety of articles, in which the gold was of very different degrees of purity. These articles consisted of goblets11, ewers12, salvers, vases of every shape and size, ornaments13 and utensils14 for the temples and the royal palaces, tiles and plates for the decoration of the public edifices15, curious imitations of different plants and animals. Among the plants, the most beautiful was the Indian corn, in which the golden ear was sheathed16 in its broad leaves of silver, from which hung a rich tassel17 of threads of the same precious metal. A fountain was also much admired, which sent up a sparkling jet of gold, while birds and animals of the same material played in the waters at its base. The delicacy18 of the workmanship of some of these, and the beauty and ingenuity19 of the design, attracted the admiration20 of better judges than the rude Conquerors21 of Peru. 1
1 Relatione de Pedro Sancho, ap. Ramusio, Viaggi, tom. III. fol. 399. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 233. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 7.
Oviedo saw at St. Domingo the articles which Ferdinand Pizarro was bearing to Castile; and he expatiates23 on several beautifully wrought25 vases, richly chased, of very fine gold, and measuring twelve inches in height and thirty round. Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 16.]
Before breaking up these specimens26 of Indian art, it was determined27 to send a quantity, which should be deducted28 from the royal fifth, to the Emperor. It would serve as a sample of the ingenuity of the natives, and would show him the value of his conquests. A number of the most beautiful articles was selected, to the amount of a hundred thousand ducats, and Hernando Pizarro was appointed to be the bearer of them to Spain. He was to obtain an audience of Charles, and, at the same time that he laid the treasures before him, he was to give an account of the proceedings30 of the Conquerors, and to seek a further augmentation of their powers and dignities.
No man in the army was better qualified32 for this mission, by his address and knowledge of affairs, than Hernando Pizarro; no one would be so likely to urge his suit with effect at the haughty33 Castilian court. But other reasons influenced the selection of him at the present juncture34.
His former jealousy35 of Almagro still rankled36 in his bosom37, and he had beheld38 that chief’s arrival at the camp with feelings of disgust, which he did not care to conceal39. He looked on him as coming to share the spoils of victory, and defraud40 his brother of his legitimate41 honors. Instead of exchanging the cordial greeting proffered42 by Almagro at their first interview, the arrogant43 cavalier held back in sullen44 silence. His brother Francis was greatly displeased45 at a conduct which threatened to renew their ancient feud46, and he induced Hernando to accompany him to Almagro’s quarters, and make some acknowledgment for his uncourteous behaviour. 2 But, notwithstanding this show of reconciliation47, the general thought the present a favorable opportunity to remove his brother from the scene of operations, where his factious48 spirit more than counterbalanced his eminent49 services. 3
2 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 2, cap. 3.]
3 According to Oviedo it was agreed that Hernando should have a share, much larger than he was entitled to, of the Inca’s ransom, in the hope that he would feel so rich as never to desire to return again to Peru. “Trabajaron de le embiar rico por quitarle de entre ellos, y porque yendo muy rico como fue no tubiese voluntad de tornar a aquellas partes.” Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8 cap. 16.]
The business of melting down the plate was intrusted to the Indian goldsmiths, who were thus required to undo50 the work of their own hands. They toiled51 day and night, but such was the quantity to be recast, that it consumed a full month. When the whole was reduced to bars of a uniform standard, they were nicely weighed, under the superintendence of the royal inspectors52. The total amount of the gold was found to be one million, three hundred and twenty-six thousand, five hundred and thirty-nine pesos de oro, which, allowing for the greater value of money in the sixteenth century, would be equivalent, probably, at the present time, to near three millions and a half of pounds sterling53, or somewhat less than fifteen millions and a half of dollars. 4 The quantity of silver was estimated at fifty-one thousand six hundred and ten marks. History affords no parallel of such a booty — and that, too, in the most convertible54 form, in ready money, as it were — having fallen to the lot of a little band of military adventurers, like the Conquerors of Peru. The great object of the Spanish expeditions in the New World was gold. It is remarkable55 that their success should have been so complete. Had they taken the track of the English, the French, or the Dutch, on the shores of the northern continent, how different would have been the result! It is equally worthy56 of remark, that the wealth thus suddenly acquired, by diverting them from the slow but surer and more permanent sources of national prosperity, has in the end glided57 from their grasp, and left them among the poorest of the nations of Christendom.
4 Acta de Reparticion del Rescate de Atahuallpa, Ms — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 232.
In reducing the sums mentioned in this work, I have availed myself — as I before did, in the History of the Conquest of Mexico — of the labors58 of Senor Clemencin, formerly59 Secretary of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid. This eminent scholar, in the sixth volume of the Memoirs60 of the Academy, prepared wholly by himself, has introduced an elaborate essay on the value of the currency in the reign62 of Ferdinand and Isabella. Although this period — the close of the fifteenth century — was somewhat earlier than that of the Conquest of Peru, yet his calculations are sufficiently63 near the truth for our purpose, since the Spanish currency had not as yet been much affected64 by that disturbing cause, — the influx65 of the precious metals from the New World.
In inquiries66 into the currency of a remote age, we may consider, in the first place, the specific value of the coin, — that is, the value which it derives67 from the weight, purity, &c., of the metal, circumstances easily determined. In the second place, we may inquire into the commercial or comparative worth of the money, — that is, the value founded on a comparison of the differences between the amount of commodities which the same sum would purchase formerly, and at the present time. The last inquiry68 is attended with great embarrassment69, from the difficulty of finding any one article which may be taken as the true standard of value. Wheat, from its general cultivation70 and use, has usually been selected by political economists71 as this standard; and Clemencin has adopted it in his calculations. Assuming wheat as the standard, he has endeavoured to ascertain72 the value of the principal coins in circulation, at the time of the “Catholic Kings.” He makes no mention in his treatise73 of the peso de oro, by which denomination74 the sums in the early part of the sixteenth century were more frequently expressed than by any other. But he ascertains75 both the specific and the commercial value of the castellano, which several of the old writers, as Oviedo, Herrera, and Xerez, concur76 in stating as precisely77 equivalent to the peso de oro. From the results of his calculations, it appears that the specific value of the castellano, as stated by him in reals, is equal to three dollars and seven cents of our own currency, while the commercial value is nearly four times as great, or eleven dollars sixty-seven cents, equal to two pounds twelve shillings and sixpence sterling. By adopting this as the approximate value of the peso de oro, in the early part of the sixteenth century, the reader may easily compute78 for himself the value, at that period, of the sums mentioned in these pages; most of which are expressed in that denomination.
I have been the more particular in this statement, since, in my former work, I confined myself to the commercial value of the money, which, being much greater than the specific value, founded on the quality and weight of the metal, was thought by an ingenious correspondent to give the reader an exaggerated estimate of the sums mentioned in the history. But it seems to me that it is only this comparative or commercial value with which the reader has any concern, indicating what amount of commodities any given sum represents, that he may thus know the real worth of that sum; — thus adopting the principle, though conversely stated, of the old Hudibrastic maxim79, —
“What is worth in anything,
But so much money as ‘t will bring.”
A new difficulty now arose in respect to the division of the treasure. Almagro’s followers80 claimed to be admitted to a share of it; which, as they equalled, and, indeed, somewhat exceeded in number Pizarro’s company, would reduce the gains of these last very materially. “We were not here, it is true,” said Almagro’s soldiers to their comrades, “at the seizure81 of the Inca, but we have taken our turn in mounting guard over him since his capture, have helped you to defend your treasures, and now give you the means of going forward and securing your conquests. It is a common cause,” they urged, “in which all are equally embarked82, and the gains should be shared equally between us.”
But this way of viewing the matter was not at all palatable83 to Pizarro’s company, who alleged84 that Atahuallpa’s contract had been made exclusively with them; that they had seized the Inca, had secured the ransom, had incurred86, in short, all the risk of the enterprise, and were not now disposed to share the fruits of it with every one who came after them. — There was much force, it could not be denied, in this reasoning, and it was finally settled between the leaders, that Almagro’s followers should resign their pretensions87 for a stipulated sum of no great amount, and look to the career now opened to them for carving88 out their fortunes for themselves.
This delicate affair being this harmoniously89 adjusted, Pizarro prepared, with all solemnity, for a division of the imperial spoil. The troops were called together in the great square, and the Spanish commander, “with the fear of God before his eyes,” says the record, “invoked the assistance of Heaven to do the work before him conscientiously90 and justly.” 5 The appeal may seem somewhat out of place at the distribution of spoil so unrighteously acquired; yet, in truth, considering the magnitude of the treasure, and the power assumed by Pizarro to distribute it according to the respective deserts of the individuals, there were few acts of his life involving a heavier responsibility. On his present decision might be said to hang the future fortunes of each one of his followers, — poverty or independence during the remainder of his days.
5 “Segun Dios Nuestro Senor a diere a entender teniendo su conciencia y para lo mejor hazer pedia el ayuda de Dios Nuestro Senor, e imboco el auxilio divino.” Acta de Reparticion del Rescate, Ms.]
The royal fifth was first deducted, including the remittance91 already sent to Spain. The share appropriated by Pizarro amounted to fifty-seven thousand two hundred and twenty-two pesos of gold, and two thousand three hundred and fifty marks of silver. He had besides this the great chair or throne of the Inca, of solid gold, and valued at twenty-five thousand pesos de oro. To his brother Hernando were paid thirty-one thousand and eighty pesos of gold, and two thousand three hundred and fifty marks of silver. De Soto received seventeen thousand seven hundred and forty pesos of gold, and seven hundred and twenty-four marks of silver Most of the remaining cavalry92, sixty in number, received each eight thousand eight hundred and eighty pesos of gold, and three hundred and sixty-two marks of silver, though some had more, and a few considerably93 less. The infantry94 mustered95 in all one hundred and five men. Almost one fifth of them were allowed, each, four thousand four hundred and forty pesos of gold, and one hundred and eighty marks of silver, half of the compensation of the troopers. The remainder received one fourth part less; though here again there were exceptions, and some were obliged to content themselves with a much smaller share of the spoil. 6
6 The particulars of the distribution are given in the Acta de Reparticion del Rescate, an instrument drawn96 up and signed by the royal notary97. The document, which as therefore of unquestionable authority, is among the Mss. selected for me from the collection of Munoz.]
The new church of San Francisco, the first Christian98 temple in Peru, was endowed with two thousand two hundred and twenty pesos of gold. The amount assigned to Almagro’s company was not excessive, if it was not more than twenty thousand pesos; 7 and that reserved for the colonists99 of San Miguel, which amounted only to fifteen thousand pesos, was unaccountably small. 8 There were among them certain soldiers, who at an early period of the expedition, as the reader may remember abandoned the march, and returned to San Miguel. These, certainly, had little claim to be remembered in the division of booty. But the greater part of the colony consisted of invalids100, men whose health had been broken by their previous hardships, but who still, with a stout101 and willing heart, did good service in their military post on the sea-coast. On what grounds they had forfeited103 their claims to a more ample remuneration, it is not easy to explain.
7 “Se diese a la gente que vino con2 el Capital Diego de Almagro para ayuda a pagar sus deudas y fletes y suplir algunas necesidades que traian veinte mil pesos.” (Acta de Reparticion del Rescate, Ms.) Herrera says that 100,000 pesos were paid to Almagro’s men. (Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 2, cap. 3.) But it is not so set down in the instrument.]
8 “En treinta personas que quedaron en la ciudad de san Miguel de Piura dolientes y otros que no vinieron ni se hallaron en la prision de Atagualpa y toma del oro porque algunos son pobres y otros tienen necesidad senalaba 15,000 ps de oro para los repartir S. Senoria entre las dichas personas.” Ibid., Ms.]
Nothing is said, in the partition, of Almagro himself, who, by the terms of the original contract, might claim an equal share of the spoil with his associate. As little notice is taken of Luque, the remaining partner. Luque himself, was, indeed, no longer to be benefited by worldly treasure. He had died a short time before Almagro’s departure from Panama; 9 too soon to learn the full success of the enterprise, which, but for his exertions104, must have failed; too soon to become acquainted with the achievements and the crimes of Pizarro. But the Licentiate Espinosa, whom he represented, and who, it appears, had advanced the funds for the expedition, was still living at St. Domingo, and Luque’s pretensions were explicitly105 transferred to him. Yet it is unsafe to pronounce, at this distance of time, on the authority of mere106 negative testimony107; and it must be admitted to form a strong presumption108 in favor of Pizarro’s general equity109 in the distribution, that no complaint of it has reached us from any of the parties present, nor from contemporary chroniclers. 10
9 Montesinos, Annales, Ms. ano 1533.]
10 The “Spanish Captain,” several times cited, who tells us he was one of the men appointed to guard the treasure, does indeed complain that a large quantity of gold vases and other articles remained undivided, a palpable injustice110, he thinks, to the honest Conquerors, who had earned all by their hardships. (Rel. d’un Capitano Spagn., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 378, 379.) The writer, throughout his Relation, shows a full measure of the coarse and covetous111 spirit which marked the adventurers of Peru.]
The division of the ransom being completed by the Spaniards, there seemed to be no further obstacle to their resuming active operations, and commencing the march to Cuzco. But what was to be done with Atahuallpa? In the determination of this question, whatever was expedient112 was just. 11 To liberate113 him would be to set at large the very man who might prove their most dangerous enemy; one whose birth and royal station would rally round him the whole nation, place all the machinery114 of government at his control, and all its resources, — one, in short, whose bare word might concentrate all the energies of his people against the Spaniards, and thus delay for a long period, if not wholly defeat, the conquest of the country. Yet to hold him in captivity115 was attended with scarcely less difficulty; since to guard so important a prize would require such a division of their force as must greatly cripple its strength, and how could they expect, by any vigilance, to secure their prisoner against rescue in the perilous116 passes of the mountains?
11 ‘Y esto tenia por justo, pues era provechoso.” It is the sentiment imputed117 to Pizarro by Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib 3, cap. 4.]
The Inca himself now loudly demanded his freedom. The proposed amount of the ransom had, indeed, not been fully24 paid. It may be doubted whether it ever would have been, considering the embarrassments119 thrown in the way by the guardians120 of the temples, who seemed disposed to secrete121 the treasures, rather than despoil122 these sacred depositories to satisfy the cupidity123 of the strangers. It was unlucky, too, for the Indian monarch124, that much of the gold, and that of the best quality, consisted of flat plates or tiles, which, however valuable, lay in a compact form that did little towards swelling125 the heap. But an immense amount had been already realized, and it would have been a still greater one, the Inca might allege85, but for the impatience126 of the Spaniards. At all events, it was a magnificent ransom, such as was never paid by prince or potentate127 before.
These considerations Atahuallpa urged on several of the cavaliers, and especially on Hernando de Soto, who was on terms of more familiarity with him than Pizarro. De Soto reported Atahuallpa’s demands to his leader; but the latter evaded128 a direct reply. He did not disclose the dark purposes over which his mind was brooding. 12 Not long afterward129 he caused the notary to prepare an instrument, in which he fully acquitted131 the Inca of further obligation in respect to the ransom. This he commanded to be publicly proclaimed in the camp, while at the same time he openly declared that the safety of the Spaniards required, that the Inca should be detained in confinement132 until they were strengthened by additional reinforcements. 13
12 “I como no ahondaban los designios que tenia le replicaban; pero el respondia, que iba mirando en ello.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 4.]
13 “Fatta quella fusione, il Governatore fece vn atto innanzi al notaro nel quale liberaua il Cacique Atabalipa et l’absolueua della promessa et parola che haueua oata a gli Spagnuoli che lo presero della casa d’oro c’haueua lor cocessa, il quale fece publicar publicamete a suon di trombe nella piazza133 di quella citta di Caxamalca.” (Pedro Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 399.) The authority is unimpeachable134, — for any fact, at least, that makes against the Conquerors, — since the Relatione was by one of Pizarro’s own secretaries, and was authorized135 under the hands of the general and his great officers.]
Meanwhile the old rumors of a meditated136 attack by the natives began to be current among the soldiers. They were repeated from one to another, gaining something by every repetition. An immense army, it was reported, was mustering137 at Quito, the land of Atahuallpa’s birth, and thirty thousand Caribs were on their way to support it. 14 The Caribs were distributed by the early Spaniards rather indiscriminately over the different parts of America, being invested with peculiar138 horrors as a race of cannibals.
14 “De la Gente Natural de Quito vienen docientos mil Hombres de Guerra, i treinta mil Caribes, que comen Carne Humana.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 233. — See also Pedro Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, ubi supra.]
It was not easy to trace the origin of these rumors. There was in the camp a considerable number of Indians, who belonged to the party of Huascar, and who were, of course, hostile to Atahuallpa. But his worst enemy was Felipillo, the interpreter from Tumbez, already mentioned in these pages. This youth had conceived a passion, or, as some say, had been detected in an intrigue139 with, one of the royal concubines. 15 The circumstance had reached the ears of Atahuallpa, who felt himself deeply outraged141 by it. “That such an insult should have been offered by so base a person was an indignity,” he said, “more difficult to bear than his imprisonment142”; 16 and he told Pizarro, “that, by the Peruvian law, it could be expiated143, not by the criminal’s own death alone, but by that of his whole family and kindred.” 17 But Felipillo was too important to the Spaniards to be dealt with so summarily; nor did they probably attach such consequence to an offence which, if report be true, they had countenanced145 by their own example. 18 Felipillo, however, soon learned the state of the Inca’s feelings towards himself, and from that moment he regarded him with deadly hatred146. Unfortunately, his malignant147 temper found ready means for its indulgence.
15 “Pues estando asi atravesose in demonio de una lengua que se dezia ffelipillo uno de los muchachos que el marquez avia llevado a Espana que al presente hera lengua y andava enamorado de una muger de Atabalipa.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
The amour and the malice148 of Felipillo, which, Quintana seems to think, rest chiefly on Garcilasso’s authority, (see Espanoles Celebres, tom. II. p. 210, nota,) are stated very explicitly by Zarate, Naharro, Gomara, Balboa, all contemporaneous, though not, like Pedro Pizarro, personally present in the army.]
16 “Diciendo que sentia mas aquel desacato, que su prision.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 7.]
17 Ibid., loc. cit.]
18 “E le habian tomado sus mugeres e repartidolas en su presencia e usaban de ellas de sus adulterios.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 22.]
The rumors of a rising among the natives pointed29 to Atahuallpa as the author of it. Challcuchima was examined on the subject, but avowed149 his entire ignorance of any such design, which he pronounced a malicious151 slander152. Pizarro next laid the matter before the Inca himself, repeating to him the stories in circulation, with the air of one who believed them. “What treason is this,” said the general, “that you have meditated against me, — me, who have ever treated you with honor, confiding153 in your words, as in those of a brother?” “You jest,” replied the Inca, who, perhaps, did not feel the weight of this confidence; “you are always jesting with me. How could I or my people think of conspiring154 against men so valiant155 as the Spaniards? Do not jest with me thus, I beseech156 you.” 19 “This,” continues Pizarro’s secretary, “he said in the most composed and natural manner, smiling all the while to dissemble his falsehood, so that we were all amazed to find such cunning in a barbarian157.” 20
19 “Burlaste conmigo? siempre me hablas cosas de burlas? Que parte somos Yo, i toda mi Gente, para enojar a tan valientes Hombres como vosotros? No me digas esas burlas.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 234.]
20 “De que los Espanoles que se las han oido, estan espantados de ver en vn Hombre Barbaro tanta prudencia.” Ibid., loc. cit.]
But it was not with cunning, but with the consciousness of innocence158, as the event afterwards proved, that Atahuallpa thus spoke159 to Pizarro. He readily discerned, however, the causes, perhaps the consequences, of the accusation160. He saw a dark gulf161 opening beneath his feet; and he was surrounded by strangers, on none of whom he could lean for counsel or protection. The life of the captive monarch is usually short; and Atahuallpa might have learned the truth of this, when he thought of Huascar Bitterly did he now lament162 the absence of Hernando Pizarro, for, strange as it may seem, the haughty spirit of this cavalier had been touched by the condition of the royal prisoner, and he had treated him with a deference163 which won for him the peculiar regard and confidence of the Indian. Yet the latter lost no time in endeavouring to efface164 the general’s suspicions, and to establish his own innocence. “Am I not,” said he to Pizarro, “a poor captive in your hands? How could I harbour the designs you impute118 to me, when I should be the first victim of the outbreak? And you little know my people, if you think that such a movement would be made without my orders; when the very birds in my dominions165,” said he, with somewhat of an hyper bole, “would scarcely venture to fly contrary to my will.” 21
21 “Pues si Yo no lo quiero, ni las Aves bolaran en mi Tierra.’ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2 cap. 7.]
But these protestations of innocence had little effect on the troops; among whom the story of a general rising of the natives continued to gain credit every hour. A large force, it was said, was already gathered at Guamachucho, not a hundred miles from the camp, and their assault might be hourly expected. The treasure which the Spaniards had acquired afforded a tempting167 prize, and their own alarm was increased by the apprehension168 of losing it. The patroles were doubled. The horses were kept saddled and bridled169. The soldiers slept on their arms; Pizarro went the rounds regularly to see that every sentinel was on his post. The little army, in short, was in a state of preparation for instant attack.
Men suffering from fear are not likely to be too scrupulous170 as to the means of removing the cause of it. Murmurs171, mingled172 with gloomy menaces, were now heard against the Inca, the author of these machinations. Many began to demand his life as necessary to the safety of the army. Among these, the most vehement173 were Almagro and his followers. They had not witnessed the seizure of Atahuallpa. They had no sympathy with him in his fallen state. They regarded him only as an incumbrance, and their desire now was to push their fortunes in the country, since they had got so little of the gold of Caxamalca. They were supported by Riquelme, the treasurer174, and by the rest of the royal officers. These men had been left at San Miguel by Pizarro, who did not care to have such officia spies on his movements. But they had come to the camp with Almagro, and they loudly demanded the Inca’s death, as indispensable to the tranquillity175 of the country, and the interests of the Crown. 22
22 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 100.
These cavaliers were all present in the camp.]
To these dark suggestions Pizarro turned — or seemed to turn — an unwilling176 ear, showing visible reluctance177 to proceed to extreme measures with his prisoner. 23 There were some few, and among others Hernando de Soto, who supported him in these views, and who regarded such measures as not at all justified178 by the evidence of Atahuallpa’s guilt179. In this state of things, the Spanish commander determined to send a small detachment to Guamachucho, to reconnoitre the country and ascertain what ground there was for the rumors of an insurrection. De Soto was placed at the head of the expedition, which, as the distance was not great, would occupy but a few days.
23 “Aunque contra voluntad del dicho Gobernador, que nunca estubo bien en ello.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — So also Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap Ramusio, ubi supra.]
After that cavalier’s departure, the agitation180 among the soldiers, instead of diminishing, increased to such a degree, that Pizarro, unable to resist their importunities, consented to bring Atahuallpa to instant trial. It was but decent, and certainly safer, to have the forms of a trial. A court was organized, over which the two captains, Pizarro and Almagro, were to preside as judges. An attorney-general was named to prosecute181 for the Crown, and counsel was assigned to the prisoner.
The charges preferred against the Inca, drawn up in the form of interrogatories, were twelve in number. The most important were, that he had usurped182 the crown and assassinated183 his brother Huascar; that he had squandered184 the public revenues since the conquest of the country by the Spaniards, and lavished186 them on his kindred and his minions166, that he was guilty of idolatry, and of adulterous practices, indulging openly in a plurality of wives; finally, that he had attempted to excite an insurrection against the Spaniards. 24
24 The specification187 of the charges against the Inca is given by Garcilasso de la Vega. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 37.) One could have wished to find them specified188 by some of the actors in the tragedy. But Garcilasso had access to the best sources of information, and where there was no motive189 for falsehood, as in the present instance, his word may probably be taken. — The fact of a process being formally instituted against the Indian monarch is explicitly recognized by several contemporary writers, by Gomara, Oviedo, and Pedro Sancho. Oviedo characterizes it as “a badly contrived190 and worse written document, devised by a factious and unprincipled priest, a clumsy notary without conscience, and others of the like stamp, who were all concerned in this villany.” (Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 22.) Most authorities agree in the two principal charges, — the assassination191 of Huascar, and the conspiracy192 against the Spaniards.
These charges, most of which had reference to national usages, or to the personal relations of the Inca, over which the Spanish conquerors had clearly no jurisdiction193, are so absurd, that they might well provoke a smile, did they not excite a deeper feeling. The last of the charges was the only one of moment in such a trial; and the weakness of this may be inferred from the care taken to bolster194 it up with the others. The mere specification of the articles must have been sufficient to show that the doom195 of the Inca was already sealed.
A number of Indian witnesses were examined, and their testimony, filtrated through the interpretation196 of Felipillo, received, it is said, when necessary, a very different coloring from that of the original. The examination was soon ended, and “a warm discussion,” as we are assured by one of Pizarro’s own secretaries, “took place in respect to the probable good or evil that would result from the death of Atahuallpa.” 25 It was a question of expediency197 He was found guilty, — whether of all the crime alleged we are not informed, — and he was sentenced to be burnt alive in the great square of Caxamalca. The sentence was to be carried into execution that very night. They were not even to wait for the return of De Soto, when the information he would bring would go far to establish the truth or the falsehood of the reports respecting the insurrection of the natives. It was desirable to obtain the countenance144 of Father Valverde to these proceedings, and a copy of the judgment198 was submitted to the friar for his signature, which he gave without hesitation199, declaring, that, “in his opinion, the Inca, at all events, deserved death.” 26
25 “Doppo l’essersi molto disputato, et ragionato del danno et vtile che saria potuto auuenire per il viuere o morire di Atabalipa, fu risoluto che si facesse giustitia di lui.” (Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 400.) It is the language of a writer who may be taken as the mouthpiece of Pizarro himself. According to him, the conclave200, which agitated201 this “question of expediency,” consisted of the “officers of the Crown and those of the army, a certain doctor learned in the law, that chanced to be with them, and the reverend Father Vicente de Valverde.”]
26 “Respondio, que firmaria, que era bastante, para que el Inga fuese condenado a muerte, porque aun en lo exterior202 quisieron justificar su intento.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 4]
Yet there were some few in that martial203 conclave who resisted these high-handed measures. They considered them as a poor requital204 of all the favors bestowed205 on them by the Inca, who hitherto had received at their hands nothing but wrong. They objected to the evidence as wholly insufficient206; and they denied the authority of such a tribunal to sit in judgment on a sovereign prince in the heart of his own dominions. If he were to be tried, he should be sent to Spain, and his cause brought before the Emperor, who alone had power to determine it.
But the great majority — and they were ten to one — overruled these objections, by declaring there was no doubt of Atahuallpa’s guilt, and they were willing to assume the responsibility of his punishment. A full account of the proceedings would be sent to Castile, and the Emperor should be informed who were the loyal servants of the Crown, and who were its enemies. The dispute ran so high, that for a time it menaced an open and violent rupture207; till, at length, convinced that resistance was fruivless, the weaker party, silenced, but not satisfied, contented208 themselves with entering a written protest against these proceedings, which would leave an indelible stain on the names of all concerned in them. 27
27 Garcilasso has preserved the names of some of those who so courageously209, though ineffectually, resisted the popular cry for the Inca s blood. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 37.) They were doubtless correct in denying the right of such a tribunal to sit in judgment on an independent prince, like the Inca of Peru; but not so correct in supposing that their master, the Emperor, had a better right. Vattel (Book II. ch. 4.) especially animadverts on this pretended trial of Atahuallpa, as a manifest outrage140 on the law of nations.]
When the sentence was communicated to the Inca, he was greatly overcome by it. He had, indeed, for some time, looked to such an issue as probable, and had been heard to intimate as much to those about him. But the probability of such an event is very different from its certainty, — and that, too, so sudden and speedy. For a moment, the overwhelming conviction of it unmanned him, and he exclaimed, with tears in his eyes, — “What ave I done, or my children, that I should meet such fate? And from your hands, too,” said he, addressing Pizarro; “you, who have met with friendship and kindness from my people, with whom I have shared my treasures, who have received nothing but benefits from my hands!” In the most piteous tones, he then implored210 that his life might be spared, promising211 any guaranty that might be required for the safety of every Spaniard in the army, — promising double the ransom he had already paid, if time were only given him to obtain it. 28
28 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 4. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 7.]
An eyewitness212 assures us that Pizarro was visibly affected, as he turned away from the Inca, to whose appeal he had no power to listen, in opposition213 to the voice of the army, and to his own sense of what was due to the security of the country. 29 Atahuallpa, finding he had no power to turn his Conqueror22 from his purpose, recovered his habitual214 self-possession, and from that moment submitted himself to his fate with the courage of an Indian warrior215.
29 “I myself,” says Pedro Pizarro, “saw the general weep.” “Yo vide llorar al marques de pesar por no podelle dar la vida porque cierto temio los requirimientos y e rriezgo que avia en la tierra si se soltava.” Descub. y Conq., Ms]
The doom of the Inca was proclaimed by sound of trumqet in the great square of Caxamalca; and, two hours after sunset, the Spanish soldiery assembled by torch-light in the plaza216 to witness the execution of the sentence. It was on the twenty-ninth of August, 1533. Atahuallpa was led out chained hand and foot, — for he had been kept in irons ever since the great excitement had prevailed in the army respecting an assault. Father Vicente de Valverde was at his side, striving to administer consolation217, and, if possible, to persuade him at this last hour to abjure218 his superstition219 and embrace the religion of his Conquerors. He was willing to save the soul of his victim from the terrible expiation220 in the next world, to which he had so cheerfully consigned221 his mortal part in this.
During Atahuallpa’s confinement, the friar had repeatedly expounded222 to him the Christian doctrines223, and the Indian monarch discovered much acuteness in apprehending224 the discourse225 of his teacher. But it had not carried conviction to his mind, and though he listened with patience, he had shown no disposition226 to renounce227 the faith of his fathers. The Dominican made a last appeal to him in this solemn hour; and, when Atahuallpa was bound to the stake, with the fagots that were to kindle228 his funeral pile lying around him, Valverde, holding up the cross, besought229 him to embrace it and be baptized, promising that, by so doing, the painful death to which he had been sentenced should be commuted230 for the milder form of the garrote, — a mode of punishment by strangulation, used for criminals in Spain. 30
30 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 234. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 400.
The garrote is a mode of execution by means of a noose231 drawn round the criminal’s neck, to the back part of which a stick is attached. By twisting this stick, the noose is tightened232 and suffocation233 is produced. This was the mode, probably, of Atahuallpa execution. In Spain, instead of the cord, an iron collar is substituted, which, by means of a screw is compressed round the throat of the sufferer.]
The unhappy monarch asked if this were really so, and, on its being confirmed by Pizarro, he consented to abjure his own religion, and receive baptism. The ceremony was performed by Father Valverde, and the new convert received the name of Juan de Atahuallpa, — the name of Juan being conferred in honor of John the Baptist, on whose day the event took place. 31
31 Velasco, Hist. de Quito, tom. I. p. 372.]
Atahuallpa expressed a desire that his remains234 might be transported to Quito, the place of his birth, to be preserved with those of his maternal235 ancestors. Then turning to Pizarro, as a last request, he implored him to take compassion236 on his young children, and receive them under his protection. Was there no other one in that dark company who stood grimly around him, to whom he could look for the protection of his offspring? Perhaps he thought there was no other so competent to afford it, and that the wishes so solemnly expressed in that hour might meet with respect even from his Conqueror. Then, recovering his stoical bearing, which for a moment had been shaken, he submitted himself calmly to his fate, — while the Spaniards, gathering237 around, muttered their credos for the salvation238 of his soul! 32 Thus by the death of a vile239 malefactor240 perished the last of the Incas!
32 “Ma quando se lo vidde appressare per douer esser morto, disse che raccomandaua al Gouernatore i suoi piccioli figliuoli che volesse tenersegli appresso, & con queste valme parole, & dicendo per l’anima sua li Soagnuoli che erano all intorno il Credo, fu subito affogato.” Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 399. Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 234. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 7.]
The death of Atahuallpa has many points of resemblance with that of Caupolican, the great Araucanian chief, as described in the historical epic241 of Ercilla. Both embraced the religion of their conquerors at the stake, though Caupolican was so far less fortunate than the Peruvian monarch, that his conversion242 did not save him from the tortures of a most agonizing243 death. He was impaled244 and shot with arrows. The spirited verses reflect so faithfully the character of these early adventurers, in which the fanaticism245 of the Crusader was mingled with the cruelty of the conqueror, and they are so germane246 to the present subject, that I would willingly quote the passage were it not too long. See La Araucana, Parte 2, canto247 24.
I have already spoken of the person and the qualities of Atahuallpa. He had a handsome countenance, though with an expression somewhat too fierce to be pleasing. His frame was muscular and well-proportioned; his air commanding; and his deportment in the Spanish quarters had a degree of refinement248, the more interesting that it was touched with melancholy249. He is accused of having been cruel in his wars, and bloody250 in his revenge. 33 It may be true, but the pencil of an enemy would be likely to overcharge the shadows of the portrait. He is allowed to have been bold, high-minded, and liberal. 34 All agree that he showed singular penetration251 and quickness of perception. His exploits as a warrior had placed his valor252 beyond dispute. The best homage253 to it is the reluctance shown by the Spaniards to restore him to freedom. They dreaded254 him as an enemy, and they had done him too many wrongs to think that he could be their friend. Yet his conduct towards them from the first had been most friendly; and they repaid it with imprisonment, robbery, and death.
33 “Thus he paid the penalty of his errors and cruelties,” says Xerez, “for he was the greatest butcher, as all agree, that the world ever saw; making nothing of razing255 a whole town to the ground for the most trifling256 offence, and massacring a thousand persons for the fault of one!” (Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 234.) Xerez was the private secretary of Pizarro. Sancho, who, on the departure of Xerez for Spain, succeeded him in the same office, pays a more decent tribute to the memory of the Inca, who, he trusts, “is received into glory, since he died penitent257 for his sins, and in the true faith of a Christian.” Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 399.]
34 “El hera muy regalado, y muy Senor,” says Pedro Pizarro. (Descub. y Conq., Ms.) “Mui dispuesto, sabio, animoso, franco,” says Gomara. (Hist. de las Ind., cap. 118.)]
The body of the Inca remained on the place of execution through the night. The following morning it was removed to the church of San Francisco, where his funeral obsequies were performed with great solemnity. Pizarro and the principal cavaliers went into mourning, and the troops listened with devout258 attention to the service of the dead from the lips of Father Valverde. 35 The ceremony was interrupted by the sound of loud cries and wailing259, as of many voices at the doors of the church. These were suddenly thrown open, and a number of Indian women, the wives and sisters of the deceased, rushing up the great aisle260, surrounded the corpse261. This was not the way, they cried, to celebrate the funeral rites262 of an Inca; and they declared their intention to sacrifice themselves on his tomb, and bear him company to the land of spirits. The audience, outraged by this frantic263 behaviour, told the intruders that Atahuallpa had died in the faith of a Christian, and that the God of the Christians264 abhorred265 such sacrifices. They then caused the women to be excluded from the church, and several, retiring to their own quarters, laid violent hands on themselves, in the vain hope of accompanying their beloved lord to the bright mansions266 of the Sun. 36
35 The secretary Sancho seems to think that the Peruvians must have regarded these funeral honors as an ample compensation to Atahuallpa for any wrongs he may have sustained, since they at once raised him to a level with the Spaniards! Ibid., loc. cit.]
36 Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.
See Appendix, No. 10, where I have cited in the original several of the contemporary notices of Atahuallpa’s execution, which being in manuscript are not very accessible, even to Spaniards.]
Atahuallpa’s remains, notwithstanding his request, were laid in the cemetery267 of San Francisco. 37 But from thence, as is reported, after the Spaniards left Caxamalca, they were secretly removed, and carried, as he had desired, to Quito. The colonists of a later time supposed that some treasures might have been buried with the body. But, on excavating268 the ground, neither treasure nor remains were to be discovered. 38
37 “Oi dicen los indios que esta su sepulcro junto269 a una Cruz de Piedra Blanca que esta en el Cementerio del Convento de Sn Francisco.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1533.]
38 Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 22.
According to Stevenson, “In the chapel270 belonging to the common gaol271, which was formerly part of the palace, the altar stands on the stone on which Atahuallpa was placed by the Spaniards and strangled, and under which he was buried.” (Residence in South America, vol. II. p. 163.) Montesinos, who wrote more than a century after the Conquest, tells us that “spots of blood were still visible on a broad flagstone, in the prison of Caxamalca, on which Atahuallpa was beheaded.” (Annales, Ms., ano 1533.) — Ignorance and credulity could scarcely go farther.]
A day or two after these tragic272 events, Hernando de Soto returned from his excursion. Great was his astonishment273 and indignation at learning what had been done in his absence. He sought out Pizarro at once, and found him, says the chronicler, “with a great felt hat, by way of mourning, slouched over his eyes,” and in his dress and demeanour exhibiting all the show of sorrow. 39 “You have acted rashly,” said De Soto to him bluntly; “Atahuallpa has been basely slandered274. There was no enemy as Guamachucho; no rising among the natives. I have met with nothing on the road but demonstrations275 of good-will, and all is quiet. If it was necessary to bring the Inca to trial, he should have been taken to Castile and judged by the Emperor. I would have pledged myself to see him safe on board the vessel276.” 40 Pizarro confessed that he had been precipitate277, and said that he had been deceived by Riquelme, Valverde, and the others. These charges soon reached the ears of the treasurer and the Dominican, who, in their turn, exculpated278 themselves, and upbraided280 Pizarro to his face, as the only one responsible for the deed. The dispute ran high; and the parties were heard by the by-standers to give one another the lie! 41 This vulgar squabble among the leaders, so soon after the event, is the best commentary on the iniquity281 of their own proceedings and the innocence of the Inca.
39 “Hallaronle monstrando mucho centimiento con un gran sombrero de fieltro puesto en la cabeza por luto e muy calado sobre los ojos.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 22.]
40 Ibid., Ms., ubi supra. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — See Appendix, no. 10.]
41 This remarkable account is given by Oviedo, not in the body of his narrative282, but in one of those supplementary283 chapters, which he makes the vehicle of the most miscellaneous, yet oftentimes important gossip, respecting the great transactions of his history. As he knew familiarly the leaders in these transactions, the testimony which he collected, somewhat at random284, is of high authority. The reader will find Oviedo’s account of the Inca’s death extracted, in the original, among the other notices of this catastrophe285 in Appendix, No. 10]
The treatment of Atahuallpa, from first to last, forms undoubtedly286 one of the darkest chapters in Spanish colonial history. There may have been massacres287 perpetrated on a more extended scale, and executions accompanied with a greater refinement of cruelty. But the blood-stained annals of the Conquest afford no such example of cold-hearted and systematic289 persecution290, not of an enemy, but of one whose whole deportment had been that of a friend and a benefactor291.
From the hour that Pizarro and his followers had entered within the sphere of Atahuallpa’s influence, the hand of friendship had been extended to them by the natives. Their first act, on crossing the mountains, was to kidnap the monarch and massacre288 his people. The seizure of his person might be vindicated292, by those who considered the end as justifying293 the means, on the ground that it was indispensable to secure the triumphs of the Cross. But no such apology can be urged for the massacre of the unarmed and helpless population, — as wanton as it was wicked.
The long confinement of the Inca had been used by the Conquerors to wring294 from him his treasures with the hard gripe of avarice. During the whole of this dismal295 period, he had conducted himself with singular generosity296 and good faith. He had opened a free passage to the Spaniards through every part of his empire; and had furnished every facility for the execution of their plans. When these were accomplished297, and he remained an encumbrance298 on their hands, notwithstanding their engagement, expressed or implied, to release him, — and Pizarro, as we have seen, by a formal act acquitted his captive of any further obligation on the score of the ransom, — he was arraigned299 before a mock tribunal, and, under pretences300 equally false and frivolous301, was condemned302 to an excruciating death. From first to last, the policy of the Spanish conquerors towards their unhappy victim is stamped with barbarity and fraud.
It is not easy to acquit130 Pizarro of being in a great degree responsible for this policy. His partisans303 have labored304 to show, that it was forced on him by the necessity of the case, and that in the death of the Inca, especially, he yielded reluctantly to the importunities of others. 42 But weak as is this apology, the historian who has the means of comparing the various testimony of the period will come to a different conclusion. To him it will appear, that Pizarro had probably long felt the removal of Atahuallpa as essential to the success of his enterprise. He foresaw the odium that would be incurred by the death of his royal captive without sufficient grounds; while he labored to establish these, he still shrunk from the responsibility of the deed, and preferred to perpetrate it in obedience305 to the suggestions of others, rather than his own. Like many an unprincipled politician, he wished to reap the benefit of a bad act, and let others take the blame of it.
42 “Contra su voluntad sentencio a muerte a Atabalipa.” (Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.) “Contra voluntad del dicho Gobernador.” (Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.) “Ancora che molto li dispiacesse di venir a questo atto.” (Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 399.) Even Oviedo seems willing to admit it possible that Pizarro may have been somewhat deceived by others. “Que tambien se puede creer que era enganado.” Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 22.]
Almagro and his followers are reported by Pizarro’s secretaries to have first insisted on the Inca’s death. They were loudly supported by the treasurer and the royal officers, who considered it as indispensable to the interests of the Crown; and, finally, the rumors of a conspiracy raised the same cry among the soldiers, and Pizarro, with all his tenderness for his prisoner, could not refuse to bring him to trial. — The form of a trial was necessary to give an appearance of fairness to the proceedings. That it was only form is evident from the indecent haste with which it was conducted, — the examination of evidence, the sentence, and the execution, being all on the same day. The multiplication306 of the charges, designed to place the guilt of the accused on the strongest ground, had, from their very number, the opposite effect, proving only the determination to convict him. If Pizarro had felt the reluctance to his conviction which he pretended, why did he send De Soto, Atahuallpa’s best friend, away, when the inquiry was to be instituted? Why was the sentence so summarily executed, as not to afford opportunity, by that cavalier’s return, of disproving the truth of the principal charge, — the only one, in fact, with which the Spaniards had any concern? The solemn farce307 of mourning and deep sorrow affected by Pizarro, who by these honors to the dead would intimate the sincere regard he had entertained for the living, was too thin a veil to impose on the most credulous308.
It is not intended by these reflections to exculpate279 the rest of the army, and especially its officers, from their share in the infamy309 of the transaction. But Pizarro, as commander of the army, was mainly responsible for its measures. For he was not a man to allow his own authority to be wrested310 from his grasp, or to yield timidly to the impulses of others. He did not even yield to his own. His whole career shows him, whether for good or for evil, to have acted with a cool and calculating policy. A story has been often repeated, which refers the motives311 of Pizarro’s conduct, in some degree at least, to personal resentment312. The Inca had requested one of the Spanish soldiers to write the name of God on his nail. This the monarch showed to several of his guards successively, and, as they read it, and each pronounced the same word, the sagacious mind of the barbarian was delighted with what seemed to him little short of a miracle, — to which the science of his own nation afforded no analogy. On showing the writing to Pizarro, that chief remained silent; and the Inca, finding he could not read, conceived a contempt for the commander who was even less informed than his soldiers. This he did not wholly conceal, and Pizarro, aware of the cause of it, neither forgot nor forgave it. 43 The anecdote313 is reported not on the highest authority. It may be true; but it is unnecessary to look for the motives of Pizarro’s conduct in personal pique314, when so many proofs are to be discerned of a dark and deliberate policy.
43 The story is to be found in Garcilasso de la Vega, (Com. Real., Parte 2, cap. 38,) and in no other writer of the period, so far as I am aware.]
Yet the arts of the Spanish chieftain failed to reconcile his countrymen to the atrocity315 of his proceedings. It is singular to observe the difference between the tone assumed by the first chroniclers of the transaction, while it was yet fresh, and that of those who wrote when the lapse316 of a few years had shown the tendency of public opinion. The first boldly avow150 the deed as demanded by expediency, if not necessity; while they deal in no measured terms of reproach with the character of their unfortunate victim. 44 The latter, on the other hand, while they extenuate317 the errors of the Inca, and do justice to his good faith, are unreserved in their condemnation318 of the Conquerors, on whose conduct, they say, Heaven set the seal of its own reprobation319, by bringing them all to an untimely and miserable320 end. 45 The sentence of contemporaries has been fully ratified321 by that of posterity322; 46 and the persecution of Atahuallpa is regarded with justice as having left a stain, never to be effaced323, on the Spanish arms in the New World.
44 I have already noticed the lavish185 epithets324 heaped by Xerez on the Inca’s cruelty. This account was printed in Spain, in 1534, the year after the execution. “The proud tyrant,” says the other secretary, Sancho, “would have repaid the kindness and good treatment he had received from the governor and every one of us with the same coin with which he usually paid his own followers, without any fault on their part, — by putting them to death.” (Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 399.) “He deserved to die,” says the old Spanish Conqueror before quoted, “and all the country was rejoiced that he was put out of the way.” Rel. d’un Capitano Spagn., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 377.]
45 “Las demostraciones que despues se vieron bien manifiestan lo mui injusta que fue, . . . . puesto que todos quantos entendieron en ella tuvieron despues mui desastradas muertes.” (Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.) Gomara uses nearly the same language. “No ai que reprehender a los que le mataron, pues el tiempo, i sus pecados los castigaron despues; ca todos ellos acabaron mal.” (Hist. de las Ind., cap. 118.) According to the former writer, Felipillo paid the forfeit102 of his crimes sometime afterwards, — being hanged by Almagro on the expedition to Chili325, — when, as “some say, he confessed having perverted326 testimony given in favor of Atahuallpa’s innocence, directly against that monarch.” Oviedo, usually ready enough to excuse the excesses of his countrymen, is unqualified in his condemnation of this whole proceeding31, (see Appendix, No. 10,) which, says another contemporary, “fills every one with pity who has a spark of humanity in his bosom.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
46 The most eminent example of this is given by Quintana in his memoir61 of Pizarro, (Espanoles Celebres, tom. II.,) throughout which the writer, rising above the mists of national prejudice, which too often blind the eyes of his countrymen, holds the scale of historic criticism with an impartial327 hand, and deals a full measure of reprobation to the actors in these dismal scenes.]
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rumors
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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prospects
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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stipulated
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avarice
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immediate
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allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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secreting
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goblets
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ewers
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ornaments
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utensils
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edifices
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sheathed
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tassel
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| n.流苏，穗；v.抽穗， （玉米）长穗须 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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19
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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20
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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21
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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23
expatiates
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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24
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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25
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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26
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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27
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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28
deducted
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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30
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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31
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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32
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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33
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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34
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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35
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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36
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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38
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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39
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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40
defraud
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| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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41
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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42
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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44
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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45
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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46
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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47
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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48
factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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49
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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50
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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51
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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52
inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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53
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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54
convertible
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| adj.可改变的，可交换，同意义的；n.有活动摺篷的汽车 | |
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55
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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56
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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57
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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58
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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59
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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60
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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61
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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62
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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63
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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64
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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65
influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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66
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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67
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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68
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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69
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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70
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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71
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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72
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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73
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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74
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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75
ascertains
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的第三人称单数 ) | |
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76
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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77
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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78
compute
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| v./n.计算，估计 | |
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79
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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80
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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81
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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82
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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83
palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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84
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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85
allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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86
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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87
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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88
carving
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| n.雕刻品，雕花 | |
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89
harmoniously
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| 和谐地，调和地 | |
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90
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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91
remittance
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| n.汇款，寄款，汇兑 | |
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92
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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93
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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94
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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95
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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96
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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97
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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98
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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99
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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100
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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102
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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103
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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105
explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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106
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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107
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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108
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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109
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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110
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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111
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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112
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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113
liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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114
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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115
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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116
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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117
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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119
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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120
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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121
secrete
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| vt.分泌；隐匿，使隐秘 | |
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122
despoil
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| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
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123
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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124
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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125
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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126
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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127
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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128
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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129
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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130
acquit
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| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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131
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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132
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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133
piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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134
unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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135
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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136
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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137
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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138
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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139
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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140
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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141
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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142
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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143
expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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145
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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146
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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147
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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148
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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149
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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150
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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151
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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152
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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153
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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154
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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155
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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156
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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157
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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158
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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159
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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160
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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161
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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162
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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163
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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164
efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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165
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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166
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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167
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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168
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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169
bridled
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| 给…套龙头( bridle的过去式和过去分词 )； 控制； 昂首表示轻蔑（或怨忿等）； 动怒，生气 | |
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170
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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171
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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172
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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173
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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174
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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175
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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176
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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177
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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178
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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179
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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180
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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181
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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182
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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183
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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184
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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186
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
specification
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| n.详述；[常pl.]规格，说明书，规范 | |
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188
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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189
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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190
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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191
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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192
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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193
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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194
bolster
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| n.枕垫；v.支持，鼓励 | |
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195
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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196
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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197
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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198
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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199
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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200
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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201
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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202
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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203
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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204
requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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205
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
insufficient
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|
| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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207
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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208
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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209
courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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210
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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212
eyewitness
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| n.目击者，见证人 | |
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213
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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214
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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215
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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216
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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217
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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218
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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219
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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220
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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221
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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222
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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224
apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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225
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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226
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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227
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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228
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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229
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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230
commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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231
noose
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| n.绳套，绞索（刑）；v.用套索捉；使落入圈套；处以绞刑 | |
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232
tightened
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| 收紧( tighten的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）变紧； （使）绷紧； 加紧 | |
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233
suffocation
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| n.窒息 | |
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234
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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235
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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236
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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237
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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238
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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239
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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240
malefactor
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| n.罪犯 | |
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241
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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242
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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243
agonizing
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| adj.痛苦难忍的；使人苦恼的v.使极度痛苦；折磨(agonize的ing形式) | |
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244
impaled
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| 钉在尖桩上( impale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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245
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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246
germane
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| adj.关系密切的，恰当的 | |
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247
canto
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| n.长篇诗的章 | |
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248
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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249
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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250
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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251
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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252
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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253
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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254
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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255
razing
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的现在分词 ) | |
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256
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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257
penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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258
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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259
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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260
aisle
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| n.（教堂、教室、戏院等里的）过道，通道 | |
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261
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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262
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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263
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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264
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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265
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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266
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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267
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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268
excavating
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| v.挖掘( excavate的现在分词 )；开凿；挖出；发掘 | |
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269
junto
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| n.秘密结社；私党 | |
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270
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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271
gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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272
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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273
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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274
slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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275
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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276
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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277
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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278
exculpated
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| v.开脱，使无罪( exculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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279
exculpate
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| v.开脱，使无罪 | |
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280
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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281
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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282
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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283
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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284
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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285
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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286
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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287
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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288
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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289
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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290
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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291
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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292
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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293
justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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294
wring
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| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
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295
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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296
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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297
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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298
encumbrance
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| n.妨碍物，累赘 | |
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299
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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300
pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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301
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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302
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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303
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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304
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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305
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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306
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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307
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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308
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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309
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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310
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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311
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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312
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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313
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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314
pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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315
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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316
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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317
extenuate
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| v.减轻，使人原谅 | |
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318
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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319
reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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320
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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321
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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322
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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323
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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324
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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325
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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326
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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327
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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